Despite Modi, Why BJP Promoting Nitin Gadkari Status?

By M H Ahssan / INN Bureau

With Narendra Modi pulling an Obama on 95,000 people in Hyderabad and a few thousand others across India, one would imagine that the BJP will slouch back, heave a sigh of relief and watch with amusement as the party rides the Modi wave to success. The casualties in the party itself will possibly be a fair price to pay in the view of a resounding electoral success. The BJP has doggedly been following that route, systematically shoving anyone who comes in Modi’s way out of it.

India’s Political Stability Will Aid Recovery

By M H Ahssan

Pranab Mukherjee, named this weekend as India’s finance minister, will likely take advantage of the government’s stable majority to introduce measures to revive the economy amid a global slump.

The 73-year-old Congress party veteran told the Economic Times yesterday the new government’s numerical strength would encourage credit flows and boost confidence. Mukherjee has been acting in the finance portfolio since January as Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, 76, recovered from surgery.

Mukherjee, who ran a closed economy as the finance minister in Indira Gandhi’s cabinet from 1982 to 1984, inherits one that is now open and exposed to the worst worldwide recession since the Great Depression of the 1930s. He earned a reputation as a trouble shooter in Singh’s cabinet since 2004 by resolving spats among ministries and coalition partners.

“He is a deliverer,” said Alastair Newton, a political analyst at Nomura International Plc in London. “He will have challenges in the economic portfolio given the political realities -- market expectations are high.”

The Bombay Stock Exchange’s benchmark stock index surged by a record 17 percent on May 18, the first day after Singh’s re- election, as investors bet the resounding victory will enable the new finance minister to ease foreign investment rules and sell state assets -- policies that were stalled by Singh’s communist partners in his previous term.

Congress has the support of 322 lawmakers in the lower house of parliament, with the party getting 206 lawmakers of its own. That’s the most since 1991, when Singh as finance minister abandoned Soviet-style state planning and introduced free-market policies that have helped India’s economy quadruple in size.

The victory was as much Mukherjee’s as Singh’s. As the No. 2 in the cabinet, he backed the prime minister’s policies ranging from creating jobs in rural areas and writing off farmers’ loans to closer ties with the U.S., renewing a relationship that began in the early 1980s when he appointed Singh as the central bank governor.

“Despite the strong endorsement from voters, the finance minister may have a tough job pushing through some much-needed reforms,” said Nikhilesh Bhattacharyya, an economist at Moody’s Economy.com in Sydney. “It’s very hard for politicians, for example, to do away with subsidies, which may result in a backlash. Expectations should be tempered.”

India spends one trillion rupees ($21 billion), or a tenth of its budget, on food, fuel and other subsidies each year in a country where the World Bank estimates three-quarters of the people live on less than $2 a day. About 13 percent of spending goes to defense and 20 percent to pay interest on national debt. That leaves little for other needs, such as health, education and power plants, boosting borrowings.

The federal government budget deficit was at 6 percent of gross domestic product for the year ended March 31, more than double the target of 2.5 percent of GDP.

Moody’s Investors Service places India’s long-term local currency rating at Ba2, two levels below investment grade, and lower than the ratings assigned to Colombia, Romania and Kazakhstan. S&P has a BBB- long term credit rating on India, the lowest investment-grade level.

Investors will be looking at how much fiscal stimulus Mukherjee, who was on the boards of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank in the 1980s, can provide in his first policy statement -- the budget for this year -- expected in early July.

Singh’s government said before the elections that stimulus of at least another 1 percent of GDP is needed to prop up an economy that’s growing at its slowest pace since 2003.

Mukherjee, who first became a minister in 1973, estimated in February that India may need to raise a record 3.62 trillion rupees from bond sales in the fiscal year that started April 1. The central bank governor Duvvuri Subbarao said May 22 that borrowings have “already expanded rapidly” and that it goes against his efforts to keep borrowing costs low.

“The government faces a challenge to balance two conflicting issues -- to stimulate the economy while preventing fiscal position from further erosion,” said Takahira Ogawa, S&P’s director of sovereign ratings. “There is a possibility for the government to implement various measures to further expand the economy and consolidate the fiscal situation.”

Singh’s administration, which doesn’t need communists’ support for a majority in parliament, could raise as much as $20 billion from sale of state-run companies, according to Rashesh Shah, chief executive officer of Edelweiss Capital Ltd.

