By M H Ahssan
Twelve days after the very surprising Indian election results were out, 10 days after Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam chief V Prabhakaran's body was found by the Sri Lankan army near Nandikadal lagoon, nine days after Aung San Suu Kyi's trial began in Myanmar, three days after Nepal turned a corner in its tumultuous politics, and a day after suicide bombers ripped through the heart of Lahore, a government finally took shape in New Delhi.
For once, it seemed history - carrying its burden of sub-continental deaths, destruction and tales of intimidation - was about to outpace contemporary politics. It was an unusually protracted wait outside the delivery room.
But wasn't this supposed to be an emphatic vote for continuity, for the comfort of the familiar? So what took Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Congress party president Sonia Gandhi so much time to put a team together? Surprisingly, the huge mandate the Congress got turned out to be the hindrance. A bigger victory betokened not a bigger pie, but a larger number of people that justifiably expect a piece of it.
Thus, the louder the celebratory firecrackers outside 10 Janpath - the New Delhi residence of the Congress president - the longer the queue of fat cars became. No sooner had the exercise of choosing cabinet ministers begun, aspirants made sure they were in the frame. (In the case of the mercurial Farooq Abdullah, former Jammu and Kashmir chief minister, this was accomplished by petulantly and noisily storming off to watch the Indian Premiere League cricket finals in South Africa when his name didn't figure in the first round.) Even in this spectacle of democratic power-sharing, rendered as full-blown comedy, there were significant patterns, a few markers for the future.
But the bustle around the Congress, the haggling, the noise of the bazaar, was itself a sign of how things had changed in a very short while. A few days before the May 16 results, a senior Congress functionary had predicted ruefully that "a government can be in place only by the end of the month". Everyone present had concluded that he meant to indicate - and he most probably meant to - the uncertainty of a fractured verdict, the legal quagmire of a hung parliament. His statement turned out prophetic. For all the wrong reasons though. In a twist in the tale worthy of the masters of the genre, it was not a number drought that caused the delay but its opposite, a downright embarrassment of riches.
Political parties, even from camps not particularly friendly to the Congress, voluntarily rushed to the president of India to submit their letters of support to the Manmohan Singh-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA). The numbers with the UPA climbed to 325, way beyond the simple majority mark of 272 that everyone thought would be out of everyone's reach. The comfort levels rose to such a point that it quickly started getting suffocating. By lending unprompted support, everyone was clearly looking for a quid pro quo.
Almost a breathless fortnight later, Manmohan and Sonia Gandhi admitted managing the strong supply line was "a difficult and taxing job". But it had to be done for the sake of present equilibrium and future growth. Forming a government was not simply a corporate-style question of finding the right people for the right job - that basic imperative had to married with the subtler demands of representative politics. Pruning, grafting and retooling an old team for a new game, thwarting the unreasonable and satisfying those who won't be denied, all this had to be done while managing perceptions.
Such a composite play offers all the pleasures of a minefield. The first major explosion - actually a series of sharp ones - was reported as Muthuvel Karunanidhi, the chief of Congress's southern ally Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), rode into town with his entire entourage of sons, daughters, grand-nephews and other grandees, all aspiring ministers. Having scripted a win that no one would have bet their money on, the wheelchair-bound Karunanidhi expected to be handsomely rewarded with plum portfolios, no less than nine. Three cabinet berths and the rest junior ministers.
Surprising though it may seem for a group of top Tamil politicians, no one here had Sri Lanka on their minds. No talk of the Tamil refugees herded into camps in the warzone, of relief measures, or of the need to put pressure on Colombo to ensure a political package is worked out for the island's long-suffering Tamil population. The emotive election was past - the rhetoric had already delivered the votes. Now was the time to stake claim to your own relief package, to stock up on ammo to take care of the coming five years.
In the outgoing government, the DMK held plum infrastructure portfolios: shipping, surface transport, IT and communications, to name a few. This time, they not only wanted what they had but some more, such as railways, health and commerce. But between 2004 and now, a key equation had changed. From being a 145-member party in parliament, very much at the mercy of its coalition partners, the Congress has regained its stature with 206 seats. It would not yield so easily to "friendly" bullying. Karunanidhi left Delhi in a huff, threatening not to join the government. A few days of sulk ended with a bit of cajoling over the phone by the prime minister, and he returned meekly to accept whatever was on offer.
Finally, the DMK had to settle for textiles, chemicals and fertilizers plus IT and communications - all ministries that oversee those particular sectors. And, a few junior ministers of state, a subordinate position, to sugar-coat the deal. (Work allocation to junior ministers largely depends on the cabinet minister's whims. Often they are left with very little to do except answering difficult parliamentary questions.) The DMK had been cut to size. If Karunanidhi accepted the deal, it was only because it helped him control the vaulting ambitions in his own ranks.
But taming the DMK solved only part of the problem. As Sonia and Manmohan realized, Congress leaders themselves could act equally peevishly. Having won 206 seats, they thought it was their "party" as well. Individual leaders exerted themselves to keep old allies and willing suitors out of the race so they did not have to share the pie. Such was the clamor for cabinet-rank postings that portfolio distribution had to be held back even after the ornate Ashoka Hall of Rashtrapati Bhavan - the palatial, colonial-era residence of the Indian president - had played host to two rounds of oath-taking.
The prime minister himself took his oath of office on May 22 along with 19 others. The all-important finance portfolio was allocated to party veteran and second-in-command Pranab Mukherjee; the home ministry stayed with P Chidambaram (the glib corporate lawyer moved there from finance after the Mumbai terror strikes of last November); railways went to the leader of the largest ally, Mamata Banerjee; the squeaky-clean A K Antony expectedly kept defense; and foreign affairs went unexpectedly to S M Krishna (a former chief minister of the southern state of Karnataka).
The rest were kept waiting without portfolios until the morning of Friday, May 29. The portfolios of 78 ministers were announced at one go, one day after the second swearing-in ceremony where as many as 59 ministers took oath. "Several factors like availability of talent and other considerations played a role in the making of the team. People expect more than business as usual," Manmohan said in his usual workaday fashion afterwards.
So at the end of two weeks, it turned out to be one jumbo cabinet. No less than six former chief ministers jostled their way in, including two ex-chief ministers of Jammu and Kashmir (Farooq Abdullah and Ghulam Nabi Azad), two of Karnataka (Veerappa Moily and S M Krishna). Seventy-seven-year-old Krishna's induction was the most astonishing event. Not only did he not contest the elections, he was cooling off after losing the last assembly elections in his home state to the opposition Bharatiya Janata Party. Known to have "good access" to Manmohan, he was perhaps chosen for the calmness of age. He's suave, soft-spoken and can be expected to bring a non-belligerent, if copybook, approach to the ministry. Analysts, however, feel it might equally call for sagacity and creative initiative to deal with a South Asia in flames.
Another surprise was the shifting of former commerce minister Kamal Nath, who had pulled off quite a coup at the World Trade Organization talks in Davos, to the gritty and unglamorous ministry for surface transport. Some see this as a clear signal of intent from the prime minister; he wants the more energetic hands rolling up their sleeves to rev up basic infrastructure (in this case, roadways and highways). This ministry was with the DMK and saw little work in the last five years, with contracts worth $10 billion stuck in the pipeline.
Manmohan has been responsible for key paradigm shifts whenever he has been in government. He completely overhauled India's economic policy in the early 1990s, bringing in reforms. By 2008, he had formally changed the course of India's foreign policy by signing the India-United States nuclear deal. This time, he is expected to open up the higher education sector to foreign participation. His choice of Kapil Sibal, a senior Supreme Court lawyer and science and technology minister last time, is being seen as significant.
Although some allies lost out, Nationalist Congress Party chief Sharad Pawar - his prime ministerial ambitions decisively thwarted - has retained his hold over the agriculture portfolio. An acknowledgement of his work, notwithstanding his controversial decision to import wheat. It needs to be seen how the social welfare slant the Congress would like the Manmohan government to take can be married to the market orientation of Pawar's agriculture policy.
The coming days would show whether a faultline develops between Pawar and the Congress leadership. The Congress sees its victory in this elections as an unambiguous vote for welfarism, as enshrined in the rural employment guarantee scheme and the massive farm loan waiver of 2008, and it would soon like to bring in a food security bill. How Pawar responds to it would be interesting to watch.
The biggest straw in the wind is the fact that the Congress leadership chose the socialist-minded Mukherjee over the aggressively pro-reform Montek Singh Ahluwalia as finance minister. It is widely rumored that Manmohan's preference for Ahluwalia, currently the Planning Commission deputy chairman, was shot down by a cautious party. Mukherjee, expected to present the budget in parliament in early July, could bring an urban employment guarantee scheme (on the lines of the rural job scheme) and cut interest rates of loans for farmers and the poor. He's also hinting at another economic stimulus package for infrastructure by way of massive government investment.
Mukherjee, who has returned as finance minister after a quarter of a century, would have to step up spending to support growth even at the risk of widening fiscal deficit. The Indian economy has been hit much more by the global recession than the government is prepared to admit. He also has to create jobs in this recessionary market to meet the aspirations of the youth who are said to have voted for Congress.
Youth is fast becoming an obsession of the Manmohan government. The young Gandhi scion, Rahul, is held to be instrumental in attracting young voters (the Congress won 75 of the 82 seats for which he campaigned) and has been demanding more representation for them. Thus has been born a new constituency within government, leading to the induction of seven junior ministers below the age of 40. The youngest of all is Agatha Sangma, a 27-year-old law graduate from the northeastern state of Meghalaya.
Now to see if this elaborately wrought vehicle - this "mix of youth and experience", as Manmohan himself proffered - can move as fast as he wants to meet his 100-day targets.
Showing posts sorted by date for query Meghalaya. Sort by relevance Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by date for query Meghalaya. Sort by relevance Show all posts
Monday, June 01, 2009
Saturday, April 25, 2009
Votes cast as a 'weapon of the weak'
By M H Ahssan
India's rich and middle class urban voters have failed to show up in large numbers to exercise their franchise in the country's 15th month-long general election. Despite a massive campaign to get the educated to vote, the software hubs of Bangalore and Pune, the two main metros which went to the polls in the second phase of voting on April 23, registered poor turnout.
In contrast to rural areas, which had a turnout of 60%, constituencies in Bangalore city registered a mere 46% turnout, a figure that is below the national average in two phases of voting so far but also lower than turnout in the 2004 general election. As in previous elections, in the two rounds of voting that have been completed in India's multi-phase general election, urban middle-class voters have indicated that they are laggards in comparison to the rural or urban poor.
