Showing posts sorted by relevance for query West Bengal. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query West Bengal. Sort by date Show all posts

Friday, May 20, 2016

India Verdict 2016: BJP's Gains Wrested By Learning Previous Lessons Of Defeats

By LIKHAVEER | INNLIVE

The victory in Assam restores Narendra Modi's image and strengthens party president Amit Shah's position.

Pushed on the backfoot after the Bharatiya Janata Party’s battering in the Delhi and Bihar assembly polls, the results of the assembly elections declared on Thursday proved to be a personal triumph for Prime Minister Narendra Modi and party president Amit Shah.

Sunday, February 16, 2014

'Anna' Set To Woo 'Didi' As PM Candidate From Trinamool

By Sandhya Rathi | Delhi

Going into the Lok Sabha elections, it is not just the Aam Aadmi party that will contest on the anti-corruption plank. Activist Anna Hazare is all set to announce his support to the All India Trinamool Congress (TMC) formally on Wednesday, February 19, in New Delhi. The move is likely to target the same set of voters that AAP is depending on to support its national ambitions.

Tuesday, December 16, 2008

336 Suicides Everyday in India

By Kanwaljeet Singh

‘AP, TN, Karnataka, Maharashtra & West Bengal Have Highest Number Of Suicide Deaths’

India reported an average 336 suicides every day in 2007 with more men ending their lives than women, the latest report of the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) has revealed.

Although suicide was a nationwide phenomena, five states — Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, West Bengal, Tamil Nadu and Karnataka — registered consistently higher number of suicidal deaths during the last few years. Overall, 2007 recorded an increase of 3.8% over the previous year’s figure of 118,112.

Poverty was surprisingly not the major reason for suicide with more people ending their lives due to family (23.8%) and health problems (22.3%) than bankruptcy or sudden change in economic status (2.7%), love affairs (2.8%), dowry dispute (2.6%), unemployment (2%) and suspected/illicit relation (1.1%). Only 2.3% of people committed suicide due to poverty.

A definite trend is also noticed among different states which, perhaps, speaks volumes about the ‘psychological state’ of people than their actual difficulties which they might be facing before being prompted to take the extreme step.

The latest report of the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), released in November and covering the year 2007 has revealed much more. Incidentally, it is not the comparatively poor states like Bihar, Orissa and Uttar Pradesh, which witnessed suicides in higher numbers. The dubious distinction, in fact, went to well-off states like Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu and Karnataka.

Out of the total 122,637 suicides committed in the country in 2007, the highest, 15,184, was reported from Maharashtra followed by Andhra Pradesh (14,882), West Bengal (14,860), Tamil Nadu (13,811) and Karnataka (12,304). These five states accounted for 57.9% of the total suicides reported in India. The remaining were reported from the other 23 states and 7 Union Territories (UTs). Uttar Pradesh, the most populous state (16.6% share of population) reported comparatively lower percentage, accounting for only 3.2% of the cases.

As far as suicides committed by farmers (16,632) are concerned, Maharashtra (4,238) surpassed all other states with its Vidarbha region becoming the focal point.

According to the NCRB’s report, Karnataka saw 2,135 farmer suicides, Andhra Pradesh (1,797), Chhattisgarh (1,593), Madhya Pradesh (1,263) and Kerala (1,232). Although the overall figure shows a slight fall from 17,060 in 2006, the broad trend remained unchanged with indebtedness becoming the main cause.

Referring to the sex profile of persons committing suicide during 2007, the NCRB report said social and economic causes led most males to kill themselves whereas emotional and personal causes mainly drove women to end their lives. Sex wise figures show that the male-female ratio of suicide victims for 2007 was 65:35. However, the proportion of boys-girls suicide victims (upto 14 years was 48:52.

Wednesday, November 26, 2014

Liberals Beware: Modi Govt Is Sangh’s Stepping Stone To Social, Cultural Domination

The RSS has never had it so good since its inception in 1925. It has a government that is dominated by the BJP at the Centre. At least half of the council of ministers in the Modi regime have either emerged from the Sangh or are its supporters. 

And unlike another Sangh originate and former prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee---considered a moderate among hardliners--Prime Minister Narendra Modi is seen as an unadulterated embodiment of all that the Sangh stands for. Could the Sangh ask for more?

Sunday, January 06, 2013

Sinkhole Assemblies in India


Despite enjoying enormous powers, pillars of democracy have failed to live up to people's expectations.

India, as its constitution states, is a union of states. Enormous powers are vested in the states that make up the country - law and order, education, health, agriculture, water and transport, to name a few of their key responsibilities. Many other important duties like resource mobilisation and expenditure are shared with the Union government. Some Indian states are huge, indeed they match many countries in terms of their geographical expanse and population. Each of them governed by democratically elected governments which zealously guard their power and authority.

Perhaps the most disappointing aspect of the governance of our states is the performance of their legislatures . Most sit for two or three weeks at the longest, with one or two shorter sessions. Just what kind of legislative business they can conduct thereafter is obvious. In comparison to the state legislatures, the Parliament of India actually manages to conduct some business, even though in recent years its record has been somewhat blemished.

The Parliamentary Committee system, which is kept away from the glare of the media, does a great deal of the leg-work on legislation and this compensates for the spotty performance of the two houses of Parliament.

To a great extent, here, the responsibility in the states lies with the executive, which does not give due importance to legislative processes. But blame must be shared with the legislators who participate in the functioning of their respective assemblies. In a few states with stable polities, legislators have been returned to the assembly in several successive elections. But others see massive turnovers and the result is that the people's representatives remain inexperienced and raw.

Ultimately, the responsibility rests with the political parties themselves. One of the major challenges before them is to maintain a high level of ethical conduct that is expected from legislators. While Parliament and some states have ethics committees, some state legislatures do not even have this minimal institutional check. As for the parties, they simply don't care, winning the seat is everything.

Andhra Pradesh: The assembly met for 37 days in 2012 over two sessions - budget and monsoon, and a three-day special session. The winter session has not been held. An assembly secretariat official failed to identify any particular reason for the few sittings. Each MLA earns a salary of Rs. 1,07,000 per month, including perks. The assembly spends, on average, Rs. 8,500 per minute during a session.

Delhi: Of the 245 working days last year, Delhi MLAs met only for 22. In 2011, 'business was transacted' only on 17 days, which included the 10-day budget session. Each day of the session costs Rs. 6.12 lakh, excluding the expenditure incurred on ministers and on collecting and preparing replies to questions. The last session of the assembly - held from December 11 to December 14 - was supposed to run for 14 hours. It lasted only 12 hours 35 minutes. According to official records, each hour wasted cost the secretariat Rs. 1.85 lakh. MLAs are paid Rs. 1,000 per sitting.

Jammu & Kashmir: In 2012, the budget-cum-winter session of the assembly, held in the state's winter capital Jammu, witnessed 33 sittings with nearly 10 meetings during the summer session in Srinagar. A ccording to assembly secretary Muhammad Ramzan, the MLAs are paid the air fare to attend the sessinos in Srinagar and Jammu, beside a Rs. 500 allowance per session. The salary for MLAs comes to about Rs. 80,300 per month. While the government says the two sessions are adequate, they have come under the fire from the opposition for being insufficient.

