Showing posts sorted by relevance for query Himachal. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query Himachal. Sort by date Show all posts

Friday, June 28, 2013

A Poverty Of Self-Knowledge: What Uttarakhand Reveals?

By Pratap Bhanu Mehta (Guest Writer)

Disaster exposes ways in which our social self-knowledge has not kept pace. Whatever one's views on the myth that moving the Dhari Devi idol unleashed nature's fury on Kedarnath, the story is a perfect metaphor for the faultlines the tragedy in Uttarakhand exposes. According to one version of the myth, the idol is in two parts, the head located at Dhari Devi and the base at Kalimath. For the devout, the important thing is that the head and the base need to be aligned on a particular axis, with the head and feet matching directionally. 

Tuesday, February 10, 2009

Two Tier Series 2 - Love’s Labour Lost

The queen of hills is being ruined by her own allure — too many visitors, not enough infrastructure, says Kajol Singh

Shimla owes a lot to her beauty. The British, with their taste for the regal, dubbed her ‘The Queen of Hills’ — quite a compliment from a people who made hills and hill stations an obsession. The sobriquet has stuck, although for present day Shimla, it seems more and more divorced from reality. Once a queen, always a queen; as Richard II protested, the sheen of royalty cannot be washed away even by all the water in the rough rude sea. It can be tarnished though, and if the sea seems far away from Shimla’s Himalayan heights, rough, rude building poses a more potent threat to its claims of regality.

Many of its glories are, however, eternal and imperishable: the mountains are as majestic as ever, holding court before the plains, which bow like servants to hold the Shimla ridge aloft. Wreathed in impenetrable forests, stroked by waves of crystal air, alternately shrouded in mist or dappled by the cloud-shadows racing beneath the sun, the area is naturally edenic.

That, of course, is the only explanation for the Raj’s fantastic decision to turn Simla (as it was called) into a capital for the government of a fifth of the world’s people. The effort expended on this endeavour beggars belief: the dynamite blasts, the years of sweat and metal falling onto flinty rock, the tonnes of steel shipped and laid in serpentine coils round the unruly hills all the way from Kalka, the rock-laden mules on the road from Chandigarh. Truly, beauty inspires great work.

Modern-day Shimla is reaping the benefits of this labour. Even more than the bucolic pleasures, the built heritage they spawned is what draws the punters, now at close to 2 million a year. A kind of Himalayan hilltop Jerusalem, it is a place where an extraordinary history lies about, literally, in piles. Visitors and residents alike revel in it. Shopkeepers tack yellowing photos of yesteryear on their office walls. One owner of a well-established Mall Road store sported quotes by Macaulay and Curzon: “I am a proud Indian sir, this is my heritage”.

The Shimla Municipal Corporation has got the message better than most, its slogan prominently displayed all over the city: “Our built heritage is our identity, let’s preserve it.” Identity, yes, though they might as honestly have called it their goldmine. For Shimla’s heritage is not just a pleasure, it is the goose that lays its golden egg. Resident historian Raaja Bhasin puts it starkly: “There is an awareness that heritage is the economic motor for the town. These are its assets.”

This awareness and the need for preservation are everywhere apparent. Signs all over town threaten fines for spitting and littering. Driving and even smoking are banned on the centrepiece Mall, one of many declared heritage zones. Architectural treasures like Gorton Castle have been lovingly (and expensively) restored, in recognition of their role as tourist honey pots as well as administrative centres. The Gaiety Theatre is currently getting the same treatment.

At the Indian Institute of Advanced Studies, the preservation of history is almost a fetish. Heaps of freshly-cut stone testify to the ongoing care, while inside, the paraphernalia of study and learning have been arranged to intrude as little as possible on the scene for some of India’s finest historical dramas. Even the grass looks — amazingly — original; an attendant says that this is so, and Bhasin corroborates it: “I wouldn’t be surprised. I know that the peonies date back 100 years.”

This deference to the past pervades the city’s attitudes, which are not those of an economic tiger. Yes, the market is thriving here. Yes, it has driven change. Rentals on the Mall have skyrocketed as long-established businesses have given themselves over to franchises. Wrangler, Adidas, Café Coffee Day, Newport: they’re all here.

But no one wants a rupture with history and, given the enormous number of wealthy tourists and residents, the continued prevalence of family enterprises is the real surprise. “Our business has been in the family for six generations, so we wanted to hold onto it”, says Gautam Jain, owner of a convenience store called Gaindamull Hemraj, a name that clearly reflects its antique origin. “Yes, we could make more money leasing it out, but we prefer to keep it going.”

BUT SUCH attitudes are prey to powerful forces. Population growth and economic development are no respecters of heritage, and over-development is making Shimla’s delights harder to enjoy as more and more people from surrounding areas aspire to share them. Almost everyone laments the pace and carelessness of construction here. “Nothing has been planned”, says another Mall shopkeeper, “Every Indian town is spreading, but here it is haphazard.”

The nondescript flats and hotels cascading down the city’s ridges like landslides substantiate his claim. In neighbouring Sanjuli, flats have been erected in such density that locals joke dead men must be removed before rigor mortis sets in, or they will stay forever. Hideous and worsening traffic compounds the sense of destructive construction.

A town made for 40,000 people using mules and horses is trying to deal with over a million people in buses and cars. The arithmetic just cannot work. Quite simply, “there has been no significant addition to the town’s infrastructure since the 1920s”, says Bhasin, adding, “Shimla was never meant to be a city.”

Today, Shimla is not only a city, but the capital of the state of Himachal Pradesh. Result? Civic amenities are stretched tight as a drum, with all that entails. “We have seen a decline in the quality of life. It seems absurd that so many people continue to want to spend large sums to come and live here,” says Bhasin. A lifelong resident, he says is open to the idea of relocation for the first time.

It is hard to blame him. The attributes that crowned Shimla a queen were its beauty, climate and peacefulness. As it expands, it is in danger of ruining all three by dilution. She would not be the first beauty to perish by her own allure.

Thursday, December 11, 2008

Troubled Telengana

By Rajinder Puri

The demand for Telengana state is perhaps the oldest protest movement in India. Political opportunism and lack of vision have prolonged the agony of the Telengana people .

A few months ago union cabinet minister Chandrashekhar Rao quit the UPA alliance on the issue of creating Telengana state. A few days ago Devender Goud, number two to Chandrababu Naidu in TDP, and Peddi Reddy split their party on the Telengana issue. Telengana is Andhra’s perennial dispute. The demand for Telengana state is perhaps the oldest protest movement in India. Political opportunism and lack of vision have prolonged the agony of the Telengana people.

In 1947 Telengana was the princely Hyderabad state. The Nizam of Hyderabad wanted independence. Sardar Patel forcibly prevented that. Telugu speaking people were spread in 22 districts. Nine were in Hyderabad, twelve in the Madras Presidency. In 1953 all Telegu districts of Madras were separated to form a new Andhra state. It was the first Indian state formed on a purely linguistic basis. Later Andhra was merged with the Telugu speaking area of Hyderabad to become present day Andhra Pradesh.

However, common language is not the only criterion for identity. From its birth Andhra Pradesh was harassed by the demand of a separate Telengana state. The shared history of Telengana people united them culturally. Pandit Nehru appointed the States Reorganization Commission (SRC) to create linguistic states. It was against merging Telengana with Andhra. The 1955 SRC report said: “We have come to the conclusion that it will be in the interests of Andhra as well as Telangana area to constitute a separate state, which may be known as the Hyderabad state…”

The central government ignored the SRC recommendation. It established unified Andhra Pradesh in 1956. The government reassured the Telangana people that their concerns would be met. Telengana people continued to complain. After 52 years the complaints persist, the assurances continue. How and why did this happen?

Telengana leaders were opportunists. From the days of Chenna Reddy, an army of leaders rose to power on the support of the Telengana movement. After assuming office each leader merged with Congress to betray Telengana. National leaders were shortsighted. Language cannot be the sole criterion for statehood. If it were, Goa would be part of Maharashtra. UP, Bihar, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Haryana would be one state.