Among the companies that could be placed on the block are NHPC Ltd., India’s largest producer of electricity from water, explorer Oil India Ltd. and fuel retailer Hindustan Petroleum Corp., according to Mumbai-based brokerage Religare Capital Markets Ltd.

Still, analysts such as Seema Desai at Eurasia Group, a London-based political-risk advisory firm, expect economic changes will be “selective and gradual.”

“There is a significant segment within the party that is suspicious of sweeping pro-market reforms,” Desai said.

Mukherjee, who last year successfully rallied China, Japan, Russia and 42 other nations to end India’s nuclear isolation and resume supplies without signing the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, needs to bring the same acumen to gain support of his party colleagues, many of whom are still tied to the original socialist principles of the Congress party.

At stake is a bill to raise the foreign investment ceiling for Prudential Plc and other insurers to 49 percent from 26 percent, and other proposed legislation aimed at removing a 10 percent cap on the voting rights of foreign investors in non- state banks. The government also wants to allow global retailers such as Wal-Mart Stores Inc. into India.

“Mukherjee is a seasoned politician with excellent skills to bring people around,” said N. Bhaskara Rao, chairman at the Centre for Media Studies in New Delhi. “Expectations from him will be high.”

INTERVIEW WITH PRANAB MUKHERJEE
Twenty-seven years after he presented his first budget as the finance minister in the Indira Gandhi regime, and exactly a quarter century after
Euromoney magazine voted him as one of the best five finance ministers in the world, Pranab Mukherjee, Congress' man for all seasons and for all reasons, has returned to North Block. Here are excerpts for his interview with HNN, recently.

In the first week of July, he is expected to present the first budget of the new government. He is a remarkable man whose political career has been filled with achievements at the highest level. Through a political career spanning over five decades, he has graduated from being the unsung hero to the hero for both his party and government.

Apart from finance, he has held defence, external affairs, revenue, shipping, transport, communication, economic affairs, commerce and industry portfolios. Mr Mukherjee, who headed over 50 GoMs in the last government, speaks to P R Ramesh in an exclusive interview. Excerpts:

Is the worst behind for the economy?

The global economic crisis has impacted every economy in the world. We are no exception. But our economy has not suffered like the economies of Europe, North America and Japan. But we did suffer. And it was visible in September 2008. The government took steps to contain the problem.

The prime minister attended the G-20 summit and there he made it clear that protectionism is not the answer to the problem. He emphasised the need for flow of credit. India’s voice was heard. I remember the prime minister’s speech at the London summit. Everyone agreed with his call against protectionism.

Do you believe that economy needs a fresh stimulus? You had talked about the possibility of a third stimulus in your interim budget?

On December 7, 2008, and January, 2009, we addressed the problem from the monetary side as well as the fiscal side. RBI reduced CRR, LSR and repo rate to provide adequate liquidity to the system. On the fiscal side, we also undertook a series of measures. They have started having its impact. Although there is no strong rebound there are signs of a rebound.

Is economic recovery around the corner?

I am hopeful that we should be recovering by the second half of this fiscal. There are specific indicators that give me hope.

Any sectors where you may give some impetus?

We have to pay heed to those sectors which have been impacted the most. Exports and IT are among the most.

Will political stability help the government in tiding over the crisis?

I am sure it will have greater impact because of political stability. The impressive mandate for the Congress has created confidence in the market and there is expectation that the economy will bounce back.

There is expectation that there could be more reform-oriented initiatives

The first document on the government's action plan will be the Presidential address. This will contain the initiatives that we plan in the immediate and long run. And of course, the budget will be there before you in July.


Several sectors need immediate help. How will you step in and address their problems?

I indicated that states can spend 0.5% of GDP. But this spending was delayed because of the elections. The decision to buy 1,400 buses was one aimed at helping the automobile sector. Again this decision had to be deferred because of elections. Now the spending will begin.

Will the credit flow situation improve in the coming months?

Export sectors are badly hit by recession. But it is hit all over the world. The flow of credit has slowed down. Again political stability will work in India’s favour and credit will be available easily.

Are you not worried about the large fiscal deficit?

We have to find money for meeting the challenges facing our people. Extraordinary situations demand extraordinary responses. Fiscal prudence will have to kept aside for a while. This does not mean reckless spending. For the growth of the economy, you require money. The fiscal deficit is an area of concern.