Media reports on the Indian elections often draw attention to the magnitude of the electoral exercise. Indeed, it is hard not to be impressed by the sheer scale of the election. A 714-million-strong electorate will vote in 828,804 polling booths in 543 constituencies in a five-phase election spread over a month. Four million electoral officials and 2.1 million security personnel are overseeing the process to ensure that it is free, fair and peaceful. Animals, too, are on hand to assist in the process. In the states of Assam and Meghalaya in India's northeast, elephants carry officials and polling material to voting booths.
The Election Commission (EC), which conducts the polls, goes the extra mile to ensure that voters can exercise their franchise. In some parts of the country, which are inaccessible by roads, officials trek for three to four days or ride on the backs of elephants to set up polling booths.
In the western state of Gujarat, the EC has set up a polling booth for one voter - a priest in a temple in the heart of the Gir forest, which is home to the Asiatic lion. He will vote in the third phase of the election.
Officials brave wild animals, scorching heat, long treks, militants and impatient voters to ensure that people can exercise their fundamental right to vote.
As remarkable as these statistics or the logistics involved in conducting the election is the mass participation in Indian elections. Unlike the global trend of a steady decline in voting levels, in India voter turnout over the years has either increased or remained stable.
And what makes this rise in voter turnout significant is that it is spurred by the rise in participation in elections by the poor, women, lower castes and Dalits and tribals. The most vulnerable sections of Indian society are increasingly enthusiastic about voting.
Unlike Western democracies, which granted the right to vote first to propertied men, later educated men, then all men and only after much debate and agitation to women, independent India granted all adult men and women regardless of their religion, caste, language, wealth or education the right to vote in one fell swoop, points out Ramachandra Guha, author of India after Gandhi: The History of the World's Largest Democracy.
The Indian constitution granted all its citizens the right to vote. Right from the first general election in 1952, India's poorest and most marginalized sections have possessed the right to vote. And they have been the most keen to exercise this right.
Voter turnout in India has been higher in rural areas than in cities since 1977. The poor vote more than the rich, especially in urban areas and in the past four general elections, Dalits (or Untouchables as they used to be called) have voted more than upper-caste Hindus, says Yogendra Yadav, a political analyst with the Center for the Study of Developing Societies. "This 'participatory upsurge' from below has defined the character of Indian democracy in the past two decades or so," he says.
This is quite unlike the experience in Western democracies where it is the rich, the well-educated and those belonging to the majority community who are more likely to vote and participate in political activity.
Analysts have pointed out that if those at the lower end of the socio-economic hierarchy take the trouble to vote, defying threats and violence, it is because democracy is bringing change in their lives, however small these might be. Polling day is that one big day on which their decision matters, when their choice counts.
Voters defy militants' calls for a boycott of the poll to exercise their franchise. Maoists have called for a poll boycott and sought to impose it with intimidation and violence. Still, people in the states of Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh have come out to vote. In assembly elections in Jammu and Kashmir in November and December last year, 62% of the electorate voted in spite of a boycott call by separatists.
The media have often underestimated the rural/poor voter, looking on him or her as someone who votes along caste or other parochial lines, who votes as told to rather than on the basis of an informed choice.
This might be true, but only to a limited extent. In 2004, the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA) campaigned on an "India Shining" slogan. But India was not shining for rural Indians and those at the bottom of the heap. Unlike the educated/urban voter who swallowed the NDA's propaganda campaign, the rural voters registered their protest through the ballot box. They voted out the NDA. The vote is the "weapon of the weak", points out Yadav.
This time around, whether the rural voter who is reeling under a severe agrarian crisis is impressed by the 8% average economic growth rate achieved under the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government is debatable. To its credit, the UPA has put in place a rural employment guarantee scheme that provides one member of every rural household with work for 100 days every year.
Both the Congress and the main opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) have made provision of heavily subsidized wheat and rice a central plank in their election campaigns. The Congress has promised every poor family 25 kilograms of wheat or rice at 3 rupees (US$0.06) a kilogram and the BJP 35 kilograms at 2 rupees per kg.
One of the districts that voted in the first phase was Kandhamal in the eastern state of Orissa, which was ravaged by anti-Christian violence last year. Voter turnout in the district was 65.7%. About 90% of those still living in relief camps - people who are too terrified to return to their homes for fear of communal violence - turned up at polling booths despite a Maoist call for a poll boycott and fear of communal violence. Clearly, these victims of communal violence are looking on the ballot box with some hope.
How do Muslims - India's largest religious minority - view the democratic process? Contrary to the perception worldwide that Muslims do not believe in democracy, Muslims in India are as enthusiastic as Hindus in their stated support of democracy. Voter turnout among Muslims, which dipped in the early 1990s and again in 2004, has generally been rising or stable and is as robust as that among Hindus. "Clearly, Indian Muslims are not opting out of democratic politics," says Yadav.
It is not religion but class that appears to influence voter turnout. The rich and middle class Indian doesn't seem to share the faith the poor have in the elections and the power of the vote. Over the years, urban apathy has grown. All the parties are the same, urban voters grumble, pointing to the fielding of criminal and corrupt candidates in some areas.
Voter turnout in successive elections over the past two decades indicate that for all their whining about the quality of politicians who represent them in parliament and state assemblies, India's educated and more privileged sections don't do anything about it on polling day. They simply stay away.
South Mumbai, where many of India's millionaires and billionaires live and work is notorious for poor turnout on polling day, as is Bangalore, India's software hub. State assembly elections in Bangalore in May last year saw an abysmal 44% exercise their franchise, the lowest in the past five elections.
Will Mumbai, Delhi and other Indian cities go Bangalore's way in the coming phases of voting? The terror attacks in Mumbai in November last year shook up the country's politically apathetic youth and brought them out into the streets demanding greater accountability and better performance from the political elite. Thousands participated in candlelight vigils and online campaigns.
Whether they will leave the comfort of their air-conditioned homes to wait in long lines outside polling booths to vote in scorching heat is another matter.
India's rich and middle class urban voters have failed to show up in large numbers to exercise their franchise in the country's 15th month-long general election. Despite a massive campaign to get the educated to vote, the software hubs of Bangalore and Pune, the two main metros which went to the polls in the second phase of voting on April 23, registered poor turnout.
In contrast to rural areas, which had a turnout of 60%, constituencies in Bangalore city registered a mere 46% turnout, a figure that is below the national average in two phases of voting so far but also lower than turnout in the 2004 general election. As in previous elections, in the two rounds of voting that have been completed in India's multi-phase general election, urban middle-class voters have indicated that they are laggards in comparison to the rural or urban poor.
Media reports on the Indian elections often draw attention to the magnitude of the electoral exercise. Indeed, it is hard not to be impressed by the sheer scale of the election. A 714-million-strong electorate will vote in 828,804 polling booths in 543 constituencies in a five-phase election spread over a month. Four million electoral officials and 2.1 million security personnel are overseeing the process to ensure that it is free, fair and peaceful. Animals, too, are on hand to assist in the process. In the states of Assam and Meghalaya in India's northeast, elephants carry officials and polling material to voting booths.
The Election Commission (EC), which conducts the polls, goes the extra mile to ensure that voters can exercise their franchise. In some parts of the country, which are inaccessible by roads, officials trek for three to four days or ride on the backs of elephants to set up polling booths.
In the western state of Gujarat, the EC has set up a polling booth for one voter - a priest in a temple in the heart of the Gir forest, which is home to the Asiatic lion. He will vote in the third phase of the election.
Officials brave wild animals, scorching heat, long treks, militants and impatient voters to ensure that people can exercise their fundamental right to vote.
As remarkable as these statistics or the logistics involved in conducting the election is the mass participation in Indian elections. Unlike the global trend of a steady decline in voting levels, in India voter turnout over the years has either increased or remained stable.
And what makes this rise in voter turnout significant is that it is spurred by the rise in participation in elections by the poor, women, lower castes and Dalits and tribals. The most vulnerable sections of Indian society are increasingly enthusiastic about voting.
Unlike Western democracies, which granted the right to vote first to propertied men, later educated men, then all men and only after much debate and agitation to women, independent India granted all adult men and women regardless of their religion, caste, language, wealth or education the right to vote in one fell swoop, points out Ramachandra Guha, author of India after Gandhi: The History of the World's Largest Democracy.
The Indian constitution granted all its citizens the right to vote. Right from the first general election in 1952, India's poorest and most marginalized sections have possessed the right to vote. And they have been the most keen to exercise this right.
Voter turnout in India has been higher in rural areas than in cities since 1977. The poor vote more than the rich, especially in urban areas and in the past four general elections, Dalits (or Untouchables as they used to be called) have voted more than upper-caste Hindus, says Yogendra Yadav, a political analyst with the Center for the Study of Developing Societies. "This 'participatory upsurge' from below has defined the character of Indian democracy in the past two decades or so," he says.
This is quite unlike the experience in Western democracies where it is the rich, the well-educated and those belonging to the majority community who are more likely to vote and participate in political activity.
Analysts have pointed out that if those at the lower end of the socio-economic hierarchy take the trouble to vote, defying threats and violence, it is because democracy is bringing change in their lives, however small these might be. Polling day is that one big day on which their decision matters, when their choice counts.
Voters defy militants' calls for a boycott of the poll to exercise their franchise. Maoists have called for a poll boycott and sought to impose it with intimidation and violence. Still, people in the states of Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh have come out to vote. In assembly elections in Jammu and Kashmir in November and December last year, 62% of the electorate voted in spite of a boycott call by separatists.
The media have often underestimated the rural/poor voter, looking on him or her as someone who votes along caste or other parochial lines, who votes as told to rather than on the basis of an informed choice.
This might be true, but only to a limited extent. In 2004, the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA) campaigned on an "India Shining" slogan. But India was not shining for rural Indians and those at the bottom of the heap. Unlike the educated/urban voter who swallowed the NDA's propaganda campaign, the rural voters registered their protest through the ballot box. They voted out the NDA. The vote is the "weapon of the weak", points out Yadav.
This time around, whether the rural voter who is reeling under a severe agrarian crisis is impressed by the 8% average economic growth rate achieved under the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government is debatable. To its credit, the UPA has put in place a rural employment guarantee scheme that provides one member of every rural household with work for 100 days every year.
Both the Congress and the main opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) have made provision of heavily subsidized wheat and rice a central plank in their election campaigns. The Congress has promised every poor family 25 kilograms of wheat or rice at 3 rupees (US$0.06) a kilogram and the BJP 35 kilograms at 2 rupees per kg.