Punjab: For the Budget session, the newly constituted assembly met over 10 days. The winter session, before it was adjourned sine die, saw five sittings in December. An MLA in Punjab gets about `80,000 including their monthly salary and constituency allowance.

Rajasthan: The present house will go down in history as that with the fewest sittings. Since 2008, when the House was elected, it has met 97 times, averaging 24 days per calendar year. According to the Rules of Business and Conduct of the House, the total number of sittings in the three sessions - budget, winter and monsoon - should not be less than 60. Over the past two decades, the number of sittings has whittled down considerably. An MLA earns Rs. 62,500 per month and an allowance of Rs. 1,000 for each meeting attended.

West Bengal: Assemblies in large states such as West Bengal should meet for 90 days each year. But in 2012, West Bengal only managed 41. In 2011 and 2010, there were 34 and 48 sittings respectively. The key reason behind this is the government's alleged urge to avoid debate. MLAs here are paid Rs. 1,000 per sitting.

Uttar Pradesh: In its maiden year after the polls, the UP assembly met for all of 26 days, with a 21-day budget and five-day winter session. The monsoon session was not convened. Each MLA or MLC earns about Rs. 40,000 - Rs. 50,000. Over the past years, one has observed that the government mostly calls the assembly session either for the annual or supplementary budget, supplementary demand for funds or to get a Bill of its interest passed.

Tamil Nadu: In 2012, the assembly met for about 39 days, including the 32-day budget session. Disruptions are rare, but since 1989, a lot of time is wasted paying obeisance to the CM under the alternating DMK and AIADMK governments. If the House is in session for 120 days a year, it is considered a good thing. Under the DMK, there were more sessions but over time, the opposition's voice has been silenced. MLAs earn more than Rs. 70,000 per month, with a Rs. 500 daily allowance when the House is in session.

Jharkhand: Jharkhand is notorious for convening the minimum number of meetings, with 2012 witnessing just about 28. The assembly operates from rented premises and met 26 and 23 times in 2011 and 2010, respectively. It was decided at a Presiding Officers Conference during Somnath Chatterjee's tenure as Lok Sabha Speaker that small houses, such as Jharkhand's with its 81 members, ought to convene at least 50 sittings. But consecutive governments have failed to achieve this. MLAs in the state earn a Rs. 700-allowance per sitting.

Bihar: Back in 1960, the budget session of the Bihar assembly was held over 76 sittings in a span of 139 days. This year, the budget session year saw 28 sittings. The winter session had only five, as did the monsoon session. The shorter sessions started becoming a norm in the post-1980 era, and it has continued under the RJD as well as JD(U)-BJP regimes. MLAs get a Rs. 1,000 allowance per sitting.

Orissa: The winter session of the House had 21 working days, but a lot of time was lost thanks to the walkouts staged by the main Opposition party, the Congress. The 2012 budget session started on February 21 and went on till the first week of April, about 40 days. Then came the monsoon session, which saw 10 sittings. An MLA here earns Rs. 60,000 per month, with a Rs. 500 allowance per sitting.

Tamil Nadu: In 2012, the assembly met for about 39 days, including the 32-day budget session. Disruptions are rare, but since 1989, a lot of time is wasted paying obeisance to the CM under the alternating DMK and AIADMK governments. If the House is in session for 120 days a year, it is considered a good thing. Under the DMK, there were more sessions but over time, the opposition's voice has been silenced. MLAs earn more than Rs. 70,000 per month, with a Rs. 500 daily allowance when the House is in session.

Tuesday, February 05, 2013

Where Are Our Missing Children?

In India, a child goes missing every eight minutes, according to data from the National Crime Records Bureau. Almost 40 percent of those children haven’t been found.

If you are a parent, go hug your child before you read this piece. We have an epidemic on, an epidemic that gets but a passing mention in the newspapers, an epidemic that is real and tangible only for those parents who wait for the call that never comes, the child who never returns, who do the rounds of the police stations, photographs in hand, who put out advertisements in the newspapers, describing what their child was wearing when he or she went missing, who live a life in limbo. Our children are going missing. One child every eight minutes across India. 


