On the eve of 2009 general elections, the buzzword in political discourses in this part of Andhra Pradesh was ‘Samajika Telangana.’ The then newlylaunched Praja Rajyam Party of megastar Chiranjeevi had promised ‘Samajika Telangana’ even as other parties too lent their support to this concept. Telangana Rashtra Samithi had even promised to make a dalit as the first chief minister of Telangana and a Muslim as deputy chief minister. Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Backward Classes and minorities found a mention in the vocabulary of Telangana leaders.
Now, when the 2014 polls are round the corner and Telangana state looks like becoming a reality, Samajika factor seems to be conspicuously missing from the agenda of the political class.
Instead, the political leaders and their JAC cousins are talking about ‘Sampurna Telangana,’ that is, an undiluted and unconditional Telangana state with no strings attached to the governor. Telangana protagonists want their state to be “pure” like any of the other 28 states in the country. It is another matter that the proposal of common capital goes counter to the idea of ‘Sampurna Telangana.’ Both cannot coexist.
If you look at Telangana movement over the last 12 years, the most vocal supporters have been from weaker sections. They nursed the hope that separate Telangana would fulfill their aspirations of a state where there is equality among castes and classes, with a premium on the under-privileged groups. Occasional promises from the leading lights of Telangana sometimes inspired enthusiasm among these sections. Unfortunately, a large section of youth who committed suicide for the cause of Telangana over the years hailed from the weaker sections.
As per the 2011 census, SCs account for 15.44% of the total population in Telangana region. The proportion of STs is 9.34%. Muslims and Christians comprise 12.51% and Christians 2.71% respectively. The BCs constitute almost 50% of the population. The total for SCs, STs, BCs and minorities thus adds up to a whopping 90%. This leaves the upper castes with a mere 10% proportion to total population. The latter category includes four dominant castes—Reddis, Velamas, Kammas and Vysyas—and miniscule Brahmin community.
A look at the current membership of AP Legislative Assembly from the 10 districts of Telangana region would reveal the sad state of affairs vis-à-vis the empowerment of weaker sections. The forward caste MLAs, numbering 57, include 40 Reddis, 10 Velamas, 5 Kammas and 2 Brahmins. Apart from 19 SC MLAs (11 Madigas and 8 Malas), 12 ST MLAs (Lambadas and Koyas 5 each and Gonds 2), there are 24 BC MLAs (10 Munnuru Kapus, 5 Gouds, 3 Mudirajs, 2 Padmashalis, 2 Yadavas, 1 Perika and 1 Rajaka). Seven MLAs belong to Muslim minority. The four groups together account for 62 MLAs.
Overall, the forward castes account for 48% of the total strength of MLAs from Telangana vis-à-vis their proportion of 20% to the population. The underprivileged sections, with 90% share of the population, account for 52% of the total strength of MLAs from Telangana region. Even among the weaker sections, many underprivileged groups of BCs, SCs and STs are under-represented. The promise of empowerment of all sections of SCs, STs, BCs and minorities, thus, remains an elusive one.
Samajika Telangana would obviously mean a better deal for these underprivileged sections not only in terms of political empowerment but also economic and social emancipation. Discrimination against dalits, girijans, BCs and minorities persists in all political parties. In July 2012, the main opposition Telugu Desam Party had promised to give 100 tickets to BCs in AP Assembly polls (40 in Telangana and 60 in Seemandhra). AP Congress Committee president Botsa Satyanarayana also assured a fair deal for BCs in allocation of party tickets. Subsequently, TDP boss N Chandrababu Naidu announced to field 24 minority candidates in 2014 Assembly polls. He also lent support to the demand for Sub-Plans for BCs and minorities on the lines of SC/ ST Sub-Plans.
But, when Telangana statehood is round the corner, all the political parties seem to be bothered more about “Sampurna” Telangana than social justice. Issues like common capital, common governor, common high court and central control over law and order in Hyderabad are more potent factors that can impact Telangana. Whenever the schedule for next Assembly polls is announced, these parties are bound to come out with a bonanza of promises for SCs, STs, BCs and minorities. Yet, such last-minute wooing games may not fetch them the expected returns.
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