One of the districts that voted in the first phase was Kandhamal in the eastern state of Orissa, which was ravaged by anti-Christian violence last year. Voter turnout in the district was 65.7%. About 90% of those still living in relief camps - people who are too terrified to return to their homes for fear of communal violence - turned up at polling booths despite a Maoist call for a poll boycott and fear of communal violence. Clearly, these victims of communal violence are looking on the ballot box with some hope.
How do Muslims - India's largest religious minority - view the democratic process? Contrary to the perception worldwide that Muslims do not believe in democracy, Muslims in India are as enthusiastic as Hindus in their stated support of democracy. Voter turnout among Muslims, which dipped in the early 1990s and again in 2004, has generally been rising or stable and is as robust as that among Hindus. "Clearly, Indian Muslims are not opting out of democratic politics," says Yadav.
It is not religion but class that appears to influence voter turnout. The rich and middle class Indian doesn't seem to share the faith the poor have in the elections and the power of the vote. Over the years, urban apathy has grown. All the parties are the same, urban voters grumble, pointing to the fielding of criminal and corrupt candidates in some areas.
Voter turnout in successive elections over the past two decades indicate that for all their whining about the quality of politicians who represent them in parliament and state assemblies, India's educated and more privileged sections don't do anything about it on polling day. They simply stay away.
South Mumbai, where many of India's millionaires and billionaires live and work is notorious for poor turnout on polling day, as is Bangalore, India's software hub. State assembly elections in Bangalore in May last year saw an abysmal 44% exercise their franchise, the lowest in the past five elections.
Will Mumbai, Delhi and other Indian cities go Bangalore's way in the coming phases of voting? The terror attacks in Mumbai in November last year shook up the country's politically apathetic youth and brought them out into the streets demanding greater accountability and better performance from the political elite. Thousands participated in candlelight vigils and online campaigns.
Whether they will leave the comfort of their air-conditioned homes to wait in long lines outside polling booths to vote in scorching heat is another matter.
Saturday, April 04, 2009
Hyderabad Elections 2009 - Women Psyche
By Samiya Anwar
From the public lavatory to lanes, at every passage and wall we find the big pictures of bade bade neta, their posters with symbols of palm, flower, etc. Off course the rallies of Praja Rajyam not to forget is a part of every ones breakfast table with a hot cuppa of tea early morning. Well known today’s aam janta everyone is talking about the forthcoming elections, it is been more than sixty years of independence India is a free country. First it was poor and underdeveloped. Now it is counted as a developing country. We have traveled a long way. And it won’t be anonymous to say government builds the road we are traveling. The government will always affect our lives.
An election means a call upon to elect a new government. It is no joke. Election is a serious stuff, not fluffy and downy. The rich have been harvesting the benefits of progress, while the gigantic mass is in the dumps into poverty and hunger. It is every one’s primary right to exercise vote if he/she has attained the age of 18 or above. But how many of them actually do it. There is less percentage of people who is enjoying this right in reality.
For some women when it comes to elections it is very different to get the head around, like my mother always voted the person my dad opted. Why the question is always troubled me. When I turned 18, I felt an adult. I thought I am grown and can vote to any person of my choice. My parents and I had a different person to choose. They want me to vote for the candidate they wish. It was not only with me but also to most of my friends. There parents want them to vote accordingly. With the passage of time, things changed when I realized the power of vote
With the present elections in the state there are many women who dare not talk about elections at all. What we are seeing is deeply worrying. But they are confused and disoriented because the aspirations of the people remain unfulfilled after elections. The bag-full of promises seems to be nothing today in their eyes. Should Naidu be given a second chance is the question of many. As we see that the current government failed to maintain the quality of all that Chandrababu Naidu has done for the city and has done nothing for the urban population strongly feels some women in Hyderabad.
As election race shifts further women find it a brutal joke .it is like multiple choice questions for many to answer the best of the option given. It is a number game to many. Whosoever comes into power there is less development than what is being promised to them. It is no mindful decision, some vote blindly and some don’t, especially rural women. They need active encouragement to be dragged to the polls
It is no same mind frame of all women. A recent study shows that women are on par with men while excising voting rights. According to 2009 electoral polls women voters are in majority in six states namely Andhra Pradesh, Meghalaya, kerala, Manipur, mizoram, puducherry. Andhra has 2.86 crore women voters as opposed to 2.80 crore men. It has been witnessing a steady increase in the number of women voters
Today’s women are independent and free like India, our country. They are not dependent on men in decision and voice their opinion openly. The urban women run their life on their own. The traditional India has transformed to more advanced and globalize country going the west way. Women play a decisive role in the polls. They exercise it in much greater numbers and greater percentages than men. The vote of women - individually and collectively - can make or break elections, candidates, and outcomes.
Women walk the talk while men just talk and walk away. Women are the ultimate decision makers. They are doing great in every field. It is women who know a lot about what their families and their communities need. They have equal power to men in taking political decisions. As election fever has gripped the city. Who better tell the government what does community needs than women? How do you expect things around you to change when you don't cast your valuable vote thinks Manisha, my friend and a call center employee?
There are more women issues than men to be addressed. Isn’t it? First, it is the safety of women in society she dwells in. many women in the Old City do not trust police. They go through domestic and physical violence and don’t complain. We need a system where women can approach cops fearlessly. The issues like water shortage, frequent power cuts, road accidents and physical abuse of women at workplace should be given first thought.
The self-realization and self-confidence are absolutely essential. Education and work will bring real freedom to the rural woman and Child labor and kids begging at traffic signals are serious issues. The price increase of several commodities and economic slowdown has affected many families. The young college graduates have no job openings and the rest working is fired at any moment. There is no security and safety. What does the future hold for the children is worrisome by women.
The college students especially women are trying to spread awareness about the election campaigns held in Hydrabad and important of “one vote” to save the life of many. Every vote is a precious. We are the tax-payers and only our vote decides the party coming into power. Women’s vote is for the betterment of family and community. So we should think twice before casting vote. Our vote is valuable and so should be our decision.
Nevertheless the world needs more cool brains than hot heads. We need to have a collective effort to select the right candidate. The woman in Hyderabad expects very responsive governance from the future government. Women HOPE for a change.
From the public lavatory to lanes, at every passage and wall we find the big pictures of bade bade neta, their posters with symbols of palm, flower, etc. Off course the rallies of Praja Rajyam not to forget is a part of every ones breakfast table with a hot cuppa of tea early morning. Well known today’s aam janta everyone is talking about the forthcoming elections, it is been more than sixty years of independence India is a free country. First it was poor and underdeveloped. Now it is counted as a developing country. We have traveled a long way. And it won’t be anonymous to say government builds the road we are traveling. The government will always affect our lives.
An election means a call upon to elect a new government. It is no joke. Election is a serious stuff, not fluffy and downy. The rich have been harvesting the benefits of progress, while the gigantic mass is in the dumps into poverty and hunger. It is every one’s primary right to exercise vote if he/she has attained the age of 18 or above. But how many of them actually do it. There is less percentage of people who is enjoying this right in reality.
For some women when it comes to elections it is very different to get the head around, like my mother always voted the person my dad opted. Why the question is always troubled me. When I turned 18, I felt an adult. I thought I am grown and can vote to any person of my choice. My parents and I had a different person to choose. They want me to vote for the candidate they wish. It was not only with me but also to most of my friends. There parents want them to vote accordingly. With the passage of time, things changed when I realized the power of vote
With the present elections in the state there are many women who dare not talk about elections at all. What we are seeing is deeply worrying. But they are confused and disoriented because the aspirations of the people remain unfulfilled after elections. The bag-full of promises seems to be nothing today in their eyes. Should Naidu be given a second chance is the question of many. As we see that the current government failed to maintain the quality of all that Chandrababu Naidu has done for the city and has done nothing for the urban population strongly feels some women in Hyderabad.
As election race shifts further women find it a brutal joke .it is like multiple choice questions for many to answer the best of the option given. It is a number game to many. Whosoever comes into power there is less development than what is being promised to them. It is no mindful decision, some vote blindly and some don’t, especially rural women. They need active encouragement to be dragged to the polls
It is no same mind frame of all women. A recent study shows that women are on par with men while excising voting rights. According to 2009 electoral polls women voters are in majority in six states namely Andhra Pradesh, Meghalaya, kerala, Manipur, mizoram, puducherry. Andhra has 2.86 crore women voters as opposed to 2.80 crore men. It has been witnessing a steady increase in the number of women voters
Today’s women are independent and free like India, our country. They are not dependent on men in decision and voice their opinion openly. The urban women run their life on their own. The traditional India has transformed to more advanced and globalize country going the west way. Women play a decisive role in the polls. They exercise it in much greater numbers and greater percentages than men. The vote of women - individually and collectively - can make or break elections, candidates, and outcomes.
Women walk the talk while men just talk and walk away. Women are the ultimate decision makers. They are doing great in every field. It is women who know a lot about what their families and their communities need. They have equal power to men in taking political decisions. As election fever has gripped the city. Who better tell the government what does community needs than women? How do you expect things around you to change when you don't cast your valuable vote thinks Manisha, my friend and a call center employee?
There are more women issues than men to be addressed. Isn’t it? First, it is the safety of women in society she dwells in. many women in the Old City do not trust police. They go through domestic and physical violence and don’t complain. We need a system where women can approach cops fearlessly. The issues like water shortage, frequent power cuts, road accidents and physical abuse of women at workplace should be given first thought.
The self-realization and self-confidence are absolutely essential. Education and work will bring real freedom to the rural woman and Child labor and kids begging at traffic signals are serious issues. The price increase of several commodities and economic slowdown has affected many families. The young college graduates have no job openings and the rest working is fired at any moment. There is no security and safety. What does the future hold for the children is worrisome by women.
The college students especially women are trying to spread awareness about the election campaigns held in Hydrabad and important of “one vote” to save the life of many. Every vote is a precious. We are the tax-payers and only our vote decides the party coming into power. Women’s vote is for the betterment of family and community. So we should think twice before casting vote. Our vote is valuable and so should be our decision.
Nevertheless the world needs more cool brains than hot heads. We need to have a collective effort to select the right candidate. The woman in Hyderabad expects very responsive governance from the future government. Women HOPE for a change.
Tuesday, March 24, 2009
Who Will Become PM?
By M H Ahssan
This is for all you dummies who will perform your duty as conscientious citizens and vote. For whom will you vote? You may as most people treat this general election as a municipal poll and vote for the candidate most likely to help your son get admission, or get the authorities to remove jhuggis behind your house. If as a serious voter you are concerned with national policy, forget it. Politicians themselves have given up all pretence about concern with policy. Even poor Prakash Karat after vain attempts to forge a Common Minimum Programme has been reduced instead to preparing a Vision Document.