“In India, a child goes missing every eight minutes, according to data from the National Crime Records Bureau. Almost 40 percent of those children haven’t been found.” Wall Street Journal India Realtime.
On October 25, 2012, firstpost.com stated, 
“According to the police, a newborn boy was kidnapped from Wadia Hospital in Central Mumbai. The day-old boy was stolen during visiting hours when his mother, Jasmine Naik (28), was taking an evening walk in the corridor of the hospital, they said. She had left the baby unattended in the ward and was taking a stroll when someone took him away, police said, adding the hospital, run by a private trust, didn’t have CCTV cameras.” 
DNA pointed out in its October 26, 2012 issue, 
“The Bombay High Court in 2009 issued 23 guidelines for enhancing security in government, semi-government and BMC-run hospitals after a four day old baby of Mohan and Mohini Nerurkar was kidnapped from the maternity ward of BMC-run Sion hospital. The HC order said that sensitive areas such as the neo-natal, post-natal and paediatric wards should have CCTV cameras. The court said they should also be installed at all entry and exit routes. However, not one camera has been installed inside the premises of Wadia Maternity Hospital. The management has left a proposal to install CCTV cameras worth Rs 1 lakh pending for three years.” 
In its July 8, 2012 issue, DNA pointed out, 
“Three year old Sangita, who was kidnapped from the Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus (CST) on June 10, was rescued from her kidnapper at the Haridwar bus station by the Haridwar Police on Saturday afternoon. The alleged kidnapper, identified as Raju, was also arrested by the Haridwar police. The Government Railway Police (GRP) of Maharashtra recently released shocking CCTV footage of the kidnapping. It shows a limping man alighting from a train and wandering about the station before spotting the sleeping family and three year old Sangita, who was not asleep at the time. The man then sat beside her and took her away.” 
Sangita’s parents were lucky that she was found. Not all kidnappings have a happy ending; some children are never found, or are found dead. 
Perhaps the most chilling are the 2006 Nithari killings, where remains of 17 children were found in drains outside a bungalow. 
“For the last two years, more than forty young children and women went missing from a small urban hamlet of Nithari, at the centre of Noida, a satellite town bordering Delhi (India). The local media regularly covered the incidents of missing children; the National Commission for Women also took cognisance of the matter, but the children continued to vanish in thin air. However, in the last week of December 2006, by sheer chance some human remains were spotted at the backyard of a palatial house situated at the edge of the village of Nithari. When the spot was searched further what emerged was a chilling tale of cold blooded serial murders that perhaps qualify as the biggest serial killings any where in the world.” http://www.pucl.org/Topics/Child/2007/nithari.html 
The unimaginable horror of Nithari killings, were further abetted by a lackadaisical police force that refused to take complaints of missing children. 
According to the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), almost 60,000 children were reported missing in 2011. Of these, 22,000 are yet to be located. However, according to a report by Bachpan Bachao Andolan (BBA), nearly 11 children go missing every hour, and at least, 4 of them are never found. According to BBA, the number of missing children could be as high as 90,000 per year. West Bengal topped the charts of missing children with 12,000 children missing in 2011. Madhya Pradesh followed with 7,797 cases, while Delhi had 5,111 cases. These are merely reported cases that discount those children who might run away due to various factors, ranging from abuse to dysfunctional homes, and exam stress, or some who might get lost while families travel. Majority of the missing children are just taken away. The statistics are scary – in 2011, 15,284 cases of kidnapping were reported. This was up 43 percent from the previous year. 
Children are kidnapped for human trafficking, illegal organ transplantation, prostitution, child porn racketing, child labour in factories and unpaid domestic help. Many children are forced to beg; some are mutilated to evoke sympathy for more earning potential, and a small percentage for ransom. 
Kidnappings for ransom are on the rise, and in some cases even after paying up, the parents never see their children again. According to a report in the Guardian, 
“Figures from Delhi police show that kidnap for ransom is on the rise. In 2008, there were 1,233 cases in the national capital; by last year that had soared to 2,975. In the first three months of 2011, 802 cases were registered.” 
According to an estimate by NGOs, only 50 percent of missing children are actually reported to the NCRB. Urban slum children are the most vulnerable as they are easily lured into promise of good food and clothes. According to news reports, there are over 800 gangs with 5,000 members involved in the kidnapping and trafficking of children, much in the same way they would traffic drugs, or contraband. Some parents are so poor; they don’t have recent photographs to give the police. Children between the ages of 6 and 13 are the most targeted and vulnerable. Infants are also taken; sometimes from the very hospitals they are born in, or from railway stations, and other crowded places. The children, who are lucky enough to be found and rescued or have the presence of mind to run away, speak of being sold into agricultural or factory labour. 
Why do we have so many missing children and why are they not found? 
It starts with how the investigation is done. Very often, First Information Reports are not registered; just an entry is made into a list of missing persons at the police station, and a photograph of missing child sent across city police stations. Cases are only investigated if the person reporting the missing child files a case of kidnapping. 
Delhi scores better in this regard – if a child is not found within 24 hours, a case of kidnapping is to be filed mandatorily. An initiative called Pehchaan (recognition) in Delhi has policemen taking pictures of children in slums for record, and copies are provided to their families. The Crime Branch has launched an exclusive portal (www.trackthemissingchild.gov.in) to track down missing children across the country. All states have to compulsorily put this facility into place. A PIL filed by Bachpan Bachao Andolan, states that over 1.7 lakh children have gone missing in the country between January 2008 and 2010. In response to this PIL, Supreme Court has instructed the chief secretaries of all states and union territories to ask police stations to register an FIR, and start an investigation. Supreme Court also directed that all police stations should have a special juvenile police officer. 
This may be too little, too late for those parents who have waited endlessly. For those children, who have already become statistics in the long lists, these measures might not be of any help. But we can, and we must push for more attention to the growing menace; we cannot let this get brushed under the carpet.

Nobody’s Missing Children

NGO’s working in the field estimate that barely 10 percent of all missing children cases are registered with the police. An overwhelming 90 percent disappear into the great morass of the Never Seen Never Heard of Again.

“Nobody seems to be concerned about the missing children. This is the irony,” stated a bench of the Supreme Court on Feb 5. The remark is indicative of the apathy shown by the Centre and state governments toward the issue of missing children. The court had directed the Centre and the various states to file status reports on the status of the missing children in the country and in their states in March 2012. The notices were issued by Justices Altamas Kabir and SS Nijjar in response to a Public Interest Litigation by the NGO Bachpan Bachao Andolan on the escalating numbers of missing children in India. Unfortunately, a year later, these status reports are still to be filed by the Centre and several state governments.

The Supreme Court, taking serious note of the absence of the chief secretaries of Arunachal Pradesh, Gujarat and Tamil Nadu despite being directed to be physically present and not through their counsels, threatened to issue non bailable arrest warrants against them. The West Bengal counsel incidentally submitted that the status report had not been filed since there was no instruction, which the SC took exception to. Of the five States whose chief secretaries had been specifically asked to be present, only the chief secretaries of Goa and Orissa were present. Not only the Centre but also the governments of Haryana, Madhya Pradesh, Meghalaya, Uttrakhand, West Bengal and Union Territories of Andaman and Nicobar Islands, Chandigarh, Dadra and Nagar Haveli, Daman and Diu, NCT of Delhi and Lakhshadweep have not filed their status reports, the court noted.
The numbers are scary. According to the figures filed by BBA in its PIL, over 1.7 lakh children had gone missing between January 2008 and January 2010. The exact figures given were 1,17,480 children who had gone missing, of which 41,546 children were still untraced. According to the National Crime Records Bureau, one child goes missing in India every eight minutes. Forty per cent of these children will never be found and will end up as mere statistics in an ever growing list of missing children in this country, children who are picked up from streets, from outside their homes, from railway stations, even from hospitals as newborns. Many of these children will end up trafficked, either as cheap labour, or to beggar syndicates or into the sex trade. For their parents it is a nightmare they live through every single day, the waiting for news that their child has been found, the hoping against hope, catching a sudden glimpse of someone in a crowded place who resembles their child, receiving information from distant places, that perhaps their child has been spotted there, only to rush there and be disappointed.
In 2011, 15,284 children were kidnapped, up 43 percent from the previous year. Around 3,517 cases of child trafficking were reported in the same year, buying and selling girls for the sex trade, for marriage, as well as trafficking of children for the organ trade, as drug mules, into bonded labour in the unorganised sector and to begging syndicates across the country. According to unconfirmed reports, there are close on 800 organised child trafficking gangs across the country. Traffickers target children from the lower income groups, where the families do not have the financial strength or the political connections to pursue their cases with the authorities. They pick up children who aren’t watched over too carefully from slums and congested areas. Merely a handful of the children who get kidnapped are taken for ransom. Sometimes, if the parents pay up, or the police locates the kidnapped child, the child is reunited with its family. Sometimes, despite paying up, some kidnapped children are brutalised and killed.
The highest number of untraced children are from Delhi, followed by Mumbai, Hyderabad, Kolkata and Bangalore, city wise. According to the BBA, the number of missing children is highest in Maharashtra followed by West Bengal, Delhi and Madhya Pradesh and the number of untraced missing children is highest in West Bengal followed by Maharashtra, Karnataka and Madhya Pradesh. Sadly, 75 per cent of missing children in Kolkata and 65 per cent in Delhi “continue to remain untraced” according to a two-year study, titled ‘Trafficking of Women and Children in India’, compiled by Shankar Sen and P M Nair, with a team of ISS researchers. The report also found that sometimes, these children are actually sold to traffickers by their own family or people who know them, at times for as little as Rs 5,000. The survey interviewed over 500 rescued children who were now in homes. Of these, 40 percent told the surveyors that they had been sold when they were younger than ten, the rest were sold when they were between 11 and 14 years of age. Of these, only a mere seven percent of the rescued children stated they had been trafficked by total strangers.
India has the largest number of child labourers in the world, even though child labour is prohibited by the law. Data suggests that 12.66 million children are employed illegally in cigarette, bidi, firework and carpet weaving factories. Children are also employed at construction sites and in homes as domestic workers. Many of these are victims of child trafficking.
NGO’s working in the field estimate that barely 10 percent of all missing children cases are registered with the police. An overwhelming 90 percent disappear into the great morass of the Never Seen Never Heard of Again. The way missing children are investigated by our authorities is another reason why recovery rates are so low. Except for a few states, FIRs are not registered for missing children. The name of the missing child is just entered into a list of missing persons at the police station where it is reported. This does not lead to an in depth investigation. Photos of the missing child are sent to all police stations in cities like Mumbai but no active investigation into the disappearance of the child is done, unless the person who reports the child missing asks the police to file a case of kidnapping. Post the horrific Nithari murders in 2006, the law in Delhi requires a case of kidnapping to be filed by the police if a child is not located within 24 hours of being reported missing. In the Nithari killings, children had begun going missing from the neighbourhood for two years, but the police refused to register complaints or investigate the cases.
As a start, the police have begun sharing an integrated database of missing children, www.zipnet.in, as well as unidentified children found. Some of the parents of the children on the database are so poor, they don’t even have a recent photograph of the child they can provide. There is an interesting recent initiative by the Delhi police where it goes into the slums, photographs and registers all the children so that in the event of the child going missing recent photographs and details of the child are available. What is of immediate need though is an integrated country wide database that allows states to track missing children who are trafficked across states and work in tandem to rescue trafficked children, as well as trace children who might have run away for reasons ranging from dysfunctional homes, to exam pressure to a desire to see a big city. A standard protocol procedure to deal with a case of missing children needs to be put into place across the country by investigation and law enforcement agencies.
The Supreme Court’s annoyance on this issue is well justified. The “last opportunity” given to the Centre and the states to file their affidavits is now February 19. Whether the status reports will be filed by February 19 or not remains to be seen, but the fact remains that we, as a country, are not concerned about our missing children. They disappear into files, remain photographs on posters and morph into mere statistics. The parents live through the nightmare every single day of not knowing whether their child is alive or dead, or if alive, living under what unimaginable conditions. And we need to hang our heads in shame at our collective apathy to this terrifying issue.