We had to go in for large borrowings to maintain liquidity in the economy. We have had to burst the ceiling but it is not something that we can ignore.

There is a pause on the FRBM act but we will have to do bring it back on track in the near future within a year or two.

How will you address the burgeoning subsidy bill?

No developing economy can afford to say no to subsidies. They are essential. If crude prices go up to $ 140, you cannot pass it on to the consumer. But this issue will have to addressed and I will address it adequately. I repeat, my response will be adequate.

Isn't high food inflation worrying?

Food prices inflation is a cause for concern. But some corrective measures were taken before the elections. We had imported sugar duty free. This will soften prices.

What were your challenges when you were the finance minister in the 80s? And what lessons can you draw?

The responsibilities of the finance minister were very challenging even then, although they were vastly different. On the one hand, I had to push planned expenditure which was way below the target at only 26% of the target in the second year. We were facing balance of payment crisis and we had to pay back a $5.2 billion SDF loan from the IMF.

And I had to tackle problems arising out of a low inflation rate which had been brought down to 2.4% from 17.6% by my predecessor. We have to boost public spending today as well to give the required push to the economy and the inflation rate today is also at very low levels.

Superstar Salman Khan: The Man Beyond The Fairy Dust

By M H Ahssan / INN Bureau

The 'macho image' turns into 'policewala' hero, then modified into 'crusader' and now, again the 'lover bvoy' images makes him a super star in hindi film industry - presenting, one and only SAlman Khan. 

If you go by the media buzz around him now, you could believe the measure of Salman Khan is a moustache. He has a big new film — Dabangg — hitting the screens on 10 September: first-time director Abhinav Kashyap, first-time producer Arbaaz Khan, first-time actress Sonakshi Sinha, and first-time moustache, Salman.

'I Can't Live Without My Humble Son - Hamid Ansari'

Hamid Ansari went to Pakistan to meet the girl he fell in love with on Facebook but never returned. Despite two years of writing desperate letters of appeal and knocking on doors, his mother refuses to give up.

Two mice fall into a bucket of cream. The first one gives up early and dies. The second one keeps thrashing about till one day , the cream turns into butter and it crawls out. Few years ago, Hamid Ansari narrated this short story to an auditorium full of school dropouts in Mumbai. Today , his mother is the second mouse.

In Defense Of English: Blame The Education System, Not The Language

By M H AHSSAN | INNLIVE

The argument that the stress on English-medium education is to blame for problems of inequality and poor levels of understanding is faulty.

The English language has taken a beating from several quarters recently and is being blamed for many of India’s woes. An article in a vernacular online news pirtal said that one reason for the poor quality of Master of Business Administration graduates in India was the use of English to teach complex concepts. Another article on the website, from last year, states that a majority of children are being deprived of a real education because of the country’s obsession with English.

Protectionism a dirty ASEAN word

By Charles McDermid

Southeast Asian leaders issued an economic rally cry for the region on Sunday, calling for greater coordination to ensure the free flow of goods and taking aim at the protectionist sentiment many of them fear is on the rise in countries such as the United States.

The 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) [1] at its 14th summit also pledged to form a European Union-like economic bloc by 2015 and called for an overhaul of the international finance system to better serve and protect developing nations.

The summit meeting also endorsed a free-trade agreement with Australia and New Zealand and measures to expand a pre-existing emergency foreign exchange pool to bolster regional currencies that come under speculative assault.

"We want to send a strong signal that we are anti-protectionist," Thai Deputy Prime Minister Korbsak Sabhavasu told Asia Times Online. "We see what other countries are doing and we want to signal that while other countries are looking out for themselves - in ASEAN we are helping each other out."

"Regional cooperation becomes even more important as we seek to pursue joint approaches and pool our resources to cope with difficulties that we all face," Asian Development Bank president Haruhiko Kuroda told reporters on Sunday.

But even as ASEAN announced its raft of feel-good policies and delivered its unified mantra of anti-protectionism, economists were scratching their heads as to how the lofty proclamations of togetherness will actually help the fractious region's export-driven economies and shield its 570 million people from rising global economic turbulence.

While ASEAN's anti-protectionism line was clear, mixed messages were rife from individual countries. For instance, it was reported this month that Indonesian civil servants were ordered by the Trade Ministry to buy and use domestic products. Smaller economies such as Cambodia and Laos have long had "buy local" campaigns in place.