If policy is not the issue, what is? Well, there will be an election and there will be a future Prime Minister. So why not vote for the best PM? In the absence of policy how might you make a choice? Well, think about the qualities of leadership. Obviously one who shows such qualities best deserves a chance. The most basic quality of leadership is his or her ability to protect the interests of followers. On this criterion who is best?
Certainly not Dr Manmohan Singh! He doesn’t want followers. He is content to remain a follower himself of Sonia Gandhi.
Certainly not LK Advani! The Rajnath-Jaitley spat thoroughly exposed him. It is inconceivable that Sidanshu Mittal could have been appointed to oversee the Northeast states without Advani’s consent. When Jaitley objected, Advani did not defend Mittal. When Rajnath Singh refused to oblige Jaitley, Advani did not defend Jaitley. He could neither promote nor defend any follower. What kind of leadership is that?
Certainly not Mayawati! She dumped her loyalists to give election tickets to newcomers who joined her weeks ago. She used her followers to collect money on her behalf and failed to protect them when they were caught. There was no question of course of her sharing any money with her followers.
Certainly not Sharad Pawar! Look how he betrayed his senior party colleague, P Sangma! He agreed that the Congress dismissed the Meghalaya government unconstitutionally. Yet he refused to back Sangma against the Congress in order to further his interests in his own home state.
Certainly not Laloo Yadav! He promoted his wife as Chief Minister. He refused to promote her protesting brother who joined Congress. Or is it that Sadhu Yadav joined Congress with Laloo’s secret blessing? Remember, all the Laloo dissidents who have joined the Congress will cut the votes of his newfound ally, Ram Vilas Paswan. So either Laloo is betraying his followers or conspiring against his ally. Is he fit to lead?
Certainly not Navin Patnaik! With hopes of becoming PM supported by the CPI-M he scrapped his decades old alliance with the NDA. Without batting an eye he endorsed all the policies of the CPI-M which he had opposed throughout his political career.
Certainly not Nitish Kumar! He refused to accommodate his former leader George Fernandes who as a sitting MP wanted to contest. What kind of loyalty is that?
Certainly not Jayalalithaa! For five years she abused Congress. She then attempted to team up with Congress to isolate Karunanidhi. After that failed she went to the Third Front. Meanwhile Karat promoted Mayawati. Jayalalithaa refused to attend Mayawati’s dinner. Now she is edging away from the Third Front. Can a leader who does not know where to stand help the nation take a stand…?
Enough! There’s no point criticizing all the hopefuls for the top job. Some new dark horse could spring a surprise. The prevalent political culture and confusion are stoking ambition in unexpected places. Anything can happen. The Malegaon blast accused Dayanand Pandey from prison has sought the court’s permission to contest the Lok Sabha poll. He favours a seat in Jammu. He could join another Malegaon blast accused, Major Ramesh Upadhyay, who earlier had sought similar permission to contest. With their rich experience in transnational affairs and explosive politics could they bring peace between India and the ISI…?
For the present, isn’t it best to keep an open mind about the next PM?
This is for all you dummies who will perform your duty as conscientious citizens and vote. For whom will you vote? You may as most people treat this general election as a municipal poll and vote for the candidate most likely to help your son get admission, or get the authorities to remove jhuggis behind your house. If as a serious voter you are concerned with national policy, forget it. Politicians themselves have given up all pretence about concern with policy. Even poor Prakash Karat after vain attempts to forge a Common Minimum Programme has been reduced instead to preparing a Vision Document.
If policy is not the issue, what is? Well, there will be an election and there will be a future Prime Minister. So why not vote for the best PM? In the absence of policy how might you make a choice? Well, think about the qualities of leadership. Obviously one who shows such qualities best deserves a chance. The most basic quality of leadership is his or her ability to protect the interests of followers. On this criterion who is best?
Certainly not Dr Manmohan Singh! He doesn’t want followers. He is content to remain a follower himself of Sonia Gandhi.
Certainly not LK Advani! The Rajnath-Jaitley spat thoroughly exposed him. It is inconceivable that Sidanshu Mittal could have been appointed to oversee the Northeast states without Advani’s consent. When Jaitley objected, Advani did not defend Mittal. When Rajnath Singh refused to oblige Jaitley, Advani did not defend Jaitley. He could neither promote nor defend any follower. What kind of leadership is that?
Certainly not Mayawati! She dumped her loyalists to give election tickets to newcomers who joined her weeks ago. She used her followers to collect money on her behalf and failed to protect them when they were caught. There was no question of course of her sharing any money with her followers.
Certainly not Sharad Pawar! Look how he betrayed his senior party colleague, P Sangma! He agreed that the Congress dismissed the Meghalaya government unconstitutionally. Yet he refused to back Sangma against the Congress in order to further his interests in his own home state.
Certainly not Laloo Yadav! He promoted his wife as Chief Minister. He refused to promote her protesting brother who joined Congress. Or is it that Sadhu Yadav joined Congress with Laloo’s secret blessing? Remember, all the Laloo dissidents who have joined the Congress will cut the votes of his newfound ally, Ram Vilas Paswan. So either Laloo is betraying his followers or conspiring against his ally. Is he fit to lead?
Certainly not Navin Patnaik! With hopes of becoming PM supported by the CPI-M he scrapped his decades old alliance with the NDA. Without batting an eye he endorsed all the policies of the CPI-M which he had opposed throughout his political career.
Certainly not Nitish Kumar! He refused to accommodate his former leader George Fernandes who as a sitting MP wanted to contest. What kind of loyalty is that?
Certainly not Jayalalithaa! For five years she abused Congress. She then attempted to team up with Congress to isolate Karunanidhi. After that failed she went to the Third Front. Meanwhile Karat promoted Mayawati. Jayalalithaa refused to attend Mayawati’s dinner. Now she is edging away from the Third Front. Can a leader who does not know where to stand help the nation take a stand…?
Enough! There’s no point criticizing all the hopefuls for the top job. Some new dark horse could spring a surprise. The prevalent political culture and confusion are stoking ambition in unexpected places. Anything can happen. The Malegaon blast accused Dayanand Pandey from prison has sought the court’s permission to contest the Lok Sabha poll. He favours a seat in Jammu. He could join another Malegaon blast accused, Major Ramesh Upadhyay, who earlier had sought similar permission to contest. With their rich experience in transnational affairs and explosive politics could they bring peace between India and the ISI…?
For the present, isn’t it best to keep an open mind about the next PM?
Thursday, March 19, 2009
CONGRESS CASTE POLITICS - CASE OF TAIL WAGGING DOG
By M H Ahssan
One of the cardinal rules of politics is never to count your chickens before they hatch. It is now clear that the Congress never realised the importance of this dictum and is now repenting. Its leaders, who projected the UPA as the “natural alliance of governance” till the other day, have suddenly lost their swagger and are now reconciled to the possibility of some of their most trusted allies turning spoilers.
The Congress admitted the disintegration of the UPA in Bihar when it said that it would be difficult to do business with the RJD. In a tit-for-tat, the Congress announced an alliance with JMM in Jharkhand leaving just two seats for the RJD. Retribution from Lalu Prasad is likely to be swift and the RJD chief appears set to announce an alliance with Ram Vilas Paswan’s LJP for Jharkhand as well.
Only a political greenhorn would have missed the signals. NCP chief Sharad Pawar has been maintaining that parties within the UPA and outside could gel into a combination after the elections. Citing the fragmented nature of the country’s politics, Mr Pawar has said on more than one occasion that existing political bonding could alter in the event of the two major parties failing to cross the threshold required for winning over allies.
The Congress correctly diagnosed it as an attempt to expose its soft underbelly. The party reacted with its trademark bluster saying that the UPA would remain the favourite vehicle for government formation. This bold assertion was no doubt prompted by BJD’s unilateral snapping of its 11-year-old ties with Congress’s main rival, the BJP.
But the fortunes of the Congress are swinging as wildly as the stock markets on a day of free fall. So far, Mr Yadav has been Sonia Gandhi’s most loyal backer. When others threw tantrums, he stood by her, even going to the extent of saying that none was more suited than her to lead the country. But the Union railways minister rammed in the point that he cannot be expected to align his political interests with that of Congress. He also made the biggest political statement about the Congress marginalisation in the Hindi heartland by allotting it a mere three seats. The Congress retaliated by announcing itself as the bigger player in Jharkhand. But Mr Yadav will not take it lying down and it could lead to a disintegration of UPA in Bihar and Jharkhand that together account for 54 seats.
The widening emotional chasm between the RJD and the Congress has come in handy for the Samajwadi Party. The SP has swiftly moved in with a proposal for an alliance with RJD. The two Yadav leaders have of late been cosying up to each other. This has dashed expectations of the Congress that the incompatibility between the two Yadavs would prevent any political joint venture in the cow belt.
The big picture must be worrying for the Congress. In states where it depends on the crutches that an ally provides, partners have virtually pushed the Congress to the edge. Barring Tamil Nadu where DMK has said that it’s willing to renew the 2004 contract, every other ally wants the marriage terms to be rewritten. And it is no secret that NCP’s chief aim is to cut the Congress to size in Maharashtra.
In what could further sharpen the faultlines within the UPA, the Centre has imposed the President’s rule in Meghalaya. The mentor of the dismissed government, PA Sangma, is sure to force the NCP to turn even more hostile against the Congress in this changed political scenario.
If an out of depth and demoralised BJP was the political screen saver the last week end, the characters are now beginning to swap places. The BJP may be friendless in the two key southern states — Tamil Nadu and Karnataka — but the alliances that it has worked out in other states have come without any baggage. While political parties have every right to feel hopeful, the events in the UPA once again show what usually follows hubris.
One of the cardinal rules of politics is never to count your chickens before they hatch. It is now clear that the Congress never realised the importance of this dictum and is now repenting. Its leaders, who projected the UPA as the “natural alliance of governance” till the other day, have suddenly lost their swagger and are now reconciled to the possibility of some of their most trusted allies turning spoilers.
The Congress admitted the disintegration of the UPA in Bihar when it said that it would be difficult to do business with the RJD. In a tit-for-tat, the Congress announced an alliance with JMM in Jharkhand leaving just two seats for the RJD. Retribution from Lalu Prasad is likely to be swift and the RJD chief appears set to announce an alliance with Ram Vilas Paswan’s LJP for Jharkhand as well.
Only a political greenhorn would have missed the signals. NCP chief Sharad Pawar has been maintaining that parties within the UPA and outside could gel into a combination after the elections. Citing the fragmented nature of the country’s politics, Mr Pawar has said on more than one occasion that existing political bonding could alter in the event of the two major parties failing to cross the threshold required for winning over allies.