Friday, February 08, 2013

3 Cops To Protect A VIP, Just A Cop For 761 Citizens

In today’s day and age, when terrorism of various hues is a real threat, VIP security needs cannot be dismissed as irrelevant. Yet, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that there is far too much of it in India, much of it driven by the aspiration for the ‘status’ that having armed bodyguards confers on people. 

Governments at the state and centre need to take a hard look at just how much of the resources now devoted to VIP security are actually needed. It should not have needed a prod from the apex court for them to do so. After all, it is their duty to ensure the optimum use of the resources provided by taxpayer money. Need, not desire, must dictate who gets a security cover and how much of it.

India’s police personnel to population ratio is 1: 761, but there are as many as 47,557 cops protecting 14,842 VIPs across the country or three police personnel to one protectee even as rising crime poses a serious threat to the security of the common citizen.

Excessive deployment of police persons to secure VIPs is not just a Delhi’s phenomena where the country’s who’s who lives as the VIP security is highest in Punjab followed by Delhi and Assam. In fact, hardly any state is immune from the red and blue beacon syndrome.
   
Government’s figures show the 14,842 VIPs enjoying state protection are also drawing more than what they are entitled to by way of police escorts — 15,081 personnel in excess of what has been actually sanctioned for their security.
   
The figures, released by the Bureau of Police Research and Development (BPR&D) of the ministry of home affairs, show a staggering deployment of police personnel for security duties rather than basic tasks like making the nation’s streets safer. It is hardly surprising that police forces remain overworked and understaffed.
   
The data, as on January 1, 2012, presents a grim scenario with some states like West Bengal having one cop for 1,658 citizens. Delhi is slightly better with one cop for 253 people but it is no surprise that the efficiency of the city police is impacted with a dozen police personnel guarding each of 427 VIPs – adding up to around 5,000 cops.
   
In fact, states like Bihar have a far more lop-sided ratio (1,456), followed by UP (1,173), Dadra & Nagar Haveli (1,046) and MP (962).
Although the number of protected persons dipped last year as compared to 2010, deployment for VIP security is still quite high as compared to the sanctioned strength for this purpose as are the number of VIP protectees.

VERY PROTECTED PERSONS
In 2011, 47,557 cops protected 14,842 VIPs — 15,081 more cops than the sanctioned number
In capital, there are 8,049 cops for VIP security, just 3,448 for crime prevention/ investigation, Delhi Police tells SC
States with max cops on VIP security:
Punjab 5,811, Assam 4,278, Andhra Pradesh 3,995, Bihar 3,664, UP 3,087
States with max people given protection:
Bihar 3,033, Punjab 1,798, Bengal 1,698, UP 1,345, Assam 1,048
States with worst ratio of cops to citizens:
Bengal 1 for 1,658, Bihar 1,456, UP 1,173, MP 962 & Andhra Pradesh 953


3 cops for 1 VIP in India 1 cop for 761 citizens 3,664 AP policemen engaged in VIP security:  In 2011, as many as 3,030 people were given police security in Bihar, followed by Punjab (1,798) and West Bengal (1,698). 

The data, comprising figures for 2011 and 2010, reveal how different states and Union Territories tend to deploy more and more cops for VIP security than the sanctioned strength of police personnel for this purpose, faced with an increasing clamour for a security detail that is seen as a status symbol. 
Though the Union home ministry had in the last two years pruned the central list of VIP protectees, including ministers and bureaucrats, by constantly reviewing the ‘real’ threat perception, states do not seem to respond accordingly despite facing a huge shortage of police personnel.
   
In 2010, all the states and UTs together deployed 50,059 police personnel for protecting 16,788 VIPs, including ministers, MPs, MLAs, bureaucrats and judges. Interestingly, deployment of police personnel for these VIPs during the year was 21,761 more than what was actually sanctioned for their security. The data, presented to the home ministry by the BPR&D, also shows that Punjab, which reports a vacancy of around 12,000 police personnel, topped the list sparing 5,811 cops to secure VIPs followed by Delhi (5,183), Assam (4,278) and Andhra Pradesh (3,664) despite facing shortage. 

Though these figures slightly vary for Delhi as it has to deploy more whenever VIPs of other states or foreign dignitaries have to visit the national Capital, the BPR&D has taken into account the deployment figure of six months while arriving at the final data.

Friday, April 19, 2013

THREAT TO INDIA : ANDAMAN FACES KARGIL-TYPE OF INVASION

By M H Ahssan / Port Blair

The 572 big and small Andaman and Nicobar Islands that are of enormous economic and strategic value to India are increasingly vulnerable to a Kargil-type foreign invasion, and the Union government has no policies to prevent this. 