Andhra politicians resist creating Telengana state because they oppose shrinking Andhra. Their fear is understandable. It could be removed if all large states were divided into smaller states. Such demands with varying intensity exist in almost all of them. Maharashtra can be divided in four, UP in 4 more after Uttarakhand. Regional parties do not want to reduce their turf. But why should they? Why cannot a Telegu party hold power in three states as well as it does in one?

Small states mean faster progress. Haryana and Himachal proved that. Cultural identity and administrative convenience should be the criteria for carving new states out of even one linguistic group. It should be done systematically. It can be done with minimum discord if new states are within the boundaries of the large state to be divided. Parliament should appoint a second commission to reorganize states. Creating new states ad hoc by responding to violent protest after hundreds are killed is a stupid way to introduce change.

Monday, May 20, 2013

THE MYTH OF THE 'GREAT INDIAN MIDDLE CLASS'

By Kajol Singh / New Delhi

As political parties get battle ready for the 2014 general elections, the great Indian middle class is again in the spotlight. Every political party wants the biggest pie of this vote bank, whose tilt can decide who will form the next government at the Centre.

India’s middle class will hit 250 million or 20 per cent of the country’s population in 2015, according to McKinsey and Company. But, what is the middle class? How has it evolved into such a driving force?

Saturday, May 18, 2013

WILL THE BJP FIND SOLUTION FOR ITS 'TROUBLES'?

By Sanjay Singh & Arvind Rai / Goa

‘Go Goa 365 days on a holiday’ — the punch line for India’s hottest tourist destination says. The BJP leadership, however, will move to the scenic sea front of this coastal state on 8-9 June to do some serious business — brainstorm a winning formula for the next parliamentary elections.

Tuesday, June 09, 2015

Langza Village In Spiti Valley – Life Above 14,000 Feet!

How is it to live in a village at the base of a 20,000 feet high mountain forever covered in snow? How does one endure winter temperatures that can go down to -20C or lower? What is like to be in the company of yaks in summer and snow-leopards in winter? What does it take to survive in such a place for centuries, when modern facilities did not exist? INNLIVE visited Langza for explore answers.

Sunday, July 31, 2016

Adivasis: Cheated Of The Constitution

By MOHAN GURUSWAMY | INNLIVE

Tribal people who account for 8.2% of India’s population can be broadly classified into three groupings. The first grouping consists of populations who predate the Indo-Aryan migrations. These are termed by many anthropologists as the Austro-Asiatic-speaking Australoid people. The Central Indian Adivasis belong to this grouping. 

Wednesday, November 20, 2013

Focus: Do Shrinking Crowds Point To Modi Fatigue In MP?

By Sufia Rafat | Bhopal

The novelty has worn off Narendra Modi’s shows in Madhya Pradesh, but he continues to stay afloat on media hype and pungent anti-Congress rhetoric. There are signs that the returns from sorties to the state are diminishing for the BJP’s top crowd-puller. 

Modi, who drew a crowd of several lakh people in an unprecedented show of the party at the Jamboree ground just six weeks ago, was forced to address a much smaller crowd at a much smaller ground on Monday.

Wednesday, April 10, 2013

Mangoes: The King Of Fruits Ripened With Carbide

The mango season is back and so is the fear of calcium carbide. Calcium carbide, simply referred to as carbide, is widely used for quick ripening of fruits, specially mangoes, and health experts warn that once absorbed into the body, the chemical can over a period of time cause neural problems by affecting oxygen supply to the brain.

Carbide is known to be a carcinogenic (cancer inducing) substance. With markets awaiting the mango rush, and given the public concern about the harmful effects of carbide, officials of marketing department are keen to dissuade wholesale fruit trader against the use of this chemical.

“We are expecting a government order soon, which recommends punitive measures for the trader as well as marketing officials in case of noncompliance with the government ban on calcium carbide,” a marketing department official informed INN.

He added that the government is planning to constitute committees headed by the joint collector in every district and assisted by marketing officials, food inspectors and sanitation officials. “These committees will supervise markets, at point of sales outside government markets and also during transportation. If cases of carbide use are found, the goods will be seized and the trader will be penalized. Besides regulatory measures we will also take up awareness campaigns in markets to educate traders about the ill effects of carbide and suggest the use of alternatives like ethanol,” the official said. He, however, conceded that ethanol is an expensive alternative to carbide.

“Last year we received about one lakh tonnes of mango, which was a good yield considering the good rainfall in 2010. But owing to the reduced rainfall in 2011, the yield this time is likely to be lesser.” a Kothapet marketing committee official said. On the use of carbide, he said that they were expecting instructions to ensure that traders here do not use it.
The farmers and traders, however, are not convinced. They say that the government is clamping down on them without providing any alternatives. 

“Carbide has been in use for 30 years. Even if there are health problems arising out of it, the government should ban it only after providing us with cost effective alternatives. If fruits are to be harvested only after ripening, transportation becomes difficult. We export to places as far as Himachal from here, besides local retail outlets. Nobody wants raw mangoes because they take a very long time to ripen naturally,” said a commission agent, requesting anonymity.

While the commission agent seeks alternatives from the government, the farmer is worried about his livelihood. “Traders who buy from us are not willing to pay us good prices. They tell us that since they are having problems with the use of carbide, they cannot pay us the rates we are demanding,” said Arjun Rao, a farmer from Krishna district who sells his produce at Kothapet.

The price of mangoes per ton at Kothapet ranges between Rs 20,000 and Rs 60,000 but Rao rues that the price may not reach the higher end this year. 

Friday, July 01, 2016

Telugu Desam Party Supremo & AP CM Chandrababu Naidu, Still Loyal To NDA For Now Even As Discontentment With Narendra Modi Grows

By M H AHSSAN | INNLIVE

TDP Supremo Chandrababu Naidu was rarely seen without a laptop in the last years of his previous term as the Andhra Pradesh chief minister. Once, when I called him 'Laptop' Naidu, he took it as a compliment. He constantly monitored sundry schemes on a laptop and exuded supreme confidence that he would sweep the 2004 elections. He lost. And it took him 10 years to return as the CM.

Naidu is a changed man now. It's not because, instead of a laptop, he now has an iPad as a constant companion and he talks of 'iCloud' and 'file-sharing' to review his government's work.

Thursday, April 30, 2015

Eat Your Way With These 14 Varieties Of Indian Mangoes

It’s that time of year when everything is bathed in a warm, fuzzy, honey glow and there’s a sweet fragrance in the air. That might be partly due to summer setting in across India but it’s also because the best (and India’s national) fruit is making the rounds. 

For most Indians, summer is synonymous with mangoes; climbing trees to pluck those sunshine-coloured fruits or watching our grannies prepare mango pickles for the year. Mangoes are a habit that many of us find hard to give up.

Wednesday, March 04, 2009

Does your MP value your vote?

By M H Ahssan

Does your MP attend Parliament? Does he/she ask questions in the House? Does he/she participate in debates? Between them, the answers to these questions should provide you the bare bones of how effectively your MP carries out core functions. Here’s what we found on examining the data.

Statistics show that nearly one-tenth of MPs in the 14th Lok Sabha have never participated in any debate, while the names of another one-third figure in less than 10 debates in data of the first 13 sessions.

Here, we are treating all discussions other than those under Rule 377 — which we consider separately in the accompanying piece — as debates. On average, a member of this LS has participated 24 times in debates held in the last four and half years. Ministers are excluded in these calculations.

Samajwadi Party’s Shailendra Kumar leads with 312 entries against his name, followed by Basudeb Barman, Ram Kripal Yadav, Bhartruhari Mahtab and Varkala Radhakrishnan.

With 60 participations per MP, Kerala leads the major states plus Delhi list. Delhi is second with 52 debates per member, while with 47 per head, Orissa MPs are the third most active lot. With less than 15 per MP, Assam, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh and Haryana are at the bottom of the list.