The Congress correctly diagnosed it as an attempt to expose its soft underbelly. The party reacted with its trademark bluster saying that the UPA would remain the favourite vehicle for government formation. This bold assertion was no doubt prompted by BJD’s unilateral snapping of its 11-year-old ties with Congress’s main rival, the BJP.
But the fortunes of the Congress are swinging as wildly as the stock markets on a day of free fall. So far, Mr Yadav has been Sonia Gandhi’s most loyal backer. When others threw tantrums, he stood by her, even going to the extent of saying that none was more suited than her to lead the country. But the Union railways minister rammed in the point that he cannot be expected to align his political interests with that of Congress. He also made the biggest political statement about the Congress marginalisation in the Hindi heartland by allotting it a mere three seats. The Congress retaliated by announcing itself as the bigger player in Jharkhand. But Mr Yadav will not take it lying down and it could lead to a disintegration of UPA in Bihar and Jharkhand that together account for 54 seats.
The widening emotional chasm between the RJD and the Congress has come in handy for the Samajwadi Party. The SP has swiftly moved in with a proposal for an alliance with RJD. The two Yadav leaders have of late been cosying up to each other. This has dashed expectations of the Congress that the incompatibility between the two Yadavs would prevent any political joint venture in the cow belt.
The big picture must be worrying for the Congress. In states where it depends on the crutches that an ally provides, partners have virtually pushed the Congress to the edge. Barring Tamil Nadu where DMK has said that it’s willing to renew the 2004 contract, every other ally wants the marriage terms to be rewritten. And it is no secret that NCP’s chief aim is to cut the Congress to size in Maharashtra.
In what could further sharpen the faultlines within the UPA, the Centre has imposed the President’s rule in Meghalaya. The mentor of the dismissed government, PA Sangma, is sure to force the NCP to turn even more hostile against the Congress in this changed political scenario.
If an out of depth and demoralised BJP was the political screen saver the last week end, the characters are now beginning to swap places. The BJP may be friendless in the two key southern states — Tamil Nadu and Karnataka — but the alliances that it has worked out in other states have come without any baggage. While political parties have every right to feel hopeful, the events in the UPA once again show what usually follows hubris.
Thursday, March 05, 2009
Fair edge: Women voters outnumber men in 6 states
By Kajol Singh
More Women Show Up At Booths But Remain Under-Represented In Parliament
Political parties may be chary of agreeing on 33% reservation for women and they might still be under-represented in Parliament, but they form an influential votebank that netas can ill afford to ignore as there now are about 33 crore registered women voters, only marginally less than 36 crore male voters.
According to the 2009 electoral rolls, women voters are in a majority in six states — Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram and Puducherry. While Andhra has 2.86 crore women voters as opposed to 2.80 crore men, in Kerala the ratio is 1.11 crore women to 1.03 crore men and Manipur has 8.97 lakh women compared to 8.29 lakh men.
While Meghalaya has 6.48 lakh registered female voters and 6.28 lakh men, Mizoram accounts for 3.17 lakh women in comparison to 3.08 lakh men. The state of Puducherry boasts of 3.91 lakh women to 3.63 lakh men on its voters’ list.
It is no surprise that even in states where women do not outnumber men as voters, governments have made it a point to announce women-oriented schemes, with Madhya Pradesh being a good example. Chief minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan has announced several schemes for women and girl children. Even the Delhi government has a ‘ladli’ scheme and the poll manifestoes of parties are bound to devote more than a few paragraphs to this important constituency.
According to records, while the total number of registered female voters has increased from 32.19 crore in 2004 to 33.75 crore in 2009, the number of women-majority states has come down from seven to six.
There is a slight departure from the 2004 poll data where Tamil Nadu and the Union Territory of Daman and Diu had more registered women voters than men. But in the 2009 rolls, the number of registered male voters has overtaken women in both TN and Daman and Diu. However, Meghalaya made an entry as a state with a higher women voter registration. This is unlikely to stop the ruling DMK from announcing schemes like free stoves and gas connections.
Incidentally, turnout of women has been around 60% in the last two general elections (1999 and 2004) with Lakshadweep recording the largest number of women voters.
Participation of female voters has been traditionally 10% lower compared to male voters.
There has been an upward trend in participation of female voters. In 1962 elections, only 46.6% female voters made their way to the booths which increased to 57.86% in 1998.
The highest poll turnout was in 1984 during which 59.2% women cast their votes.
This has, however, not reflected in the representation of women in Parliament which is about 8%. In over 50 years of Independence, the percentage of women in the Lok Sabha has increased from 4.4 to 9.02%, a figure that continues to be lower than the 15% average for countries with elected legislatures.
Neighbouring countries have already implemented a quota for women — such as Nepal with 33%, Pakistan with 22%. Even Bangladesh has a 14% quota.
Encouragingly, during the last four elections, large but relatively backward states of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan elected a higher number of women MPs compared to more developed and urbanised states like Maharashtra, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal. Women MPs from these states accounted for more than 40% of the total number of female representatives in the three successive Lok Sabhas since 1991.
On the contrary, the four relatively developed states accounted for only around 30% of the total women MPs in 1991 elections and less than 20% in 1996 and 1998 and about 25% in the 1999 elections.
More Women Show Up At Booths But Remain Under-Represented In Parliament
Political parties may be chary of agreeing on 33% reservation for women and they might still be under-represented in Parliament, but they form an influential votebank that netas can ill afford to ignore as there now are about 33 crore registered women voters, only marginally less than 36 crore male voters.
According to the 2009 electoral rolls, women voters are in a majority in six states — Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram and Puducherry. While Andhra has 2.86 crore women voters as opposed to 2.80 crore men, in Kerala the ratio is 1.11 crore women to 1.03 crore men and Manipur has 8.97 lakh women compared to 8.29 lakh men.
While Meghalaya has 6.48 lakh registered female voters and 6.28 lakh men, Mizoram accounts for 3.17 lakh women in comparison to 3.08 lakh men. The state of Puducherry boasts of 3.91 lakh women to 3.63 lakh men on its voters’ list.
It is no surprise that even in states where women do not outnumber men as voters, governments have made it a point to announce women-oriented schemes, with Madhya Pradesh being a good example. Chief minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan has announced several schemes for women and girl children. Even the Delhi government has a ‘ladli’ scheme and the poll manifestoes of parties are bound to devote more than a few paragraphs to this important constituency.
According to records, while the total number of registered female voters has increased from 32.19 crore in 2004 to 33.75 crore in 2009, the number of women-majority states has come down from seven to six.
There is a slight departure from the 2004 poll data where Tamil Nadu and the Union Territory of Daman and Diu had more registered women voters than men. But in the 2009 rolls, the number of registered male voters has overtaken women in both TN and Daman and Diu. However, Meghalaya made an entry as a state with a higher women voter registration. This is unlikely to stop the ruling DMK from announcing schemes like free stoves and gas connections.
Incidentally, turnout of women has been around 60% in the last two general elections (1999 and 2004) with Lakshadweep recording the largest number of women voters.
Participation of female voters has been traditionally 10% lower compared to male voters.
There has been an upward trend in participation of female voters. In 1962 elections, only 46.6% female voters made their way to the booths which increased to 57.86% in 1998.
The highest poll turnout was in 1984 during which 59.2% women cast their votes.
This has, however, not reflected in the representation of women in Parliament which is about 8%. In over 50 years of Independence, the percentage of women in the Lok Sabha has increased from 4.4 to 9.02%, a figure that continues to be lower than the 15% average for countries with elected legislatures.
Neighbouring countries have already implemented a quota for women — such as Nepal with 33%, Pakistan with 22%. Even Bangladesh has a 14% quota.
Encouragingly, during the last four elections, large but relatively backward states of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan elected a higher number of women MPs compared to more developed and urbanised states like Maharashtra, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal. Women MPs from these states accounted for more than 40% of the total number of female representatives in the three successive Lok Sabhas since 1991.
On the contrary, the four relatively developed states accounted for only around 30% of the total women MPs in 1991 elections and less than 20% in 1996 and 1998 and about 25% in the 1999 elections.
Tuesday, February 10, 2009
Two Tier Series 8 - Gilt And Longing
Modern Shillong may be a bustling city, but its citizens still hanker for the beauty and serenity of its self-contained past, writes Annie Sadaf
Take a small, but perfect little gemstone, surrounded by old, rose cut diamonds, in a classical setting — and you have the Shillong of the past. Surround this mount with a more morder, but gilt-edged hard setting, letting the entire piece acquire the grime inevitable with age — and you have latter day Shillong. A city in transition, Shillong still retains some of the beauty of its past, but it has been oppressed by the weight of a larger, uglier, modernity. Once dubbed by colonials the Scotland of the East, Shillong possesses both the geography and the climate to fit the bill. Only not so bleak — nestled in rich pine forests in the Khasi hills, verdant grassy downs, lakes and streams dot the region, with the added attraction of fine, wooden cottages complete with floral borders.
Shillong had a poetic beauty that echoed the best Scottish countryside, tempered with a softness lacking in the windswept heather-clad moors of the original. The city derives its name from the deity Shyllong or Lei Shyllong, which is worshipped at the Shilong Peak (1965 m high), about 10 km from the main town. Today’s Shillong is a more quixotic, if more modern city — some of the old, quaint houses and cottages still exist, but their large, lush lawns have been overtaken by the construction boom changing the skyline — and not for the better. Monstrous and ugly buildings have trampled these greens, to rise as concrete milestones on the path to progress. The various streams that flow through the city, once populated with picnic and angling spots, are now an ugly testament to development — filled with unregulated sewage, garbage and filth. More like nallahs, they drain Shillong of its former beauty.
Any old-timer would bemoan the fact that the distinctive black and yellow Ambassador taxis have been now overtaken by Marutis. Worse, the city’s narrow, winding roads — whose meanderings supposedly led a British gentleman to comment, “the Khasis made the roads when they were drunk” — are today choked with the growing traffic. Shillong’s place in the political sun came in 1874, when it was made the capital of Assam. It remained so for over a century, till the seat of government was transferred to Dispur and Meghalaya became a separate state. But like smaller, urban centres all over India, this old world gem is now a rapidly-growing city.
It’s among the 63 cities to be selected for the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM) project, launched by the Prime Minister in 2005. The city’s experiencing an onslaught of domestic tourists and hotels catering to different budgets are coming up. Once a typical hill station boarding school centre, with names likes St. Edmunds, Loreto Convent, St Marys and Pine Mount, the modern makeover of Shillong has brought an Indian Institute of Management (IIM) and Indira Gandhi Regional Institute of Medical Sciences (NEIGRIMS) to the city. Shillong is also the headquarters of the Eastern Air Command and 101 Communication unit of the Army. Some of these may be good news for the city and the region, bring the hope of economic prosperity and the ability to retain the migration of its youth to more economically salubrious climes, but residents of Shillong still reminisce fondly about its erstwhile charm.