The Indian Navy is setting up the Far Eastern Naval Command (FENC) off Port Blair in the islands to give it "blue-water" status but naval officials admit that the strategic command could become vulnerable if the foreign invasion is not checked. 

One-and-a-half-year-old official estimates of the foreigners in the Andamans top 50,000 but officials say the numbers are larger. The mainland Indian and aboriginal population is roughly 4 lakh though official figures are 2 lakh. 

Foreigners from Myanmar, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka have permanently settled in the islands using fake Indian ration cards while citizens of Thailand, China, Indonesia and Malaysia have migrated temporarily to plunder the natural resources and leave. "Port Blair, Havelock Islands, Diglipur, Middle Nicobar, Campbell's Bay, Neil Islands and Rangott are mostly overrun by foreigners," said an official. 

The nightmare for officials is a Chinese takeover of the Andamans. China has already leased Coco Islands from Myanmar and set up a listening post against Indian naval activity in the Eastern naval command and the Bay of Bengal and the missile testing facilities in Orissa.

Wednesday, February 11, 2015

Congress Crisis Deepens As Its Support Base Crumbles

Decimated in Delhi, the party draws solace from humiliation heaped on Modi.

Once it became clear that the Congress was all set for a wipe-out in the Delhi assembly polls, a group of party workers gathered outside the party office headquarters on Tuesday morning to demand that Priyanka Gandhi Vadra play a more active role in politics.

The all-too familiar slogans, “Priyanka lao, Congress bachao” were again raised, similar to the demand made after the party was routed in last year’s Lok Sabha election and subsequently in the Maharashtra and Haryana assembly polls.

Tuesday, July 11, 2017

No State Is Too Small For The Modi-Shah Grand Plan For The BJP

There's a crucial difference between this BJP and that of yore. A forceful drive to imprint the BJP's presence on unmapped political terrain, displayed by Narendra Modi and Amit Shah, was a feature never seen in the Atal Bihari Vajpayee-LK Advani era.

Its absence was not for want of ambition because the BJP's principal strategist of those times, Pramod Mahajan, was as obsessed with displacing the Congress as the principal "national pole" of the big guns of today.

Wednesday, April 01, 2009

PEOPLE NOW KNOW LEFT IS RIGHT: YECHURY

By M H Ahssan

CPM politburo member says that the country needs a non-Congress, non-BJP, ‘secular’ alternative, and is confident that the front will take concrete shape after poll results are out

If there is one pragmatic voice in an otherwise dogmatic CPM today then that’s certainly Sitaram Yechury’s. Having honed his skills as an interlocutor under the guidance of ace negotiator Harkishen Singh Surjeet when the late CPM general secretary played midwife during the birth of two UF governments, Mr Yechury has now donned the mantle. As the elections are expected to throw up a fractured mandate, his skills will be put to test. Excerpts from an interview.

The Left was part of the governing arrangement at the Centre for over four years. Do you think Congress has the political skills and sincerity to be the core of a coalition?
Congress did not show the sincerity to implement in right earnest the content and spirit of the Common Minimum Programme (CMP) which in the first place was the basis on which the Left extended outside support. It’s because Congress violated the CMP by promoting a strategic alliance with the US on the question of the nuclear deal that the Left had to withdraw outside support.

Will it be easy to convince the electorate that the pluses in the government were on account of the Left and the negatives are the sole creation of Congress?
I think people have already realised this particularly in the wake of the impact of global recession. This would have been far more devastating had not the Left prevented the government from going ahead with financial liberalisation at least on five scores-- full capital account convertibility, privatisation of pension funds, banking reforms, raising FDI cap in the insurance sector and disinvestment of public sector units. On the other hand, people have already seen that but for the Left's insistence the NREGA would not have taken off leave alone be-ing extended to the whole country. It took full four years of dithering to finally announce rules for forest rights. During the course of the election campaign, these issues will become clearer.

Till some time ago, there were doubts about the political sustainability of the third front. How confident are you about the third front getting into a cohesive formation post polls?
Fairly confident. Additionally our past experience confirms this confidence. The United Front was formed after 1996 Lok Sabha elections, the NDA after the 1998 elections, and UPA was formed after the 2004 elections. And so shall it be with the alternative secular front post 2009 election.

The third front will require more parties with it if it has to take a shot at power at the Centre. Are you ready to do business with parties like SP.
We have worked with many of these parties such as SP, RJD and LJP in the past in a non-Congress secular combination. Today, we are appealing to all non-Congress secular parties to come forward and meet people’s aspirations for an alternative policy direction that can only be provided by a non-Congress secular alternative.

The national parties have become notional players in many important states. How do you visualise politics playing out in these states in the coming months?
This in a sense is the reflection of India’s rich social plurality which is reflecting itself in its polity. This is not a regression of democracy. In fact it is its maturing in the Indian context. Many of these parties will play an important role in their regions and contribute to political federation in the future.

Will not the growth of regional parties that play identity politics inhibit the growth of parties like CPM?
No. CPM has always recognised that class struggle in India has two components, namely struggles against economic exploitation and social oppression. As it’s only CPM and the Left that combine these two elements, identity politics will not inhibit our growth.

Which party will become the core of the third front?
The Left will play an important role. There is also a process on way to reunite the socialist Left, which is divided into several parties. But the alternative will be truly federal with equal role for regional parties along with Communist Left and socialist Left.

Has the association with Congress dented your party’s image in states like Kerala where the party is your principal rival?
On the contrary, people have seen the process that I have talked about earlier. They have also seen the manner in which Congress has reneged on its promises in the CMP.

How do you explain your party’s association with parties like PDP and leaders like Madani?
There is no front or alliance or seat-sharing with PDP. In any election we appeal to all to vote for us. In Kerala, they have responded by stating that they will vote for LDF as opposed to UDF..

Can CPM withstand the challenge from the Trinamool Congress-Congress combine in West Bengal? Do you think development is a saleable issue in West Bengal?
What has been happening de facto has been declared de jure in these elections. The polarisation in West Bengal in these polls is sharpening around pro- and anti-industrialisation forces. This is appearing more relevant and crucial with the impact of global recession. This will be the single most important issue on which people will vote in the state.

CPM has been maintaining that it could join the next government. How probable is CPM’s participation in a government at the Centre?
After the 1996 experience when the party declined the suggestion to make Jyoti Basu the prime minister, the issue of our leading or joining government at the Centre was thoroughly discussed at our 1998 Party Congress. We decided that if any such situation arises in future, the central committee will take an appropriate decision on the basis of the situation.

Monday, January 13, 2014

The 'Harvest Festival' With Many Moods Of Indian Culture

By Seema Singh | INN Live

Makara Sankranti is one of the most auspicious occasions for the Hindus, and is celebrated in almost all parts of India and Nepal in myriad cultural forms, with great devotion, fervour, and gaiety. It is a harvest festival. It is perhaps the only Indian festival whose date which most often falls on the same day every year. 