It was only a little over two years ago that Thailand imposed capital controls on foreign equity, currency and bond transactions, in a surprise market intervention aimed at curbing the appreciation of the local currency, the baht. In fact, ASEAN's much-touted new charter, ratified in December, includes no mechanisms to stop or punish member countries from implementing protectionist policies.

In an interview with local media last week, Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi said it was perfectly normal for countries to protect their domestic industries during an economic slowdown. Abdullah, however, modified his stance in the summit's press finale on Sunday, saying: "All of us are of the same mind: we are anti-protectionist. Countries that are saying 'buy us', countries that are engaging in protectionism - we want to engage with them."

"I think we have to pay a lot of attention, whatever measures we do, we do not give the impression that we are becoming protectionist, that we are turning inwards, because ASEAN depends on this global market," said Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong.

The Southeast Asian blitz against protectionism - defined as economic policies restraining trade between nations by way of tariffs and quotas - was seen by some as a thinly veiled challenge to the United States. In an interview with Asia Times Online, US ambassador for ASEAN Affairs Scot Marciel admitted that " ... in the region, there are some people who have put the blame on us".
As the largest importer of Southeast Asian goods, the US's recently approved stimulus package, bent on internal spending and including mandatory American purchases from trade partners, has sent shivers through the region's export-dependent economies.

ASEAN countries have been mired in an economic slowdown that has slashed demand for computer chips, autos and commodities. According to figures released by ASEAN, the region is almost twice as dependent on exports as the rest of the world.

Singapore, Southeast Asia's most trade-reliant economy, is now technically in recession, with two consecutive quarters of negative growth, including a -3.7% year-on-year contraction in the fourth quarter.

Thailand, where exports usually account for over 65% of gross domestic product (GDP), is widely expected to be the region's next recessionary domino. In US dollar terms, Thailand's goods export growth was down 26.5% year-on-year in January. Malaysia recorded its slowest growth in seven years in the fourth quarter while the Philippines saw its goods exports contract over 40% in December.

Still, the summit was bullish about its accomplishments. Attending finance ministers agreed to boost a regional foreign currency pool from US$80 billion to $120 billion. The 10 members of ASEAN plus Japan, China and South Korea - or ASEAN+3 - had arranged to pool bilateral currency swap pacts under the so-called Chiang Mai Initiative - providing a multilateral fund that could be tapped in emergencies.

Southeast Asian currencies have slid in recent months, diminishing the ability of countries hit with short-term liquidity shortages to borrow foreign reserves from other countries to absorb selling pressure on their currencies. "We have learned from previous experience that if we work together, the damage is less when we have a currency crisis," said Malaysian Premier Abdullah, referring to a special regional meeting to address the 1997 Asian financial crisis.

ASEAN heads of state, however, warned that any global economic recovery could take years. "The financial crisis is worldwide. Each ASEAN country, each one of us is affected," said Singapore's Lee. "You could easily be in for several more years of quite slow growth worldwide. And I think it's best that we prepare for that, and our people."

Whether committed to protectionism or free trade, ASEAN countries are in for rocky economic times.

‘Telangana Will Be The Worst Hit After The AP Split’: Kiran

By Arhaan Faraaz | INNLIVE

INTERVIEW When former Andhra Pradesh chief minister Kiran Kumar Reddy stepped down after the Lok Sabha passed the AP Reorganisation Bill, he did it with little fuss. And when he split with the Congress and finally ann­ounced his Jai Samaikyandhra Party (JSP), it was in the same understated style. 

No frills, no Jai Kiran slogans. Some might call the JSP a party in denial but Kiran and his supporters firmly believe they will be the “surprise package” of the 2014 general elections. 

TRIBUTE: THE MAN BEHIND BENGAL'S CINEMA RENAISSANCE

By Richa Rai / Kolkata

“But, my city, I know, can neither handle me nor ignore me,” filmmaker Rituparno Ghosh had said in a recent interview. There’s no doubt Ghosh was something of an agent provocateur in both Kolkata and Indian cinema. From the subjects he chose to explore in his films to the way he dressed, Ghosh was always urging us to reconsider the stereotypes that we take for granted as normal.

But from the grief and shock that’s evident in the reactions to his passing this morning, it’s obvious that for all the thorn that Ghosh may have been in convention’s side, the filmmaker was also much admired and beloved.