John F. Kharshiing, advisor & spokesperson, Federation of 25 Khasi States, talks of the ancient traditional markets that are a distinctive feature in Shillong localities. His grandmother told him that during the time of the British, the largest such traditional market, the Burra Bazaar, was manned by a British officer on horseback to monitor that there was no littering. Today, the same market is both crowded and filthy, a sad reminder of bustle gone to hustle. Some things, however, haven’t changed much: the one-stop destination for all gourmands is one of the oldest bakeries, Mahari & Sons in Mawprem. It started doing business in the 1930s and boasts of having supplied bread to the British Army. Today, it’s grown into a departmental store. Says proprietor Jwain Sing Kharshiing: “With the expansion of the city, demand for our bakery items and confectionary has grown.” Old-timers still remember the ‘Guiddeti’, another famous bakery whose deliveryman used to sell cakes and bread in different localities.
For A Christian-dominated state, it’s hardly surprising that there are over 100 churches dotting Shillong. But today the bells of the Catholic Cathedral in Laitmukhrah resonate amidst the chaos of the newly commercialised locality. Dominic Jala, Archbishop of Shillong, feels that the aura around the Cathedral has changed now, but the religious life of the people has increased. “We find newer challenges confronting us. We are actively involved in organising and improving the lives of domestic workers of Shillong, training school dropouts and care for women,” adds the Archbishop. And even for those who have moved out, the love affair continues. The romantic charm of the city exerts a powerful nostalgia on its former citizens, who might have moved to work elsewhere — but have their hearts still in Shillong’s gentle embrace.
Academic Alak Buragohain, who was born and brought up in Shillong and has moved to Assam, eulogises on how one could walk miles and miles and literally count the vehicles plying the roads and the quaint city buses on their routes. At the State Central Library librarian Ram Goswami remembered almost every reader. “He used to inform us if there were any new books. We used to even read the The Washington Post and The New York Times there,” Buragohain adds. He feels that there was a sort of bonhomie present in the past that is missing now.
There was a strong non-Khasi community, which was very localized in areas like Bishnupur and Moti Nagar. “In spite of these different ethnic backgrounds, there was a rich round of cultural activities like Ananda Sanmelan and Bihu Sanmelan. Most of the past landmarks, including the Assembly House with which we grew up, are now missing. The nostalgia is there but with a lot of pain. No doubt it’s a city in transition, but I don’t know if it’s for the better or the worse,” says Buragohain, sadly. Looking at the present-day Shillong, is hardly surprising that the Khasi hills are alive with the sounds of sentiment and nostalgia.
Take a small, but perfect little gemstone, surrounded by old, rose cut diamonds, in a classical setting — and you have the Shillong of the past. Surround this mount with a more morder, but gilt-edged hard setting, letting the entire piece acquire the grime inevitable with age — and you have latter day Shillong. A city in transition, Shillong still retains some of the beauty of its past, but it has been oppressed by the weight of a larger, uglier, modernity. Once dubbed by colonials the Scotland of the East, Shillong possesses both the geography and the climate to fit the bill. Only not so bleak — nestled in rich pine forests in the Khasi hills, verdant grassy downs, lakes and streams dot the region, with the added attraction of fine, wooden cottages complete with floral borders.
Shillong had a poetic beauty that echoed the best Scottish countryside, tempered with a softness lacking in the windswept heather-clad moors of the original. The city derives its name from the deity Shyllong or Lei Shyllong, which is worshipped at the Shilong Peak (1965 m high), about 10 km from the main town. Today’s Shillong is a more quixotic, if more modern city — some of the old, quaint houses and cottages still exist, but their large, lush lawns have been overtaken by the construction boom changing the skyline — and not for the better. Monstrous and ugly buildings have trampled these greens, to rise as concrete milestones on the path to progress. The various streams that flow through the city, once populated with picnic and angling spots, are now an ugly testament to development — filled with unregulated sewage, garbage and filth. More like nallahs, they drain Shillong of its former beauty.
Any old-timer would bemoan the fact that the distinctive black and yellow Ambassador taxis have been now overtaken by Marutis. Worse, the city’s narrow, winding roads — whose meanderings supposedly led a British gentleman to comment, “the Khasis made the roads when they were drunk” — are today choked with the growing traffic. Shillong’s place in the political sun came in 1874, when it was made the capital of Assam. It remained so for over a century, till the seat of government was transferred to Dispur and Meghalaya became a separate state. But like smaller, urban centres all over India, this old world gem is now a rapidly-growing city.
It’s among the 63 cities to be selected for the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM) project, launched by the Prime Minister in 2005. The city’s experiencing an onslaught of domestic tourists and hotels catering to different budgets are coming up. Once a typical hill station boarding school centre, with names likes St. Edmunds, Loreto Convent, St Marys and Pine Mount, the modern makeover of Shillong has brought an Indian Institute of Management (IIM) and Indira Gandhi Regional Institute of Medical Sciences (NEIGRIMS) to the city. Shillong is also the headquarters of the Eastern Air Command and 101 Communication unit of the Army. Some of these may be good news for the city and the region, bring the hope of economic prosperity and the ability to retain the migration of its youth to more economically salubrious climes, but residents of Shillong still reminisce fondly about its erstwhile charm.
John F. Kharshiing, advisor & spokesperson, Federation of 25 Khasi States, talks of the ancient traditional markets that are a distinctive feature in Shillong localities. His grandmother told him that during the time of the British, the largest such traditional market, the Burra Bazaar, was manned by a British officer on horseback to monitor that there was no littering. Today, the same market is both crowded and filthy, a sad reminder of bustle gone to hustle. Some things, however, haven’t changed much: the one-stop destination for all gourmands is one of the oldest bakeries, Mahari & Sons in Mawprem. It started doing business in the 1930s and boasts of having supplied bread to the British Army. Today, it’s grown into a departmental store. Says proprietor Jwain Sing Kharshiing: “With the expansion of the city, demand for our bakery items and confectionary has grown.” Old-timers still remember the ‘Guiddeti’, another famous bakery whose deliveryman used to sell cakes and bread in different localities.
For A Christian-dominated state, it’s hardly surprising that there are over 100 churches dotting Shillong. But today the bells of the Catholic Cathedral in Laitmukhrah resonate amidst the chaos of the newly commercialised locality. Dominic Jala, Archbishop of Shillong, feels that the aura around the Cathedral has changed now, but the religious life of the people has increased. “We find newer challenges confronting us. We are actively involved in organising and improving the lives of domestic workers of Shillong, training school dropouts and care for women,” adds the Archbishop. And even for those who have moved out, the love affair continues. The romantic charm of the city exerts a powerful nostalgia on its former citizens, who might have moved to work elsewhere — but have their hearts still in Shillong’s gentle embrace.
Academic Alak Buragohain, who was born and brought up in Shillong and has moved to Assam, eulogises on how one could walk miles and miles and literally count the vehicles plying the roads and the quaint city buses on their routes. At the State Central Library librarian Ram Goswami remembered almost every reader. “He used to inform us if there were any new books. We used to even read the The Washington Post and The New York Times there,” Buragohain adds. He feels that there was a sort of bonhomie present in the past that is missing now.
There was a strong non-Khasi community, which was very localized in areas like Bishnupur and Moti Nagar. “In spite of these different ethnic backgrounds, there was a rich round of cultural activities like Ananda Sanmelan and Bihu Sanmelan. Most of the past landmarks, including the Assembly House with which we grew up, are now missing. The nostalgia is there but with a lot of pain. No doubt it’s a city in transition, but I don’t know if it’s for the better or the worse,” says Buragohain, sadly. Looking at the present-day Shillong, is hardly surprising that the Khasi hills are alive with the sounds of sentiment and nostalgia.
Wednesday, August 22, 2007
A mini Meghalaya in Hyderabad
By Subhash Reddy
A mention of Meghalaya immediately brings in thoughts about Cherrapunji, the highest rainfall region in the world. However, not many are aware of the region’s famous 300 year old Shiva temples and some of the longest caves of South-East Asia, rich culture and folk dances.
The Directorate of Tourism, Government of Meghalaya in collaboration with NewsPus and IATREILANG Tourism Promotion Forum plans to create more awareness about the State rich culture and cuisine. Starting Aug 23rd, an expo featuring all aspects about the State will be held at People’s Plaza, Necklace Road.The expo, Meghalaya Beckons, will turn the venue into a mini Meghalaya between Aug 23rd and 26th.
“We are trying to show the culture of the State by creating similar ambiences, presenting ethnic dances and food. Apart from giving an insight into what is the best time to visit Meghalaya, economical packages to reach the place and other queries will be answered here, “ said David O Laitphlang, president of the Shillong Press Club and member of IATREILANG.
The expo will also showcase traditional archery. Meghalaya, ’The abode of clouds’ in Sanskrit and Hindi, is a hilly strip in the eastern part of the country stretching about 300 km with most of the region covered with forest.
The subtropical forest supports a vast variety of flora and fauna and harbours two national parks and three wildlife sanctuaries. The region is a delight to adventure tourists as mountaineering, rock climbing, trekking, hiking and water sports are a few exciting opportunities available. The State offers several trekking routes where some rare animals such as the slow loris, the assorted deer and bear could be sighted.The expo from 10 am to 9pm will continue till Aug 26.The inaugural ceremony will start at 4 pm on Aug 23.
A mention of Meghalaya immediately brings in thoughts about Cherrapunji, the highest rainfall region in the world. However, not many are aware of the region’s famous 300 year old Shiva temples and some of the longest caves of South-East Asia, rich culture and folk dances.
The Directorate of Tourism, Government of Meghalaya in collaboration with NewsPus and IATREILANG Tourism Promotion Forum plans to create more awareness about the State rich culture and cuisine. Starting Aug 23rd, an expo featuring all aspects about the State will be held at People’s Plaza, Necklace Road.The expo, Meghalaya Beckons, will turn the venue into a mini Meghalaya between Aug 23rd and 26th.
“We are trying to show the culture of the State by creating similar ambiences, presenting ethnic dances and food. Apart from giving an insight into what is the best time to visit Meghalaya, economical packages to reach the place and other queries will be answered here, “ said David O Laitphlang, president of the Shillong Press Club and member of IATREILANG.