The festival is also believed to mark the arrival of spring in India. Makara Sankranti is the day when the Sun begins its movement away from the Tropic of Capricorn and heads towards the northern-hemisphere and thus it signifies an event wherein the Sun-God seems to remind their children that 'Tamaso Ma Jyotirgamaya'—may you go higher and higher, to more and more Light and never to Darkness. It is highly regarded by the Hindus. 

Wednesday, February 12, 2014

Kolkata Hotel Industry Craving To Hi-Standard Upgrades

By Sudipto Sen | Kolkata

The hospitality industry in the Eastern metropolis of Kolkata which has been devoid of much action until now has started looking up slowly in the last couple of years with new investments coming in. However, there are doubts among industry pundits if the city would become another supply surplus story. INNLIVE studies the evolving hotel landscape in the City of Joy.

It seems Kolkata is trying to catch up with other metros of India and also trying to find its lost glamour and place in the hospitality space if the recent developments in the hotel landscape of the city are anything to be believed. There is nothing more promising than the opening of the renovated hospitality icon – The Great Eastern Hotel – which withstood all the turbulence in the political history of the country for more than 170 years. Being a commercial and political hub of British India for a long time, hospitality industry had deep roots in the social fabric of Kolkata.

Thursday, May 09, 2013

THE 'SHOCKING MARKET' OF 'CHILD LABOUR' IN DELHI

By Kajol Singh / Delhi

Children from poorer states are lured to the capital and put to work in sweatshops. In a long straight row, the boys walked slowly down a narrow lane in Seelampur market, in east Delhi's maze of congested neighbourhoods. There were some 21 of them between 10 and 14 years old. Passersby stopped and stared. The boys could have been schoolchildren following their teacher's instructions. Instead, they were victims of child labour just freed through a rescue operation.

“My brother brought me to Seelampur from Nepal,” says a scared Tojib, only 10 years old. “He went back to our village. I have been working here since five or six months. I get Rs. 2,500 a month. I work from 9 am to 5 pm.” Three rescued children nod in unison.

Thursday, February 07, 2013

The Brooming 'English Vinglish' Culture

Dreams of jobs, social mobility and self-respect are all tied to knowing the language. For millions, not knowing it means being walled out. 

In 2003, James Tooley, a professor at the School of Education, Communication and Language Sciences, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, completed and published the results of a year-long survey of private schools for children of low-income families in Hyderabad. ‘Private Schools for the Poor: A Case Study from India’, as the report was titled, found an astounding 61 percent of all pupils in Hyderabad district — much higher than official figures — were enrolled in private, unaided schools. This included, of course, the wealthy and the poor.

Narrowing down to 15 private schools in low-income and slum areas — “an arbitrary selection… to ensure a balance of neighbourhoods and fee ranges” — Tooley and his researchers concluded teacher truancy and school responsiveness rates here compared favourably with government schools. For this, parents — “daily paid labourers, market traders or rickshaw drivers” — were willing to pay fees “in the range of five to 10 percent of the father’s annual income”. The average tuition fee in the selected schools was Rs 116 per month.

The quest for the English language was a key motivation. All 15 schools ran from nursery to Class X and all offered English-medium education. One school also had an Urdu-medium section and three schools had some Telugu-medium classes. The schools followed a standard curriculum from Class VI onwards, in preparation for state board examinations at the end of Class VII and Class X. Till Class VI, however, the schools were free to innovate. Tooley wrote, “We found schools at this level replacing much of the specified curriculum with extra English lessons — because this is often what parental demand wanted.” “School choice was taken seriously by parents,” recorded Tooley, “… One illiterate father — who was far from unusual — told us that if the standard of education did not improve in the school his child attended, then he would take him away to another school. He said that the teaching was not up to the mark, and he was aware that other children were speaking English more effectively than his own child — even though he himself could not speak any English.”

It astonished the research team that a parent who did not know English would not only make learning the language a priority for the child, but also take what he considered an informed decision on his child’s proficiency with the English language, and how well or poorly it was being taught in the school.

What Tooley found was not atypical. The quest for English is not a phenomenon in India; it is an obsession, an epidemic and often a paranoiac fear. This is a language that opens doors; for those outside the magic portals, it is an absence that builds impregnable walls. Pradeep Kumar, 35, a garbage collector at the Municipal Corporation of Delhi, mirrors the anxiety, the nervousness and the sheer and searing ambition of some of the parents Tooley met in faraway Hyderabad.

Kumar never made it past Class V and doesn’t know a word of English. Three years ago, his first born, Abhishek, was enrolled in Class V of a government school in south Delhi’s Govindpuri area. Sensing the government school was inadequate, Kumar sought out an alternative: “I tried to move him to a private school for higher studies, but the teacher there assessed him and said his proficiency in English was that of a child in lower KG or upper KG, and that I should put him in Class I.”

This stunned Kumar. He came home, pushed some English language books towards his son and asked him to read. Consider the pathos of the moment; consider how it must have been: a father who knew no English asking his son to read so that he (the father) could assess his (the son’s) fluency in English. Abhishek tried to read, and faltered; he tried again, and faltered. In a few short wrenching minutes, the humble garbage collector’s little world came crashing down.

“I begged the teacher to take him into even Class I,” Kumar remembers, “and she said she’d try.” That’s when he decided to pull out his younger son and daughter from government schools and put them into private schools instead. “I want to make them successful,” he says, his voice almost a whisper in desperation. “In our time, you could get by. But today there are no jobs for illiterate people. They need to learn good English… I want them to have a better life than I did…”
Literacy, education, learning English: it is telling how easily Kumar conflates the three. To him, English is not just an important subject at school — it is the uber subject, the stairway to heaven, the elevator his children must take to a better life.

Stuck at a traffic signal this past week, Mann Singh, 76, a taxi driver in Mumbai, turned and asked his passenger what the word “infinity” meant. It was no abstract curiosity; he wanted to know what his city’s most popular mall was named after. His passenger explained the definition. What followed was a remarkable attempt at internalising “infinity”, almost making it a part of one’s consciousness. Singh began using the word over and over again, correctly, incorrectly, appropriately and otherwise, till he was sure he had more or less got it.

It’s a game the man has been playing for 60 years. Singh moved to Mumbai in 1956, having left his village in Punjab with a Class VIII education and not a word of English. He learnt the language in the big city, one word at a time, while doing odd jobs for businessmen, running chores, delivering parcels and, finally, some 40 years after he’d arrived in Mumbai, while driving a taxi.

Sitting behind that wheel gave Singh a luxury his four previous decades in Mumbai hadn’t allowed him: time. He bought himself a transistor and listened to cricket commentary in English. Interacting with his passengers, he moved to conversations, initially in Hindi, then in broken English. Gradually the few, isolated words he knew began forming themselves into sentences. Today, Singh knows enough of the English way to respond with a “You’re most welcome, Madam” to a passenger who runs off with a hurried “Thank you”.