Among major parties, CPI emerges best with an average of 58 entries per MP. BJD at 55 and CPM at 41 are the next best. The NCP performed worst with an average of only 2 per MP. As for questions, 78 members did not ask a single question in the first 13 sessions. Another 167 asked fewer than 10 each.

Averaging at 453 questions per MP, Shiv Sena is at the top of the party list, BJD’s next with 291 just ahead of CPI with 290. Averaging 118, 104 and 34 respectively the BSP, CPM and Akalis make up the bottom three of the list.

Abu Ayes Mondal’s 97% attendance makes him top the attendance list for full-term MPs, while ailing former PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee is at the bottom. The overall average attendance of the House for the first 14 sessions was 68.8%. Attendance need not mean actual presence in the House through the day. It only means the MP has come to the House and signed his presence. Thus, BJP averaged 90% in the first session, which the party had boycotted.

Has your MP kept the promise of demanding stoppage of a s uperfast train at your station? Has he raised the issue of improving the condition of sick sugar mills and reconstitution of local cooperatives? Has he drawn the House’s attention to the declining handloom industry in your area? You can hold your MP to account by accessing the data available on the Lok Sabha (LS) website, which unfortunately shows that nearly one-third of MPs never raise these issues.

The Parliament provides provision to raise matters of general public interest that can’t be raised during question hour, ‘calling attention’ motions and resolutions. Under Rule 377, LS members can raise matters that weren’t raised during the same session under any other rule, which can be local but primarily concerned with the central government.

For the first 13 sessions of the ongoing LS, there are 3,326 entries under Rule 377. Excluding ministers, the entries reduce to 3,200 against 348 members. That means 166 MPs never raised any issue under this rule. Apart from them, another 224 members have less than 10 entries under 377. Simply put, most have only occasionally used the provision. With 52 entries against his name, S K Kharventhan tops the list while Virjibhai Thummar, NSV Chitthan, Rajnarayan Budholiya and Karan Singh Yadav are the others who figured in ‘best five’ for raising issues under Rule 377.

Averaging at 15 entries per member, Himachal Pradesh and Uttaranchal top the list of major states, while MPs from Punjab and Haryana averaged just 3 entries per MP. Averaging 8 entries per member, the RJD, CPI and Congress are the three best parties here. The Akali Dal is the worst, as its average member has raised local issues only twice in the 13 sessions so far.

Every Lok Sabha member is entitled to receive Rs 2 crore annually, under the Member of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS). MPs can allocate the money for developmental needs of their constituencies. Data shows that only 6% of MPs have spent less than 80% of their fund.

All five figuring at the bottom of this list are from Bihar. Meira Kumar at 52% shows up worst, while Uday Singh, Rajesh Kumar Manjhi and Ranjeeta Ranjan failed to spend even 60% of the fund.

Friday, January 24, 2014

Opinion Polls Predict Congress May Loose In South & Northen States While BJP's May Win In 2014 Elections?

By Likha Veer | INN Live

The Bharatiya Janata Party under the leadership of Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi seems to have impressed rural voters throughout the country as the BJP is emerging as the most favoured party in the upcoming Lok Sabha elections.

According to the poll survey conducted by CVoter, the BJP is likely to bag highest ever seats crossing all its previous tallies. The survey predicts that BJP would emerge as the single largest party by winning 188 seats while the final results of NDA is likely to be close to 220 seats. The saffron party had bagged 116 seats in the 2009 general elections.

Sunday, May 05, 2013

KAN'TKA POLLS: CONGRESS WILL DETHRONE BJP, YEDDY

By M H Ahssan / Bangalore

So the people of Karnataka have punched. And going by the bhavishya-vaani of three different exit pollsters, delivered a knockout punch to the BJP. It is pretty much certain that Karnataka is set to usher in a Congress government on 8 May.

The scenario that is emerging (depending on which exit poll you would like to believe) is that the Congress could end up either with a clear majority, above 130 seats out of 223 (election in one constituency was countermanded because of the death of the BJP candidate) or come within kissing distance of power around the 110 mark, just like the BJP in 2008. There of course, will be the eager independents who will be willing to do business with the Congress. The real contest will take place between the BJP and the JD(S) for the second spot, that will determine who will be the Leader of Opposition. BS Yeddyurappa, who still defiantly claims he will get absolute majority, will be left alone to lick his wounds and wipe his tears.

Wednesday, March 04, 2009

Does your MP value your vote?

By M H Ahssan

Does your MP attend Parliament? Does he/she ask questions in the House? Does he/she participate in debates? Between them, the answers to these questions should provide you the bare bones of how effectively your MP carries out core functions. Here’s what we found on examining the data.

Statistics show that nearly one-tenth of MPs in the 14th Lok Sabha have never participated in any debate, while the names of another one-third figure in less than 10 debates in data of the first 13 sessions.

Here, we are treating all discussions other than those under Rule 377 — which we consider separately in the accompanying piece — as debates. On average, a member of this LS has participated 24 times in debates held in the last four and half years. Ministers are excluded in these calculations.

Samajwadi Party’s Shailendra Kumar leads with 312 entries against his name, followed by Basudeb Barman, Ram Kripal Yadav, Bhartruhari Mahtab and Varkala Radhakrishnan.

With 60 participations per MP, Kerala leads the major states plus Delhi list. Delhi is second with 52 debates per member, while with 47 per head, Orissa MPs are the third most active lot. With less than 15 per MP, Assam, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh and Haryana are at the bottom of the list.

Among major parties, CPI emerges best with an average of 58 entries per MP. BJD at 55 and CPM at 41 are the next best. The NCP performed worst with an average of only 2 per MP. As for questions, 78 members did not ask a single question in the first 13 sessions. Another 167 asked fewer than 10 each.

Averaging at 453 questions per MP, Shiv Sena is at the top of the party list, BJD’s next with 291 just ahead of CPI with 290. Averaging 118, 104 and 34 respectively the BSP, CPM and Akalis make up the bottom three of the list.

Abu Ayes Mondal’s 97% attendance makes him top the attendance list for full-term MPs, while ailing former PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee is at the bottom. The overall average attendance of the House for the first 14 sessions was 68.8%. Attendance need not mean actual presence in the House through the day. It only means the MP has come to the House and signed his presence. Thus, BJP averaged 90% in the first session, which the party had boycotted.

Has your MP kept the promise of demanding stoppage of a s uperfast train at your station? Has he raised the issue of improving the condition of sick sugar mills and reconstitution of local cooperatives? Has he drawn the House’s attention to the declining handloom industry in your area? You can hold your MP to account by accessing the data available on the Lok Sabha (LS) website, which unfortunately shows that nearly one-third of MPs never raise these issues.

The Parliament provides provision to raise matters of general public interest that can’t be raised during question hour, ‘calling attention’ motions and resolutions. Under Rule 377, LS members can raise matters that weren’t raised during the same session under any other rule, which can be local but primarily concerned with the central government.

For the first 13 sessions of the ongoing LS, there are 3,326 entries under Rule 377. Excluding ministers, the entries reduce to 3,200 against 348 members. That means 166 MPs never raised any issue under this rule. Apart from them, another 224 members have less than 10 entries under 377. Simply put, most have only occasionally used the provision. With 52 entries against his name, S K Kharventhan tops the list while Virjibhai Thummar, NSV Chitthan, Rajnarayan Budholiya and Karan Singh Yadav are the others who figured in ‘best five’ for raising issues under Rule 377.

Averaging at 15 entries per member, Himachal Pradesh and Uttaranchal top the list of major states, while MPs from Punjab and Haryana averaged just 3 entries per MP. Averaging 8 entries per member, the RJD, CPI and Congress are the three best parties here. The Akali Dal is the worst, as its average member has raised local issues only twice in the 13 sessions so far.

Every Lok Sabha member is entitled to receive Rs 2 crore annually, under the Member of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS). MPs can allocate the money for developmental needs of their constituencies. Data shows that only 6% of MPs have spent less than 80% of their fund.