The expo will also showcase traditional archery. Meghalaya, ’The abode of clouds’ in Sanskrit and Hindi, is a hilly strip in the eastern part of the country stretching about 300 km with most of the region covered with forest.
The subtropical forest supports a vast variety of flora and fauna and harbours two national parks and three wildlife sanctuaries. The region is a delight to adventure tourists as mountaineering, rock climbing, trekking, hiking and water sports are a few exciting opportunities available. The State offers several trekking routes where some rare animals such as the slow loris, the assorted deer and bear could be sighted.The expo from 10 am to 9pm will continue till Aug 26.The inaugural ceremony will start at 4 pm on Aug 23.
Sunday, January 29, 2006
Congress Seeks Key Role for Rahul
A top Congress party official said yesterday that party leaders wanted Rahul Gandhi, the son of Sonia Gandhi, to play a meaningful role in the party.
AICC General Secretary Ambika Soni was answering questions at a media briefing on the proceedings of a Congress Working Committee meeting on the first day of the 82nd Congress plenary here.
“After the party’s conclave in Delhi, Congress leaders wanted Rahul Gandhi to join the organization in a meaningful manner so that more youth can be inspired to join the party to strengthen it,” Soni said.
However, she would not say whether any formal demand was made by any member at the CWC meeting yesterday to induct Rahul into the CWC. “I am not empowered to talk about what transpired at the extended CWC. I am neither denying it nor confirming it,” she said. Soni said the CWC meeting discussed the draft resolutions on political affairs, economic affairs, agriculture, employment and poverty alleviation and international relations and security for nearly four and a half hours.
She said all the 47 CWC members, except A.B.A. Ghani Khan Chowdhary, attended the meeting along with other members of the extended body.
Congress Committee, delegates and over 7,000 state Congress delegates had come to participate in the plenary. Besides, up to 6,000 Congress workers from northern states such as Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan had come to Hyderabad.
“They are neither AICC nor state delegates but ordinary party workers. We are in touch with security officers to let them into the AICC session. But the security agencies have not given clearance so far,” she added.
After the CWC meeting, Defense Minister Pranab Mukherjee made a presentation to the plenary on the programs of the United Progressive Alliance government. However, neither Prime Minister Manmohan Singh nor Congress President Sonia were present at this presentation.
Soon after the plenary, Sonia is likely to meet Janata Dal (Secular) leader and former prime minister H.D. Deve Gowda to discuss the Karnataka crisis. At her news briefing, Soni, however, maintained that the Karnataka issue did not come up at the extended Congress Working Committee meeting yesterday.
She rejected suggestions that the party was a silent spectator to the imminent fall of the Congress-JD(S) coalition government in Karnataka. “This is not a matter of watching it silently. The man in charge of Congress affairs in Karnataka, A.K. Anthony, and CWC member Ahmed Patel are reviewing the developments in Karnataka. No political party can concede its defeat in such issues. There is every possibility of JD(S) president and Congress president having a meeting to discuss the matter in a few days. There is every possibility that H.D. Deve Gowda will prevail upon his (rebellious) party men. Chief Minister Dharam Singh is confident of surviving the trust vote on Jan. 27,” she said.
She conceded that the crisis in Karnataka had shown the fragility of coalitions. “Coalition governments are formed on the basis of common minimum programs. Sometimes, there are hiccups in coalitions. Such incidents (like the one in Karnataka) occur. But then Congress has been successfully running coalition governments in states such as Maharashtra, Meghalaya and Jammu and Kashmir. There has been a peaceful change of guard in Jammu and Kashmir after three years. The coalition government in that state is a good example of coalitions working well,” she observed.
She said Congress had stuck to its principled stand in Karnataka that there should be no truck with communal forces. “Not a single Congress MLA has deviated from that stand. Deve Gowda has also said that there is no question of his having a truck with communal forces,” she added.
The beleaguered Dharam Singh was conspicuous by his absence at the extended CWC meeting. “I have not seen Dharam Singh here. I don’t know whether he will come here tomorrow or not. His presence is needed there,” she quipped. Soni said Congress would make every effort to see that the coalition governments led by it in the states complete their tenures. “Coalitions, after all, are managed by all coalition partners. The UPA is successfully running a coalition government at the center on the basis of a common minimum program,” she added.
AICC General Secretary Ambika Soni was answering questions at a media briefing on the proceedings of a Congress Working Committee meeting on the first day of the 82nd Congress plenary here.
“After the party’s conclave in Delhi, Congress leaders wanted Rahul Gandhi to join the organization in a meaningful manner so that more youth can be inspired to join the party to strengthen it,” Soni said.
However, she would not say whether any formal demand was made by any member at the CWC meeting yesterday to induct Rahul into the CWC. “I am not empowered to talk about what transpired at the extended CWC. I am neither denying it nor confirming it,” she said. Soni said the CWC meeting discussed the draft resolutions on political affairs, economic affairs, agriculture, employment and poverty alleviation and international relations and security for nearly four and a half hours.
She said all the 47 CWC members, except A.B.A. Ghani Khan Chowdhary, attended the meeting along with other members of the extended body.
Congress Committee, delegates and over 7,000 state Congress delegates had come to participate in the plenary. Besides, up to 6,000 Congress workers from northern states such as Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan had come to Hyderabad.
“They are neither AICC nor state delegates but ordinary party workers. We are in touch with security officers to let them into the AICC session. But the security agencies have not given clearance so far,” she added.
After the CWC meeting, Defense Minister Pranab Mukherjee made a presentation to the plenary on the programs of the United Progressive Alliance government. However, neither Prime Minister Manmohan Singh nor Congress President Sonia were present at this presentation.
Soon after the plenary, Sonia is likely to meet Janata Dal (Secular) leader and former prime minister H.D. Deve Gowda to discuss the Karnataka crisis. At her news briefing, Soni, however, maintained that the Karnataka issue did not come up at the extended Congress Working Committee meeting yesterday.
She rejected suggestions that the party was a silent spectator to the imminent fall of the Congress-JD(S) coalition government in Karnataka. “This is not a matter of watching it silently. The man in charge of Congress affairs in Karnataka, A.K. Anthony, and CWC member Ahmed Patel are reviewing the developments in Karnataka. No political party can concede its defeat in such issues. There is every possibility of JD(S) president and Congress president having a meeting to discuss the matter in a few days. There is every possibility that H.D. Deve Gowda will prevail upon his (rebellious) party men. Chief Minister Dharam Singh is confident of surviving the trust vote on Jan. 27,” she said.
She conceded that the crisis in Karnataka had shown the fragility of coalitions. “Coalition governments are formed on the basis of common minimum programs. Sometimes, there are hiccups in coalitions. Such incidents (like the one in Karnataka) occur. But then Congress has been successfully running coalition governments in states such as Maharashtra, Meghalaya and Jammu and Kashmir. There has been a peaceful change of guard in Jammu and Kashmir after three years. The coalition government in that state is a good example of coalitions working well,” she observed.
She said Congress had stuck to its principled stand in Karnataka that there should be no truck with communal forces. “Not a single Congress MLA has deviated from that stand. Deve Gowda has also said that there is no question of his having a truck with communal forces,” she added.
The beleaguered Dharam Singh was conspicuous by his absence at the extended CWC meeting. “I have not seen Dharam Singh here. I don’t know whether he will come here tomorrow or not. His presence is needed there,” she quipped. Soni said Congress would make every effort to see that the coalition governments led by it in the states complete their tenures. “Coalitions, after all, are managed by all coalition partners. The UPA is successfully running a coalition government at the center on the basis of a common minimum program,” she added.
Congress Seeks Key Role for Rahul
A top Congress party official said yesterday that party leaders wanted Rahul Gandhi, the son of Sonia Gandhi, to play a meaningful role in the party.
AICC General Secretary Ambika Soni was answering questions at a media briefing on the proceedings of a Congress Working Committee meeting on the first day of the 82nd Congress plenary here.
“After the party’s conclave in Delhi, Congress leaders wanted Rahul Gandhi to join the organization in a meaningful manner so that more youth can be inspired to join the party to strengthen it,” Soni said.
However, she would not say whether any formal demand was made by any member at the CWC meeting yesterday to induct Rahul into the CWC. “I am not empowered to talk about what transpired at the extended CWC. I am neither denying it nor confirming it,” she said. Soni said the CWC meeting discussed the draft resolutions on political affairs, economic affairs, agriculture, employment and poverty alleviation and international relations and security for nearly four and a half hours.
She said all the 47 CWC members, except A.B.A. Ghani Khan Chowdhary, attended the meeting along with other members of the extended body.
Congress Committee, delegates and over 7,000 state Congress delegates had come to participate in the plenary. Besides, up to 6,000 Congress workers from northern states such as Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan had come to Hyderabad.
“They are neither AICC nor state delegates but ordinary party workers. We are in touch with security officers to let them into the AICC session. But the security agencies have not given clearance so far,” she added.
After the CWC meeting, Defense Minister Pranab Mukherjee made a presentation to the plenary on the programs of the United Progressive Alliance government. However, neither Prime Minister Manmohan Singh nor Congress President Sonia were present at this presentation.
Soon after the plenary, Sonia is likely to meet Janata Dal (Secular) leader and former prime minister H.D. Deve Gowda to discuss the Karnataka crisis. At her news briefing, Soni, however, maintained that the Karnataka issue did not come up at the extended Congress Working Committee meeting yesterday.
She rejected suggestions that the party was a silent spectator to the imminent fall of the Congress-JD(S) coalition government in Karnataka. “This is not a matter of watching it silently. The man in charge of Congress affairs in Karnataka, A.K. Anthony, and CWC member Ahmed Patel are reviewing the developments in Karnataka. No political party can concede its defeat in such issues. There is every possibility of JD(S) president and Congress president having a meeting to discuss the matter in a few days. There is every possibility that H.D. Deve Gowda will prevail upon his (rebellious) party men. Chief Minister Dharam Singh is confident of surviving the trust vote on Jan. 27,” she said.
She conceded that the crisis in Karnataka had shown the fragility of coalitions. “Coalition governments are formed on the basis of common minimum programs. Sometimes, there are hiccups in coalitions. Such incidents (like the one in Karnataka) occur. But then Congress has been successfully running coalition governments in states such as Maharashtra, Meghalaya and Jammu and Kashmir. There has been a peaceful change of guard in Jammu and Kashmir after three years. The coalition government in that state is a good example of coalitions working well,” she observed.
She said Congress had stuck to its principled stand in Karnataka that there should be no truck with communal forces. “Not a single Congress MLA has deviated from that stand. Deve Gowda has also said that there is no question of his having a truck with communal forces,” she added.