If Singh can look back at his experiential learning of English with some humour, it is also because he is secure in the knowledge that he is the last of his kind in his family. All four of his children — the first a supervisor in a mall, the second a management student, the third a chauffeur for a big business corporation and the fourth a factory worker in South Africa — went to private schools and are proficient in English. In one generation, with one language, they have made the leap from working class to middle class.

The equation isn’t always that simple. English has had a complex and troubled engagement with India since Thomas Macaulay introduced it as the medium of instruction with his Minute on Education in 1835. He intended it not just as a communicative tool, but as a social enabler and part of the civilising mission of the East India Company. The condescension that carried with it notwithstanding, English proved to be an empowering force of quite another kind. In one quick move, it reduced Indians from a multiplicity of identities to just two castes — Macaulay’s Children and Macaulay’s Orphans.

The first to use and master the English were, of course, the privileged Indian communities — upper-caste Bengalis, Bombay Parsis, Poona Brahmins and so on. Yet as the decades passed, it became apparent to many that English was not just instructive; it was downright incendiary. It held the key to social disruption and the upturning of hierarchies. There is a school of Dalit scholarship that holds that knowledge of English has allowed privileged Dalits to make a leap and gain authority — with government jobs, for instance — in a manner unknown for millennia.

Chandrabhan Prasad, well-known Dalit writer, has in his articles contrasted the access to English with the historical denial of Sanskrit to the Dalit. In this framework, English is a goddess to be venerated — two years ago, a temple to English began to be constructed in Uttar Pradesh’s Lakhimpur Kheri district — and Macaulay her prophet on Earth.

Inevitably, English became part of the colonial construct. With independence, its effacement became an auxiliary of the nationalist enterprise for some. The Socialists led by Ram Manohar Lohia mocked English, a legacy that lives on in parts in the politics of Mulayam Singh Yadav and the Samajwadi Party. The Communists abolished English at the primary level in West Bengal only to acknowledge their error a quarter century later. The Sangh Parivar saw English as representing a westernisation project.

It is worth noting that many of those debates are now settled, and those emotions spent. The first-generation learner of today is no aspiring Anglophile and does not even remotely see himself as a member of the Anglosphere. Neither does he consider Britain or even America as a natural cultural reference point. He sees English for what it is: a pathway to a better job, a better life and that intangible — social status.
Few native speakers of English can even comprehend what life must be on the other side of the tracks for the vast majority of their fellow Indians. Tridip Suhrud, Ahmedabad-based social scientist, calls “the desire to learn English the biggest aspiration for Indians today… like a passport to gain cultural confidence”. Yet, he acknowledges that in “the search of an elusive promise, we have devalued learning in other languages”.

It’s a vicious circle. There are too few technical manuals and textbooks in English. This ends up meaning there are too few who master technical manuals and textbooks in anything other than English, often making a hell-for-leather attempt to reach some familiarity with the language. The result: the incentive to produce more and better technical manuals and textbooks in English declines.

This is exactly the reasoning Girish Walimbe, the septuagenarian trustee of the Maharashtra Girls Education Society, Huzurpaga, Pune, offers. Founded by the social reformer Jyotiba Phule 127 years ago as a Marathi-medium institution that pioneered girls’ education in India, the school has an illustrious history.

Five years ago, the Huzurpaga school was forced to open an English-language affiliate as well. The demand was overwhelming. “I believe the medium of instruction should be one’s mother tongue,” says Walimbe, “but knowing English is the need of the hour. The world works that way. English is the key to acquiring technical education because there are no technical books available in regional languages.”

“Feed your child once a day if needed, but make sure he goes to an English school”: Ishtyaq Bhat, 27, seems to speak with a wisdom and cynicism beyond his age. Bhat owns a popular guest house and tour company in Srinagar called Lassa Bhat, named after his grandfather. The real-life Lassa Bhat ran a tea stall near the Dal Lake. His son, Shafi Bhat, opened two rooms of the family house to western tourists. However, that was as far he got; being illiterate, he could go no further in terms of communication.

In the 1990s, as the Valley was gripped by violence, the Bhats left for Goa where Shafi and his sister became the first in their family to go to school. Returning home, Shafi expanded the Lassa Bhat Guest House and built a new wing. His familiarity with English made it easy for him to win the trust of tourists from abroad and have them recommending the guest house. It wouldn’t have been possible without English. To Shafi’s mind, learning the language has been the game-changer in his life.

What if it hadn’t turned out this way? In his novel The Story of My Assassins, Tarun Tejpal, a senior journalist, has this percussive passage on a character’s unequal struggle with English:

“The arithmetic and algebra he could manage, and Hindi he was good at. But English, and every other subject — all of them taught in English — fried his brains. He was not alone in this. The entire school was full of boys whose brains were being detonated by Shakespeare and Dickens and Wordsworth and Tennyson and memoriam and daffodils and tiger tiger burning bright and solitary reapers and artful dodgers and thous and forsooths and the rhymes of ancient mariners. The first counter-attack Kabir M made on English was in Class IV when he learnt like the rest of his reeling mates to say, ‘Howdudo? Howdudo?’ The answer being: ‘Juslikeaduddoo! Juslikeaduddoo!’ It set the pattern for life for most of them. English was to be ambushed ruthlessly when and where the opportunity arose. Its soldiers were to be mangled, shot, amputated wherever they were spotted. Its emissaries to be captured and tortured. The enemy of English came at them from every direction: in the guise of forms to be filled, exams to be taken, interviews to be given, marriage proposals to be evaluated. The enemy English had a dwarfing weapon: it made instant lilliputs of them.”

Where are the weapons to slay this enemy forged? The English coaching, tuition and informal education industry must be one of India’s largest and most underreported services-sector businesses. For Amod Kumar Bhardwaj, 45, and chief executive of the Meerut-based American Institute of English Learning (AIEL), imparting training in spoken English has proved a goldmine. “I qualified after the written exam for the Combined Defence Services,” he says, beginning his back-story. “I was confident of a good career in the army. My hopes crashed during the interview because of my poor spoken English.” That motivated him to not just improve his English-speaking skills but, in 1991, to set up AIEL.

Bhardwaj sees AIEL as a sort of finishing school. After graduating from school or college or a technical institution, the student comes here to learn to use the English language in a manner of speaking, literally, and go on to a job. Over two decades, AIEL has coached thousands of students. Today, it has a franchise running in every single one of Uttar Pradesh’s 70 districts. “We have close to 100 centres,” he says.

In ‘A Story of Falling Behind’, their 2009 study of West Bengal, economists Bibek Debroy and Laveesh Bhandari examined the private tuition boom that encompassed “80 percent of middle-school children in rural West Bengal”. Quoting a 2006 survey conducted by the Amartya Sen-founded Pratichi Trust, Debroy and Bhandari wrote: “Even among poor children, the average annual incremental expenditure because of private tuition was around 1,000. Private tuition is an endemic part of the West Bengal education system. This can partly be dated to 1983, when in an attempt to ensure equity, the West Bengal government abolished teaching of English in primary schools for the government education system. This triggered demand for private tuitions, even among the poor.”