All five figuring at the bottom of this list are from Bihar. Meira Kumar at 52% shows up worst, while Uday Singh, Rajesh Kumar Manjhi and Ranjeeta Ranjan failed to spend even 60% of the fund.

Tuesday, October 11, 2011

Kullu-Manali:Beckoning One and All

By M H Ahssan

Manali - the redoubtable hill station, abode of the Saptarishis (seven sages) nestling in the breathtaking peaks at the foothills of the Himalayas, is every tourist’s delight from the word go. Standing at 6398 ft. (1950m) above sea-level, it is 12 hours i.e.550 km away from Delhi. The journey up the slopes shows its charms by offering amazing views of mountain peaks, flora and fauna - all at once.
Nurtured by the gurgling Beas River, the twin attractions namely Kullu and Manali have always captivated the hearts of nature lovers. Chequered with stunning flashes of mirthful mountain flowers and soothing greenery, Kullu wrapped in the snug warmth of its simple populace, at 1220 m nudges us with eye-catching details of nature, visitors and local customs.

Manali splashed with restaurants offering varied, lip-smacking cuisines un spools vivid facets of nature to a diverse range of people.

The famous Rohtang pass, 50 km from Manali stands at 13,051 ft. (3,978m) above sea level is a mountain pass that connects both to Leh and the Lahaul-Spiti valley of Himachal Pradesh. Adventure lovers indulge in Roller skating here. But it was only when one reaches Gramphu village (20km from Rohtang Pass) that one could switch over to the road on the left that leads on towards Leh via Keylong and Sarchu. Or to the road on the right that takes one to the splendid Spiti valley.

Watch the mellow paleness of pea flowers change into the beaming, fiery red of apples in Kullu termed the ‘Valley of Gods’, popular for Trout fishing as much as for the tall Deodars and grandly standing Pines.

The Mall road sprawling with people buzzes with activity, witnessing beaming eyes winning the race to broken roads, currently under construction.

Seeing my enthusiastic husband and young, inquisitive, boisterous sons head towards a gazing hill with modest nonchalance, the joyous sniff of mountain flowers alongside the stunning sight of clear springs prodded me to encourage their sporty efforts at Trekking. The mystery of the woods only deepens with each mind- bending visit.

Hadimba temple, barely a km from Mall road attracts pilgrims and tourists in millions. Built in 1553, it fascinates for the sheer effort it must have taken to construct those 4-tiered pagoda roofs and the exquisitely carved doorway.

Manu temple venerates Manu, after whom Manali is named. It is believed that Manu stepped off his ark in Manali to recreate human life here, after a great flood deluged the world .The Vashisth temple has natural hot springs on offer. The temple was built in memory of Sage Vashisth and also has idols of Lord Rama.

The JagatSukh temple and few Monasteries add holy vibrations in the realm of belief and wonder.

14 km away from Manali is the Solang valley known by its ski slopes.

The average temperature in Manali ranges between 4 degrees and 30 degrees throughout the year.

The psyche of material greed has enfeebled natural systems far sooner than we had expected. Newspaper reports about frequent landslides, cloud bursts and snow melting in the peak summer months only goes on to warn us of taking a cue. Traffic congestion on the narrow mountain roads has made matters worse. Here’s celebrating the glories of nature wrapped in the mist of history, mythology and adventure with a promise to posterity of us passing on undisrupted natural wonders.

Special attractions:

  • Nehru Kund is on the road going to Keylong.
  • In Keylong visit Kardang monastery on the banks of Bhaga river.
  • View of a deep gorge at Kothi village.
  • Club house has facilities such as a roller skating rink, billiards room, restaurants and video games.

Things to do

  • Trekking, Fishing, Skiing, Roller Skating, Visits to Temples and Monasteries.
  • Shopping: Shawls and handicrafts.
  • Shopping for locally grown fruits like Apples and Pears.

Getting there

By road: From Delhi (NH-21) or NH-1 (to Leh)By rail: from Delhi to Chandigarh (Shatabdi express) and then by road uphill up to Kullu/Manali.
Nearest railheads: Pathankot (325km) and Kalka (310 km).


By air: Daily flights from New Delhi to Bhuntar airportAir India flights twice a week from New Delhi
MDLR flights, 6 days a week.

Thursday, May 28, 2009

Why BJP is Failing?

By Rajinder Puri

After the BJP lost the general election in 2004 this first person account of interaction with the BJP was published in a magazine now defunct to explain why the BJP lost. It predicted that in its present shape the BJP will never return to power. The article is reproduced without any change.

After six years in office the BJP launched the costliest election campaign in India ’s history and was badly trounced. The Congress, which itself had dwindled into irrelevance, succeeded in becoming the single largest party. The fractured election result did not signify a revival of the Congress. It signified the irrelevance of all existing parties.

The BJP itself lacks ideology, procedure and principle. It has an attitude. It is anti-Muslim and anti-Christian. These prejudices are its driving force. My views are derived from personal interaction with the BJP and its erstwhile avatar, the Jan Sangh. I present, by your leave, a first person account of that interaction, for whatever it is worth.

I was working, in 1970, for The Statesman, and was among the country’s best-paid journalists. My cartoons had been very critical of the Congress and of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. In those days of one-party rule all opposition parties stood up for me. Indeed, during those days when Indira was splitting the Congress, opposition party leaders from all the leading parties held a function in Vithalbhai Patel House to air support for me. On behalf of all the leaders present, Atal Behari Vajpayee even garlanded me!

The Jan Sangh (the BJP of those days) decided to start a daily newspaper, Motherland. I was invited to be the editor. Having my own ideas of how to run a newspaper, and believing that in a city largely sympathetic to the Jan Sangh I could effectively challenge Delhi ’s premier newspaper, the Hindustan Times, I accepted the offer. I mire than halved my own salary and set the same salary ceiling for the top five members of the editorial team. I created a salary structure in which junior staff would have salaries equivalent to the highest paying competitors, the Times of India and The Statesman. The Sangh leaders watched me uneasily but said nothing.

The resident editor of the Indian Express, DR Mankekar, had just retired. I approached him to become Editor of News. Mankekar was very much my senior in years. He appeared to respond favorably. On this matter I consulted KR Malkani, editor of the Jan Sangh’s journal, Organiser. The next thing I knew, I was told by Madhav Rao Mule, number two in the RSS that Mankekar would be the managing editor. I was told that Hansraj Gupta had a hand in this decision.

Mule, Malkani and I held a meeting to discuss the issue. The only known managing editor till then had been Devdas Gandhi in HT. Devdas was the boss of the show. So I asked Mule, “What does a managing editor do?”

Mule looked uncomfortable. Malkani replied, “Rajinderji, here we function like a family, we work together.”

I bluntly told him: “I don’t think we can function like a family. If we want to become number one in the city we must function like an army. We must have a chain of command. If there is a difference of opinion, who prevails, Mankekar or I?”

Malkani mumbled, “Mankekar.”

“Have you discussed salary with him? How much will you pay him?”

“The same that he gets.” That was around Rs 3,500 per month. I had sacrificed a Rs 4,000 plus salary to voluntarily set for myself a salary of Rs 2,000 per month! I bid Motherland goodbye. I had a letter of appointment from the Motherland Board unambiguously appointing me as number one. “Don’t worry,” I told Malkani. “I won’t sue you for breach of trust.”

Later, Advani and Kedarnath Sahni approached me together and requested me to return. “I thought I was entering a mandir (temple),” I told them wryly. “But I found myself in a mandi (marketplace)!”

Sahni looked at me mournfully. “Puriji,” he said earnestly. “Believe me, we are not a marketplace!” That was the end of the Motherland chapter. The paper never took off. It was closed during the Emergency. After Emergency was lifted it did not revive. I think the Sangh leaders had learnt the hard way that they were out of their depth when it came to daily journalism.