The beleaguered Dharam Singh was conspicuous by his absence at the extended CWC meeting. “I have not seen Dharam Singh here. I don’t know whether he will come here tomorrow or not. His presence is needed there,” she quipped. Soni said Congress would make every effort to see that the coalition governments led by it in the states complete their tenures. “Coalitions, after all, are managed by all coalition partners. The UPA is successfully running a coalition government at the center on the basis of a common minimum program,” she added.
AICC General Secretary Ambika Soni was answering questions at a media briefing on the proceedings of a Congress Working Committee meeting on the first day of the 82nd Congress plenary here.
“After the party’s conclave in Delhi, Congress leaders wanted Rahul Gandhi to join the organization in a meaningful manner so that more youth can be inspired to join the party to strengthen it,” Soni said.
However, she would not say whether any formal demand was made by any member at the CWC meeting yesterday to induct Rahul into the CWC. “I am not empowered to talk about what transpired at the extended CWC. I am neither denying it nor confirming it,” she said. Soni said the CWC meeting discussed the draft resolutions on political affairs, economic affairs, agriculture, employment and poverty alleviation and international relations and security for nearly four and a half hours.
She said all the 47 CWC members, except A.B.A. Ghani Khan Chowdhary, attended the meeting along with other members of the extended body.
Congress Committee, delegates and over 7,000 state Congress delegates had come to participate in the plenary. Besides, up to 6,000 Congress workers from northern states such as Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan had come to Hyderabad.
“They are neither AICC nor state delegates but ordinary party workers. We are in touch with security officers to let them into the AICC session. But the security agencies have not given clearance so far,” she added.
After the CWC meeting, Defense Minister Pranab Mukherjee made a presentation to the plenary on the programs of the United Progressive Alliance government. However, neither Prime Minister Manmohan Singh nor Congress President Sonia were present at this presentation.
Soon after the plenary, Sonia is likely to meet Janata Dal (Secular) leader and former prime minister H.D. Deve Gowda to discuss the Karnataka crisis. At her news briefing, Soni, however, maintained that the Karnataka issue did not come up at the extended Congress Working Committee meeting yesterday.
She rejected suggestions that the party was a silent spectator to the imminent fall of the Congress-JD(S) coalition government in Karnataka. “This is not a matter of watching it silently. The man in charge of Congress affairs in Karnataka, A.K. Anthony, and CWC member Ahmed Patel are reviewing the developments in Karnataka. No political party can concede its defeat in such issues. There is every possibility of JD(S) president and Congress president having a meeting to discuss the matter in a few days. There is every possibility that H.D. Deve Gowda will prevail upon his (rebellious) party men. Chief Minister Dharam Singh is confident of surviving the trust vote on Jan. 27,” she said.
She conceded that the crisis in Karnataka had shown the fragility of coalitions. “Coalition governments are formed on the basis of common minimum programs. Sometimes, there are hiccups in coalitions. Such incidents (like the one in Karnataka) occur. But then Congress has been successfully running coalition governments in states such as Maharashtra, Meghalaya and Jammu and Kashmir. There has been a peaceful change of guard in Jammu and Kashmir after three years. The coalition government in that state is a good example of coalitions working well,” she observed.
She said Congress had stuck to its principled stand in Karnataka that there should be no truck with communal forces. “Not a single Congress MLA has deviated from that stand. Deve Gowda has also said that there is no question of his having a truck with communal forces,” she added.
The beleaguered Dharam Singh was conspicuous by his absence at the extended CWC meeting. “I have not seen Dharam Singh here. I don’t know whether he will come here tomorrow or not. His presence is needed there,” she quipped. Soni said Congress would make every effort to see that the coalition governments led by it in the states complete their tenures. “Coalitions, after all, are managed by all coalition partners. The UPA is successfully running a coalition government at the center on the basis of a common minimum program,” she added.
Congress Seeks Key Role for Rahul
A top Congress party official said yesterday that party leaders wanted Rahul Gandhi, the son of Sonia Gandhi, to play a meaningful role in the party.
AICC General Secretary Ambika Soni was answering questions at a media briefing on the proceedings of a Congress Working Committee meeting on the first day of the 82nd Congress plenary here.
“After the party’s conclave in Delhi, Congress leaders wanted Rahul Gandhi to join the organization in a meaningful manner so that more youth can be inspired to join the party to strengthen it,” Soni said.
However, she would not say whether any formal demand was made by any member at the CWC meeting yesterday to induct Rahul into the CWC. “I am not empowered to talk about what transpired at the extended CWC. I am neither denying it nor confirming it,” she said. Soni said the CWC meeting discussed the draft resolutions on political affairs, economic affairs, agriculture, employment and poverty alleviation and international relations and security for nearly four and a half hours.
She said all the 47 CWC members, except A.B.A. Ghani Khan Chowdhary, attended the meeting along with other members of the extended body.
Congress Committee, delegates and over 7,000 state Congress delegates had come to participate in the plenary. Besides, up to 6,000 Congress workers from northern states such as Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan had come to Hyderabad.
“They are neither AICC nor state delegates but ordinary party workers. We are in touch with security officers to let them into the AICC session. But the security agencies have not given clearance so far,” she added.
After the CWC meeting, Defense Minister Pranab Mukherjee made a presentation to the plenary on the programs of the United Progressive Alliance government. However, neither Prime Minister Manmohan Singh nor Congress President Sonia were present at this presentation.
Soon after the plenary, Sonia is likely to meet Janata Dal (Secular) leader and former prime minister H.D. Deve Gowda to discuss the Karnataka crisis. At her news briefing, Soni, however, maintained that the Karnataka issue did not come up at the extended Congress Working Committee meeting yesterday.
She rejected suggestions that the party was a silent spectator to the imminent fall of the Congress-JD(S) coalition government in Karnataka. “This is not a matter of watching it silently. The man in charge of Congress affairs in Karnataka, A.K. Anthony, and CWC member Ahmed Patel are reviewing the developments in Karnataka. No political party can concede its defeat in such issues. There is every possibility of JD(S) president and Congress president having a meeting to discuss the matter in a few days. There is every possibility that H.D. Deve Gowda will prevail upon his (rebellious) party men. Chief Minister Dharam Singh is confident of surviving the trust vote on Jan. 27,” she said.
She conceded that the crisis in Karnataka had shown the fragility of coalitions. “Coalition governments are formed on the basis of common minimum programs. Sometimes, there are hiccups in coalitions. Such incidents (like the one in Karnataka) occur. But then Congress has been successfully running coalition governments in states such as Maharashtra, Meghalaya and Jammu and Kashmir. There has been a peaceful change of guard in Jammu and Kashmir after three years. The coalition government in that state is a good example of coalitions working well,” she observed.
She said Congress had stuck to its principled stand in Karnataka that there should be no truck with communal forces. “Not a single Congress MLA has deviated from that stand. Deve Gowda has also said that there is no question of his having a truck with communal forces,” she added.
The beleaguered Dharam Singh was conspicuous by his absence at the extended CWC meeting. “I have not seen Dharam Singh here. I don’t know whether he will come here tomorrow or not. His presence is needed there,” she quipped. Soni said Congress would make every effort to see that the coalition governments led by it in the states complete their tenures. “Coalitions, after all, are managed by all coalition partners. The UPA is successfully running a coalition government at the center on the basis of a common minimum program,” she added.
AICC General Secretary Ambika Soni was answering questions at a media briefing on the proceedings of a Congress Working Committee meeting on the first day of the 82nd Congress plenary here.
“After the party’s conclave in Delhi, Congress leaders wanted Rahul Gandhi to join the organization in a meaningful manner so that more youth can be inspired to join the party to strengthen it,” Soni said.
However, she would not say whether any formal demand was made by any member at the CWC meeting yesterday to induct Rahul into the CWC. “I am not empowered to talk about what transpired at the extended CWC. I am neither denying it nor confirming it,” she said. Soni said the CWC meeting discussed the draft resolutions on political affairs, economic affairs, agriculture, employment and poverty alleviation and international relations and security for nearly four and a half hours.
She said all the 47 CWC members, except A.B.A. Ghani Khan Chowdhary, attended the meeting along with other members of the extended body.
Congress Committee, delegates and over 7,000 state Congress delegates had come to participate in the plenary. Besides, up to 6,000 Congress workers from northern states such as Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan had come to Hyderabad.
“They are neither AICC nor state delegates but ordinary party workers. We are in touch with security officers to let them into the AICC session. But the security agencies have not given clearance so far,” she added.
After the CWC meeting, Defense Minister Pranab Mukherjee made a presentation to the plenary on the programs of the United Progressive Alliance government. However, neither Prime Minister Manmohan Singh nor Congress President Sonia were present at this presentation.
Soon after the plenary, Sonia is likely to meet Janata Dal (Secular) leader and former prime minister H.D. Deve Gowda to discuss the Karnataka crisis. At her news briefing, Soni, however, maintained that the Karnataka issue did not come up at the extended Congress Working Committee meeting yesterday.
She rejected suggestions that the party was a silent spectator to the imminent fall of the Congress-JD(S) coalition government in Karnataka. “This is not a matter of watching it silently. The man in charge of Congress affairs in Karnataka, A.K. Anthony, and CWC member Ahmed Patel are reviewing the developments in Karnataka. No political party can concede its defeat in such issues. There is every possibility of JD(S) president and Congress president having a meeting to discuss the matter in a few days. There is every possibility that H.D. Deve Gowda will prevail upon his (rebellious) party men. Chief Minister Dharam Singh is confident of surviving the trust vote on Jan. 27,” she said.
She conceded that the crisis in Karnataka had shown the fragility of coalitions. “Coalition governments are formed on the basis of common minimum programs. Sometimes, there are hiccups in coalitions. Such incidents (like the one in Karnataka) occur. But then Congress has been successfully running coalition governments in states such as Maharashtra, Meghalaya and Jammu and Kashmir. There has been a peaceful change of guard in Jammu and Kashmir after three years. The coalition government in that state is a good example of coalitions working well,” she observed.
She said Congress had stuck to its principled stand in Karnataka that there should be no truck with communal forces. “Not a single Congress MLA has deviated from that stand. Deve Gowda has also said that there is no question of his having a truck with communal forces,” she added.
The beleaguered Dharam Singh was conspicuous by his absence at the extended CWC meeting. “I have not seen Dharam Singh here. I don’t know whether he will come here tomorrow or not. His presence is needed there,” she quipped. Soni said Congress would make every effort to see that the coalition governments led by it in the states complete their tenures. “Coalitions, after all, are managed by all coalition partners. The UPA is successfully running a coalition government at the center on the basis of a common minimum program,” she added.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)