Raj Kishan, 36, an autorickshaw driver in New Delhi with origins in Motihari, Bihar, would nod in agreement. His seven-year-old daughter studies in Class II in a government school, but she still goes to two coaching classes a day. “One coaching class is exclusively for English and the other is for all subjects,” Kishan explains, “I pay Rs 400 a month for each. English coaching is separate because that madam doesn’t teach anything else.”

Kostubh Vohra, a fellow of Teach for India, is in charge of Class II in a private school for underprivileged children in New Delhi. Illiterate or moderately educated parents push their children to learn at least English, and this has led Vohra to adopt innovative methods to expand reading, writing and comprehension skills. “I use various applications on the iPad,” he points out. “They help in teaching phonetics and increase the children’s interest. There is an app called Read Aloud, which shows a word on screen as it is pronounced.”

To his pupils, English is the basic ingredient of fantasy: “I tell them that if they want to become space travellers or scientists or doctors, it is necessary to learn English. It is important because all technology is in English. There is a direct co-relation between English and jobs…”

A life removed from English can be a burden, even a blow and a confidence corroder. Champa Roy, 34 from Agartala, Tripura, had it all — a loving husband, two children and a degree in science. In 2011, her husband died and she decided to look for a job as a teacher.

“I tried my luck,” she says, “and would eventually get rejected everywhere as my spoken English was weak. I had studied in a Bengali-medium school… In testing times, I understood how important it was to at least have good spoken English skills. It really helps, while being a science graduate was of no help.” To her mind, familiarity with English scores over academic or scholastic qualifications.

Is that Macaulay’s vindication or the tragedy of his legacy? One can debate that, but the fact is, it’s contemporary India’s hard, blistering reality.

Friday, March 22, 2013

Socialism On Four Wheels: Romancing The Iconic 'Ambassador'

There’s a story that’s told of a team of 10 or so Indians arriving from some years ago in the US on a work assignment – and being received at the airport by representatives of their organisation in a cavalcade of cars. The supremely high per-capita automobile allocation at the US end of their journey appeared to cause them much merriment, symbolising as it did a culture of extravagance that the first-time travelers to the US were unused to. In contrast, they said, on the Indian side, the 10 of them, with bag and baggage in tow, had arrived at the airport packed to the gills in one single commodious Ambassador car – and had evidently felt no obvious discomfort.

The anecdote was probably intended to establish the ruggedness – and the spaciousness – of Ambassador cars, which at one time were considered an icon of India – an “ugly icon” (as this report noted), but an icon nonetheless. But it could just as easily be about Indians’ infinite capacity to tolerate corporate munificence – and egregious encroachments on personal spaces – with great fortitude.

In any case, the Ambassador is a virtual metaphor for India in other ways too: to this day, the white Ambassador topped with revolving red lights symbolises power that, to the accompaniment of wailing sirens, often demands that you yield the right of way on India’s roads.

So visually symbolic of power was the car that when armed terrorists drove into Parliament in white Ambassadors in December 2001, they secured unhindered access. And there’s an apocryphal story about a notorious head of a crime syndicate who was able to give inter-State police the slip for years. His modus operandi, he confessed later, was to ride around in a red-light-topped white Amby, which was for that reason not even stopped at check-posts.

Additionally, the white Ambassador is also a metaphor for the evolution of the Indian economy. It is in many ways a relic of India’s socialist economy, which survived admirably in a licence-quota raj regime when – to paraphrase Henry Ford – you could buy any car so long as it was an Ambassador. But ever since the advent of foreign marquee models on Indian shores, the trusty old warhorse has been gradually vanishing from Indian roads – except as taxis that shudder at traffic lights in Indian cities.

Business school case studies point to the success of the Ambassador brand in an earlier time as the result of what’s called the network effect – which is defined as the effect that one user of goods or services has on the value of that product for others. That is to say, practical considerations – such as easy serviceability and ruggedness of use – drove more people to buy Ambassador cars even when they could afford higher-end cars. And given the Ambassador’s longevity and ‘dominance’,  service stations could get by on maintaining lower inventory levels for spare parts.

Of course, all that changed when the foreign brands rolled in. Ambassador cars, whose back seats have been witness to countless defining moments – or at least political strategems – in history, even lost their status as the vehicles of choice for the power elite when the NDA government under AB Vajpayee switched to decidedly videshi models like the BMW for VVIPs. And although the UPA government attempted briefly to score a political point in 2004, when it returned to power, by claiming that it would revert to Ambassador cars, the swadeshi sentiment didn’t last long.

Every few years, therefore, obituaries are written for the Ambassador car. In an efficient marketplace, of course, the assembly lines at Hindustan Motors would have long ceased to roll. A 1999 report in the New York Times, for instance, described the Ambassador as being “in a fight for its survival,” with a market share of just 6 percent and no prospects of a turnaround.

But by 2007, those downbeat assessments were giving way to a grudging acknowledgement of the Ambassador’s inexplicable longevity. “Love it or hate it,” observed the Los Angeles Times, “this pug-nosed, bug-eyed, stodgy classic is a fixture on India’s potholed streets, a dinosaur that so far has managed to defy both evolution and extinction.”

Today, according to this report in Business Standard, things are positively looking up for Hindustan Motors, the manufacturer of Ambassador cars. “At a time when passenger car sales plunged to a 12-year low in February, Hindustan Motors has clocked sales growth of 166 per cent year-on-year,” it notes. Much of that supernormal sales growth rides on revived Ambassador car sales.

Today, Hindustan Motors sees the Ambassador as the pilot car of the company’s rejuvenation. In just the last six months, the company has added 20 new dealers, the report notes. Most of them are in small towns – in Bihar, Odisha and the North-eastern States.

Two things are striking about this claim of stellar sales performance in a down market. Ambassador car sales are still only in the hundreds per month – 544 units were sold in February, against 497 in January. Second, as the report acknowledges, much of this sales pick-up comes because the West Bengal government has been administering the company the kiss of life – by deferring the phase-out of BS III emission norms by a year.

By effectively shifting the goalpost for enforcement of BS IV emission norms, the West Bengal government has made it possible for Hindustan Motors to sell its BS III compliant models for the taxis market in the State. It is this, principally, that accounts for the uptick in sales.

In other words, even in this day and age of increased competition, the company relies on old-fashioned state policy to sell more of its Ambassadors.

The other driver of sales of Ambassadors today is nostalgia for an earlier time. That sentiment finds expression in popular culture as well, and is symbolised most starkly by the female protagonist in the 2008 film Ghajini, who vows not to marry until she has purchased not one, not two, but three Ambassador cars – in memory of her father.

But then, it isn’t just for Ambassador cars that such nostalgia abounds. Socialist ideas that interfere with the marketplace and help sell cars too set off wistful and delirious sighs among policymakers, in West Bengal and elsewhere.

In that sense, the Ambassador car is a throbbing 2000-cc symbol of the distance that the Indian economy has travelled since it opened up in 1991. For all the roar and sputter of the engine, the economic car hasn’t gone very far down the road.