After my brush with Motherland I had returned to The Statesman. Just before Emergency was imposed, I had stopped drawing cartoons for it because its editor, NJ Nanporia, didn’t publish my cartoons critical of Indira. Those days CR Irani had little say in editorial matters. Nevertheless, after Emergency was imposed, a warrant for my arrest was issued. I went underground. When arrest warrants against all journalists were withdrawn upon the advice of Chalapathi Rau, I surfaced to resume my unemployed existence.

After Emergency was lifted, having had close relations with all anti-Indira forces, I found myself in the Janata Party. I was the only non-party general secretary of the party. My appointment had to be approved by all the constituents of the original Janata Party, which did not include Jagjivan Ram at that stage. I was entrusted with looking after the campaign publicity.

After the Janata Party won the election despite initial private pessimism among most of its leaders, especially George Fernandes, aspirants from all factions got together and conspired to throw me out from my post. Explaining to reporters my removal from the post, Advani and Surendra Mohan, who, along with me, were original general secretaries, said that my appointment had been “temporary”. That was not true. The conspiracy had been so complete that I learnt of my removal only from the newspapers the next day! But that is another story.

I grew closer to Charan Singh and Raj Narain because of my previous personal rapport with Ram Manohar Lohia. I wrote columns for Blitz Weekly and the Illustrated Weekly of India. In Blitz I broke the story of the RSS having given a sworn affidavit to the authorities stating it was a political organization in order to evade a tax of Rs 1 crore. That laid the foundation of the dual membership controversy that provided the excuse for the party to split. Eventually, Raj Narain was unconstitutionally expelled from the national executive for what he allegedly said about Morarji Desai in Shimla. Years later, Shanta Kumar of Himachal Pradesh admitted in a book he wrote that he had falsely implicated Raj Narain at the behest of Nanaji Deshmukh. Anyway, Raj Narain and I formulated the strategy to topple the Desai government, which I had concluded was incorrigible. A fortnight before the Janata government fell, I wrote in my Blitz column precisely how and when it would fall.

In the 1979-80 election I contested against Vajpayee and CM Stephen from the New Delhi constituency. I was then, along with Madhu Limaye and Narendra Singh, general secretary of the Lok Dal. It was a foolhardy enterprise. Charan Singh had announced his intention to apply the Mandal formula in government service. All the central secretariat employees who were voters in my constituency were at my throat. Delhi ’s urban voters passionately hated the Chaudhry. Being general secretary of the party and residing in New Delhi, I thought it a matter of honor that I contest from my own turf instead of contesting from Meerut where, with the Chaudhry’s blessings, I might have easily won. Raj Narain allowed me to keep for use in my own election the Rs 50,000 that I had collected for the party. I didn’t receive a single extra rupee from the party. During most of the campaign I had to seek small donations from friends.

I won few votes but they were crucial. In the extremely close contest my votes cut into the Congress tally to allow a victory for Vajpayee. After its defeat, the Janata Party split again into Janata Party and Bharatiya Janata Party. Meanwhile, because Charan Singh and Raj Narain also parted company, I quit the Lok Dal, not joining any faction. It was then that Vajpayee and Advani personally approached me to join the BJP. Advani said: “Let us forget the past. Let there be no reservations on either side.” Okay, I said, and joined the BJP. I asked for no post or status but joined as an ordinary member. It was a foolish decision. As John F Kennedy once said: “If someone deceives you once, it is his fault. If he deceives you twice, it is your fault.” The BJP leaders had already deceived me twice.

In the BJP I quickly became Vajpayee’s presidential speechwriter and unofficial think-tank. At the same time I got together likeminded Delhi leaders, Arif Baig, Mewa Ram Arya and others, to start the Jan Ekta Manch to work among jhuggi settlements where the BJP was particularly weak. We made quick progress. By that time Indira had launched the bank loans scheme for the poor. The party decided to stop the scheme’s misuse in enabling only Congress sympathizers to get bank loans. The Jan Ekta Manch had become strong enough to overshadow the party in organizing demonstrations and getting hundreds, sometimes thousands, to court arrest. Vajpayee was delighted. The Delhi leaders were uneasy although the Jan Ekta Manch was located in the premises of the party office and no non-BJP member was made an office-bearer of the Manch.

While Delhi leaders became uneasy at one level, the national leaders became uneasy at another. To give substance to the BJP’s empty slogan of ushering in Gandhian Socialism, I tried giving it content by creating the Workers’ Sector concept. Inspired by Gandhi’s concept of trusteeship I prepared an approach paper outlining the Workers’ Sector concept in which workers would become owners, share in the profits and participate in the management of those companies where public financial institutions held a majority share. The body to propagate this concept was named Ekatrit Kamgar Tabdili Andolan, Ekta. I lobbied hard and created the Ekta committee with Vajpayee, Chandra Shekhar, George Fernandes, Karpoori Thakur, Madhu Dandavate, Devraj Urs, Advani and Bhai Mahavir as members while I was convener. For the formal approval of the approach paper and its release to the Press, I got all the leaders to Vajpayee’s house. The next day the Indian Express carried a banner headline with a photograph of all the leaders flanking Vajpayee. This created shock waves among the BJP leaders, minus Vajpayee.

It seemed that opposition unity was being recreated in a new guise. Advani quickly swung into action and derailed the specific significance of the move by summoning the same leaders for routine consideration of electoral reforms and other humdrum subjects. The Workers’ Sector concept died a quiet death.

After Indira’s assassination, when the nation stood on the threshold of a general election, I had realized that I didn’t fit in with the BJP. I told Vajpayee he was losing his own election because the RSS was backing Scindia in Gwalior and the Congress in the rest of the country. I wrote my resignation letter and requested him to release it only after the poll. Vajpayee read the letter and threw it aside. He said emotionally, “Rajinderji, if we quit we’ll quit together! Just wait till after the poll. Things will change!” He stuck out his hand for me to shake. We shook hands and my resignation was spiked. This is the unedited text of the letter I had written then:

December 10, 1984
Dear Atal Ji,

After our meeting last evening I have had an opportunity to reflect on my position and role in the party. I realize how busy you must be at this time while electioneering is in full swing. Therefore I shall start with the operative part of the letter which you may read now, followed by an explanation which you may read at leisure.

I hereby resign from the National Executive, the Delhi Pradesh Executive, and the primary membership of the Bharatiya Janata Party effective from today. However, I would not like my resignation to be made public till the election is over on December 27th, and shall be grateful if the party does likewise, in order that nothing is said or done which may aid the Congress (I) in the poll.

There are several reasons which had led me to resign. First, I disagree with the strategy of the party. Secondly, I deplore the party’s style of functioning. Thirdly, I question the basic integrity of some leaders of the party who put personal advantage above the party’s interest, and have come to acquire collectively the character and outlook of a caucus. And lastly, there is the personal factor which emerged in our conversation yesterday.

First, the strategy. For more than two years the debate has continued whether the party should go it alone, merge with other parties to create a national alternative, or seek cooperation through seat adjustments with other parties. My own views on this fundamental question have been clear and consistent throughout this period, and were expressed vigorously and repeatedly during discussions in the National Executive. I had always maintained that seat adjustments for any ambitious and growing party could never be made into a declared policy unless the party intended to merge with its partners ultimately. Therefore, as far as I was concerned, the third option never existed, and if persisted with, was sure to cause confusion and demoralization with the party ranks and stunt its organizational growth. The continued effort for seat adjustments was a pathetic half-measure which betrayed the party’s lack of confidence and commitment.

The final straw fell in the most recent meeting of the National Executive on November 14th, after Mrs. Gandhi’s death, and after the elections had been announced. You may recall that I again argued strongly that the death of Mrs. Gandhi had brought about a fundamental change in the situation, which made the earlier resolution in favor of seat adjustments outlined in the Pune session irrelevant. I advocated that after the party’s frustrating experience during the past two years, it was time now for the party to go it alone. I urged that the party should put up 400 candidates, come to terms with Telugu Desam and DMK, and boldly put forward its claim of being able to form the next government. To achieve this, I advocated a crash effort of roping in strong independents and assimilating entire groups where feasible. My rationale was simple. During Mrs. Gandhi’s time the party’s requirement was mainly to consolidate a negative Congress (I) vote through seat adjustments with other parties. But after Mrs. Gandhi’s death the overwhelming feeling in the country was one of vacuum with no credible Congress (I) leader at the helm. I pointed out that above all the people sought a credible Prime Minister, and every single opinion poll in the country during the past year had put your name as a desired Prime Minister second only to Mrs. Gandhi’s, much above every other name, including that of Rajiv Gandhi. That was our main asset.

The other asset was that the BJP enjoyed the reputation of a disciplined party unlikely to break up after the poll. Therefore we required at least 400 candidates to be able to put up the claim with some conviction that we would be in a position to make you Prime Minister. The voters are going to vote for a prospective government, not for pious platitudes, which are all that a party putting up 225 candidates can offer. Our chance lay in creating a wave, and we failed to seize a historic opportunity due to the total lack of confidence in the leadership, I ended my remarks in the National Executive with the words: “If we persist with the futile bid for seat adjustments even at this hour, we will invite political suicide.”

A vast majority of those who spoke in the National Executive agreed with my views. Despite that the contrary policy was adopted because it seemed that those who mattered had already made up their minds. What happens now in the elections is irrelevant. The entire atmosphere in the crucial fortnight preceding the nominations was muddied by the arid attempt for seat adjustments, which totally blurred the BJP’s identity and the image of its leader. Ultimately, we are contesting 225 seats, more than 30 short of a simple majority, still confused in most constituencies about whether we have adjusted with other parties or not. With what conviction can we ask the voter to vote out the government when we cannot even provide him with an alternative government? We will not be in a position to do that because in the last analysis we were neither large-hearted enough to assimilate other parties, nor bold-hearted enough to go it alone. Victims of half-measures and confusion, we fell between two stools. Which brings me to our style of functioning.

The party’s style of functioning suggests a caucus, not a collective democratic leadership. The two fundamental principles of a healthy organization are lacking: we neither believe in clear demarcation of responsibility, nor in accountability of performance. As a result, there is no meritocracy prevalent in the party, sapping initiative among the workers. I had repeatedly demanded in the meetings of then National Executive in Jaipur, Patna and elsewhere that we must have clear demarcation of responsibility among the office-bearers, as well as accountability, instead of behaving like a joint family in which some are favored regardless of performance and others are treated like poor relatives. We have fifteen office-bearers of the party’s central secretariat. it is a mystery what each of them is supposed to look after. One office-bearer alone was supposed to look after Punjab, Himachal, Jammu, and Delhi, collect funds for the party, as well as look after the secretariat of the National Democratic Alliance while it lasted. How could one person discharge all these duties effectively? How often could this office-bearer visit the areas under his care during the past one year? I prepared a note suggesting how the central secretariat could be streamlines to function effectively. I put the note up twice, to you and the General Secretary of the party, Mr. LK Advani, for circulation among members of the National Executive. It was never circulated. It seemed that the National Executive was a mere showpiece, with little relevance to real policy-making, which was decided elsewhere. Let me further illustrate this point.

In the Bhubaneswar session of the National Executive it was resolved that the party would favor a Workers’ Sector of industry in which workers would obtain participation in ownership, profits and management of industry. This became a resolution of the party. It was also resolved that the party would set up an Ekta Labor Cell which would cater to the needs of the weaker sections and unorganized labor on behalf of the party. You thought it fit to appoint me all-India convener of the Ekta Labor Cell.

However, in practice both resolutions were ignored. After the Bombay Textile workers’ strike when the Government took over certain sick mills, we did not press for handing over the mills to the control of the workers themselves in light of the party’s declared policy resolution. Instead we supported the Government’s decision to hand over the mills to the public sector Textile Corporation of India that was already mismanaging a hundred textile mills running at a loss. The Ekta Labor Cell was also not allowed to operate because the Delhi Pradesh leadership sabotaged the plan and the central leadership acquiesced. Of what value, then, are decisions taken by the National Executive of the party?

Which brings me to the third point. This regards the lack of integrity of the BJP leadership. When individuals are appointed to an office they are expected to discharge their duties for the benefit of the entire organization, not concern themselves with personal advantage alone. But in the BJP it so happens that the organization continues to suffer while individual office bearers responsible for poor performance continue to thrive. For instance, the very individuals who sabotaged the Ekta Labor Cell were the ones who did not hesitate to seek the help of the Jan Ekta Manch, a similar organization privately set up by me and like minded colleagues of the BJP with our own resources, for work in their own individual constituencies. If such an organization could do useful work in one constituency, why could it not do useful work everywhere in the country for the whole party?

Most surprisingly, those leaders who took a hard line against seat adjustments in the Delhi Metropolitan poll, promptly somersaulted and sacrificed two parliamentary seats in Delhi in order to better their own chances in the parliamentary seats they were contesting. Now the East Delhi District workers of the party are in a quandary, thoroughly demoralized. If the leaders of the party betray such a selfish attitude, how can workers have any morale? Is this the kind of leadership which can hope to create a national alternative that will usher in a new society in India/ Our assertions ring hollow when matched against our actions.

Finally, there is the personal factor which emerged during our conversation yesterday. You will now deny, I trust, that I never shirked any responsibility given to me during the past four years when I worked for the party. I never approached you for any office. I never approached you for a parliamentary ticket. You broached the subject of a parliamentary ticket with me yourself. I indicated the possible choices. Eventually you could not give me a ticket. I neither complained, nor referred to the subject with anyone in the party. You yourself obviously felt embarrassed yesterday during the meeting which you had sought, and urged me to work harder during the campaign. I do not know how you got the impression that I was not doing what I was asked to do to the best of my ability. When the subject of ticket distribution arose, I did remark that surrendering two seats in Delhi appeared irrational and against the party interest. It was at this stage that you remarked, as you had earlier done in different contexts, that some people in the party had “reservations” about me and therefore I could not be given a ticket. How could those reservations be dispelled, I asked. You advised that time alone could improve matters.

I regret to say that I find this position unacceptable. Honestly, I do not mind not being given a ticket, which I never asked for in the first place. But I cannot countenance being refused a ticket for the reasons that you stated, particularly since you did not seem to question that my merit as a candidate in certain constituencies was not in doubt. I have committed no indiscipline in the party, and helped the party in every way to the best of my ability. I cannot help it if certain people have “reservations” about me and you are compelled to act by their advice. When you, and other senior colleagues in the party ask me to help in party work, which is not infrequent you will admit, are you not then inhibited by “reservations”?

When I was invited to join the party by Mr. LK Advani four years ago, he expressed the hope that there would be no reservations on either side. Let him reflect on my performance during the past four years and judge whether there were any reservations on my side. Let him also indicate whether I ever set any preconditions for joining the party or working for it, or whether I made a single personal demand for office or position in the party. I did advocate the creation of a labor cell in the party catering to unorganized labor, but I never sought to be its convener. That decision was yours. Despite this I continue to hear from time to time that certain people have “reservations” about me. This is a matter about which I can do nothing. It is obvious that a section of the party (which has never been named till now, and which has obviously no connections with the RSS lest there be any misunderstanding, because I have never had problems with either RSS or BMS, rather cooperation and encouragement) finds itself incompatible with me.

Personally I have no rancor against any individual in the party and hope to continue enjoying the best of relations with all members of the party. However, you will appreciate that I am left with no choice but to resign from the party, in the light of growing dissatisfaction with the party’s functioning, as well as of the “reservations’ about me that are entertained by unnamed colleagues in the party.

With best wishes,
Yours sincerely
Rajinder Puri

The election results were as bad as they could be. True, the vote percentage declined by just about 2.5 per cent, but the BJP won only two Lok Sabha seats. As I had warned Vajpayee, Scindia, with solid RSS support, defeated him. Despite the crushing defeat, nothing changed in the party’s functioning.

Advani had described the Anandpur Sahib Resolution of the Akalis as a “charter of national disintegration”. Despite that, Rajiv Gandhi described the BJP as an “anti-national party” because it had not distanced itself sufficiently from Prakash Singh Badal. The national executive of the party resolved to have no talks on Punjab with the PM unless he apologized for that remark. A few days after the resolution, Rajiv invited Advani, then secretary-general of the party, for a discussion on Punjab and Advani met him.

I issued a press statement criticizing Advani for breaking party discipline by ignoring the national executive resolution. Vajpayee wrote to me saying I should not have gone to the press. I said I would not do that as long as Advani did not flout national executive resolutions.

A short while later Advani flouted another national executive resolution. Ram Jethmalani had argued all day persuading the party to have no truck with the Shiv Sena in Mumbai. But almost immediately after that the Mumbai unit of the BJP, blessed by Advani, teamed up with the Shiv Sena to contest the Mayor’s election.

I again went to the press and criticized the party for flouting discipline. Thereupon, Vajpayee wrote a letter asking me to resign from the national executive for breaching discipline. I replied by resigning from the primary membership of the party. Ironically, later Jethmalani had no compunction in seeking Shiv Sena support for becoming an MP! Vajpayee’s letter and my reply are reproduced without editing. The correspondence is self-explanatory:

Atal Behari Vajpayee
President
Bharatiya Janata Party
May 12, 1985

Dear Shri Puri Ji,

I am sorry to see in this morning’s Statesman a statement of yours criticizing the Bombay BJP.

During the last two months this is the third time you have chosen the forum of the press to voice criticism of the party. On March 31, you wrote to me a letter taking exception to the meeting on Punjab, which I, along with Advani Ji, had with the Prime Minister. You certainly had a right to hold that opinion, but as I pointed out to you immediately thereafter, it was improper on part of a member of the National Executive to release such a letter to the press. You had assured me in your letter dated April 2 that you will in the future “take extra care’ about your utterances.

I am sorry to note that you have failed to act up to your utterances. Two days back you have publicly criticized Shri Advani for his meeting with the Prime Minister, And today there is this statement accusing the Bombay BJP of indiscipline.

Obviously, you are unable to abide by the discipline imposed by membership of the National Executive. I feel constrained, therefore, to ask you to resign from the Executive.
With kind regards,

Yours sincerely,
Atal Behari Vajpayee

I sent my reply to Vajpayee the next day:

May 13, 1995

Dear Shri Vajpayee Ji,

Thank you for your letter of May 12th.

I must say that I was surprised by your request that I resign from the National Executive for my “inability to abide by the discipline imposed by its membership”. You deem me undisciplined for informing the press that the General Secretary of the party, Shri Lal Krishna Advani, and the Bombay unit of the party, were undisciplined for brazenly violating the resolutions of the National Executive. You consider me undisciplined for exposing the indiscipline of others, but have no word of reprimand for those who oppose your own formal policy statements as well as resolutions of the National Executive. Discipline, let me remind you, enjoins a code of conduct on all members of the party, including its President and General Secretary.

If I was impelled to take matters to the press it was due to my repeated failure in obtaining redressal for the acts of indiscipline by the General Secretary pointed out by me to you privately. After my letter of April 2nd, you conceded that the General Secretary was wrong in not briefing the press after his meeting with the Prime Minister in order to allay misunderstanding about the party’s attitude on the Punjab issue. In my letter of April 2nd I had urged you to ensure that the party secretariat does not bungle in future and thereby project a false and distorted image of the party’s stand to the public. Orally, you had assured me that such a mistake would not be repeated. Subsequently, you made a formal policy statement in your own name declaring that the BJP would not participate in parleys with either the Government or the Akalis for achieving a solution in Punjab. Yet, twice after that, Shri Advani, in contemptuous disregard of your statement, conferred with the Prime Minister along with other opposition leaders in defiance of your declared policy.

Later, the Bombay unit of the party supported the Shiv Sena candidate for Mayor in total defiance of the central party. Privately you may deplore this fact, but what good is private anguish? The party’s image and credibility are totally tarnished by the wide divergence between its precept and practice, and by your pathetic inability to impose your will.

Upon receiving your letter my instinct was to refuse to resign and demand a full discussion on the matter in the National Executive. But on reflection I have decided otherwise. As per the party constitution all the members of the National Executive are nominated by you. You alone, as President, are elected by the National Council. The National Executive therefore is the reflection of the President’s will. As you know, we do not vote in the National Executive. We decide by consensus. But when even resolutions arrived at after consensus are violated and ignored at will by a handful of senior members of the party, it is clear that it is not even consensus which rules the party. The party is being ruled by a caucus, and you have become its creature. This is not a new development. May I remind you that I had resigned on December 10th 1984, when you had advised me that I was not trusted by the section of the party to which I refer as the caucus? I had of course decided not to make public the resignation in order not to embarrass the party during elections, even though the election results were a foregone conclusion to me. I withdrew the resignation upon receiving your solemn assurance that after the elections the party’s style of functioning would change.

Five months have passed since then, and nothing of the sort has happened. Instead, matters have become worse, with members of the caucus brazenly flouting policy resolutions of the party while you remain a helpless spectator. I can understand a stray violation, but not the kind of arbitrary conduct, involving no accountability, which has become the party’s style of functioning. I enclose my letter of December 10th to refresh your memory. For reasons contained in that letter, and for the added reasons of policy mentioned above, I am left with no choice but to resign from the primary membership of the party.

I resign with regret, and in spite of the warm personal relationship I have with you, Shri Advani, and others in the party. However political association should not be based only on personal relationship but also on fundamental factors like policy and style of functioning. It is my humble submission that you should adopt a similar approach while charting the BJP’s future. Given the political instincts of your most influential colleagues in the party, would it not be better for the BJP to dissolve its identity and merge with the Congress(I)? It would clear much confusion in the country. This is, of course, just a suggestion for your serious consideration.
With kind regards,

Yours sincerely,
Rajinder Puri

Enclosure: Letter of December 10th

It may be seen from the correspondence that the BJP is neither democratic nor disciplined. It seeks blind obedience in the name of discipline. Upon reflection, I am inclined to think the BJP leaders were never really against the goals I had set for the party to achieve. They were deeply disturbed only because I did not, at each step, take permission from some appropriate leader. With their RSS culture, BJP leaders are unused to individual initiative. Individual initiative frightens them. Inevitably, in these circumstances, the question arises: Does the party have a future? I don’t think so ~ unless it changes miraculously. If I am wrong and the party in its present shape and form does have a future, I would then be forced to conclude that India doesn’t.

I sent the correspondence I have reproduced to all members of the national executive. After my resignation party functionaries approached me to rejoin the party. “We will welcome you back with honor,” one of them said. I declined. I continue to have good personal relations with all of them. They are in most cases nice people. It is just that they belong to a different planet.

Friday, June 12, 2009

BANKING FOR THE POOR: Micro credit gathers force

By M H Ahssan

There is now mounting hope that micro finance can be a large scale poverty alleviation tool. Banks too are shedding their old reluctance to lend to the poor, and are looking to tap the expertise of micro credit groups to create a new market.

India has one of the largest networks of bank branches in the world, but the hundreds of millions of poor in the country are largely out of it. Banks were nationalised three decades ago with the hope - and promise - that their services would reach the poor. But that goal is not even close to being met today. With 52,000 commercial bank branches, 14,522 branches of regional rural banks and 100,000 cooperative bank branches, the country is teeming with institutions that should be able to meet the credit needs of the people. But if you are poor, you're also probably out of luck with the banks; it is tough persuading them to even let you open a bank account.

The consequences have been devastating. Consider these numbers: 75 million households in India depend on moneylenders to meet financial needs; almost 90 per cent of people in rural India have no access to insurance; 50 million households are landless and need small credit to start some economic activity. And even families earning Rs.4000-5000 a month in urban areas spend huge portions of their earnings to service debt.

But out of necessity and enterprise, those locked out of the banking world have found a way out. It is called micro credit - the extension of small loans to individuals who are too poor to qualify for traditional bank loans, as they have no assets to be offered as guarantee. In India, micro credit has worked largely through self-help groups. Predominated by women, these are formed with simple rules - save, accumulate and give loans to each other. Globally, it is slowly proving one of the most effective strategies to neutralise poverty. Micro credit lending institutions are currently estimated to reach some two million households in India.

Can a mere five hundred rupees change a life? This sounds implausible, as prices spiral by the day. But in numerous villages in India, this miracle is quite real; millions of poor women are today using small loans to rewrite their present and future. Many of them have not ever seen the corridors of a high school, but are using common sense to propel their entrepreneurship and group business activities. Dr. C. Rangarajan, Chairman, Economic Advisory Council of the Government of India, points out, "Micro credit can aid employment and sustain households giving them opportunities they never had before." It is called micro credit with good reason. The size of the loan is typically small. The borrower is usually battling against poverty. The repayment schedule is simple and short. And, the activity for which the loan is taken is often of a small nature. But poor women, who are in the forefront of the micro credit movement, use the small loans to jumpstart a long chain of economic activity from this small beginning. As they have enormous pride in their integrity, they repay quickly and reliably, not wanting to be seen as defaulters. Then, they begin again, this time with a bigger loan - and keep expanding their profit base until they do not need the loans any longer.

Micro credit has given women in India an opportunity to become agents of change. The movement has made them more confident than ever helping them to explore new horizons, new dreams. The most active states are Andhra Pradesh and Tamilnadu. Other states where such self-help groups are making a dramatic difference are Karnataka, Himachal Pradesh and Uttaranchal. Sheila Dikshit, Chief Minister of Delhi, says: "Micro finance will be the future mantra for alleviation of poverty. I have met women who say that 500 to 800 rupees makes all the difference as it dramatically changes their standard of life."

A late start, and a long way to go
That is the positive side of the story. The negative one is that India's demand for micro credit is Rs.500 billion, and only Rs.18 billion of this amount has been generated so far; there is still a long way to go. Nearly 7.5 million poor households in India desperately want access to financial services to meet immediate needs. Almost 36 per cent of the country's rural households have to look for credit outside the formal sector. A World Bank study of over 6000 families in Andhra Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh, two of India's largest states, shows that 87 per cent of them have no access to credit, 85 per cent had no access to insurance and 56 per cent borrow from moneylenders. The poor need banking services more than credit, as they need to safely secure their little savings or remittances coming from their men folk who migrated in search of work.

The chief culprits are the banks, who continue to see the poor women - rural as well as urban - as unworthy of credit, and is only slowly awakening to the possibilities. Points out Jayshree Vyas, Managing Director of the SEWA Bank at Ahmedabad which mainly has self employed street vendors as account holders: "We started a bank as the women demanded it. They wanted a place to put their savings. The banking sector earlier never respected self-employed women." Today, the SEWA bank in Ahmedabad is a model for others to replicate. It has deposits of over Rs.100 crores got from nearly 250,000 women. It is the biggest poor women's bank in the world.

Even the few banks who now belatedly recognise the potential in rural banking lack the capability to serve this market, which has been neglected for so long, and need intermediaries to help build their capacity to do business with small borrowers. V.K. Chopra, Chairman and Managing Director, Corporation Bank, admits, "Lending without any collateral for commercial banks to the poorest of the poor in rural areas is very difficult as banks do not have the expertise or facilities in these areas. That is why micro finance institutions should step in. Today's banks are flush with money. If micro finance institutions are strong, banks will readily lend to them."

That there are significant opportunities for banks in micro credit is now unquestioned. Banks like ICICI are exploring how it could reap the benefits from the micro finance revolution. Nachiket Mor, Executive Director, ICICI says: "A lot has been done in Andhra Pradesh, but we want to build 250 micro finance institutions to build a network in 600 other districts each one serving a million households. It will involve around Rs. 200,000 crores and it is not an unreasonable dream." Mor feels that the micro credit movement must now move beyond their members and look at financing for roads and water.

The larger banks also need the micro credit institutions for other reasons, besides expanding their opportunities. The micro credit institutions have considerable experience in dealing with the cultural realities of life for the rural poor. Every self-help group and micro financing institution in India has been through a great learning experience in the last few years. Every day has been an experience. Women need to guard their savings even in a bank fighting off pressures from the family. Says SEWA Bank's Vyas: "We found women begging us not to send them any letters or bank statements. They even asked us to keep their passbooks, as they did not want their husbands to know they had money, as then they would be pressurized to withdraw it. More often than not, it would be spent frivolously on gambling or alcohol." Large banks are wary of this cultural minefield, and will look to their micro credit partners for help in steering the course.

Even the few banks who now belatedly recognise the potential in rural banking lack the capability to serve this market, which has been neglected for so long, and need intermediaries to help build their capacity to do business with small borrowers. V.K. Chopra, Chairman and Managing Director, Corporation Bank, admits, "Lending without any collateral for commercial banks to the poorest of the poor in rural areas is very difficult as banks do not have the expertise or facilities in these areas. That is why micro finance institutions should step in. Today's banks are flush with money. If micro finance institutions are strong, banks will readily lend to them."

That there are significant opportunities for banks in micro credit is now unquestioned. Banks like ICICI are exploring how it could reap the benefits from the micro finance revolution. Nachiket Mor, Executive Director, ICICI says: "A lot has been done in Andhra Pradesh, but we want to build 250 micro finance institutions to build a network in 600 other districts each one serving a million households. It will involve around Rs. 200,000 crores and it is not an unreasonable dream." Mor feels that the micro credit movement must now move beyond their members and look at financing for roads and water.

The larger banks also need the micro credit institutions for other reasons, besides expanding their opportunities. The micro credit institutions have considerable experience in dealing with the cultural realities of life for the rural poor. Every self-help group and micro financing institution in India has been through a great learning experience in the last few years. Every day has been an experience. Women need to guard their savings even in a bank fighting off pressures from the family. Says SEWA Bank's Vyas: "We found women begging us not to send them any letters or bank statements. They even asked us to keep their passbooks, as they did not want their husbands to know they had money, as then they would be pressurized to withdraw it. More often than not, it would be spent frivolously on gambling or alcohol." Large banks are wary of this cultural minefield, and will look to their micro credit partners for help in steering the course.

Looking ahead
What will it take for micro credit to become a mainstream mode for lending? One option is to provide other financial services similarly built around small amounts of money, such as micro insurance. There is tremendous scope to design well-adapted insurance products for the poor in the insurance sector as well; this will reduce their vulnerability to environmental influences - weather and pests - as well as diminish the risk should they - or their livestock - become ill unexpectedly. Such additional products will expand the micro finance platform, and even encourage more new directions. Credit schemes specifically tailored for urban areas can also help; urban micro finance, unlike its rural counterpart, has not mushroomed despite the rising numbers of urban poor.

The potential of micro credit to tackle poverty should not blind us to the fact that lending to the poor has to be regulated just like other lending, perhaps even more carefully considering their already weak economic standing. Some experts believe that as the movement spreads and grows, it will be apt to have a regulator in place. Titus says: "We need some ground rules. The movement must not be allowed to degenerate as it expands." Mahajan says that unless a responsible regulator is in place, very little will happen with savings. But many others are wary of regulation, and remind us that micro finance must be allowed to blossom without any interference that could choke off its potential. Malcom Harper, Professor Emeritus, Cranfield Inenstitute of Management, is of the view that the greatest challenge is to keep politicians out of the way as the movement grows, as they will just see it as a way to distribute money and not empower people.

But regulation is likely sooner or later. Self help groups today handle Rs.5,600 crores of disbursement. Just four micro finance institutions in Hyderabad alone have disbursed Rs.1400 crores. The National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development forecasts that by 2008, about one million self-help groups would be taking loans from the bank, with a total membership of around 17 million people. Over a quarter of poor Indian households will by 2009 likely have access to formal financial services if current trends continue. With such large amounts and widespread participation comes inevitable government responsibilities to check unethical practices.