Fascinating Facts Of '100 Years Of Indian Cinema'

The millenium greatest bollywood super stars and legends Dilip Kumar, Amitabh Bachchan and Shahrukh Khan come closer to snap for the cause of 100 years of Indian cinema, recently.

He was a stalwart and also a great writer. Actor Balraj Sahni was lauded not only for his acting skills but was appreciated for his writing skills. Dharmedra's first salary for his debut film was meagre amount of Rs 51! As we celebrate 100 years of Indian cinema, here are some interesting trivia about Bollywood stars which were unheard of until now. Read on!

Did you know Ashok Kumar was with the Bombay Talkies for 7 years and gave them India's first blockbuster - Kismet...which ran on movie halls for three straight years.

Going gets tough for Indian Telcos

By Swati Prasad

Despite high growth in subscribers, challenges such as intensifying market competition, falling ARPU (average revenue per user) and uncertainty over government regulations are taking a toll on the margins of India's telecommunications industry.

The local telecom industry last year added between 11 million and 19.9 million wireless subscribers each month, but this healthy growth came with a host of challenges.

The industry has been facing stiff competition with 12 to 13 players in each segment.

Tariffs have also been falling and have touched new lows with various operators introducing per-second billing, leading to a further drop in the ARPU.

In addition, new subscribers are low-spenders, based mostly in semi-urban and rural areas. To make matters worse, taxes are comparatively high in India at over 30 percent.

All these factors are leading to a drop in operators' profitability.

For instance, Idea Cellular, a leading GSM mobile services operator in India, reported a 23 percent year-on-year profit dip, after tax, for the third quarter of its financial year, ended Dec. 31.

Similarly, the quarterly net income of India's largest telecom operator Bharti Airtel, has been decreasing with each quarter, from US$552 million in between April and June, to US$509 million between July and September, and US$484.6 million between October and December 2009.

"With 12 to 13 operators in each circle, India is witnessing hyper-competition," Kamlesh Bhatia, principal analyst at Gartner, told Newsindia in a phone interview. "And the direct impact of this can be seen on the operating margins."

Concurred Nupur Singh Andley, senior research analyst of connectivity at Springboard Research: "Owing to sharp fall in tariffs and hence the ARPUs in the past two to three years, operators are finding it difficult to maintain good profitability amidst low margins and high competition."

She noted that in the long-run, this situation is likely to impact the operations of smaller players that do not have financial muscle. "It will ultimately lead to market consolidation," Singh Andley added.

Regulatory uncertainty hits players
The numerous delays in 3G auction have also adversely hit the telecom operators.
The country's spectrum shortage has been worsening with millions of subscribers being added each month. This has led to a fall in service quality, with dropped calls and disturbances becoming commonplace.

The government has currently set Apr. 9 as the date for the auction.

"Given the uncertainty over the 3G auctions, operators can't plan their investments," Kasturi Bhattacharjee, associate director of advisory in infocomm practice, PricewaterhouseCoopers, said in a phone interview. "Similarly, the equipment vendors can't sell equipment. It's having a domino effect on the industry."

Singh Andley agreed: "The delayed rollout of 3G spectrum has demoralized the market sentiments to quite an extent." She added that the delay has put the country behind other nations in the deployment of 3G services by years.

"The high spectrum fee proposed by the department of telecommunications, government of India, and the limited spectrum availability to private players in each circle is likely to accentuate this sentiment as operators may find it difficult to make a lucrative business case for the launch of 3G services in India," she noted.

The government must take steps to address each of these challenges, she urged. For instance, there needs to be more discipline around regulation in the industry.

"Commencement of the long-overdue 3G spectrum auction is one action point that must figure on the government's priority list," Singh Andley explained.

Bhattacharjee added that taxes and regulatory expenses have been partly responsible for the industry's woes. He called for the government to consider reducing the tax burden, which is currently as high as 33 percent.

Similarly, relaxation of voice-over-Internet Protocol (VoIP), introduction of mobile virtual network operators (MVNOs) and allowing mobile number portability are other steps that will help the industry.

India has reached penetration rates of nearly 50 percent, with mobile phones expanding to the remotest villages. "The reach of the mobile phone is the most attractive feature of the industry," Bhatia said, adding that the government must now take steps to encourage mobile-commerce and mobile banking in the country.

India leapfrog to 4G?
Even as 3G auction is repeatedly delayed, India's telecom regulator Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI), has initiated discussions on the introduction of a 4G mobile standard in the country.

At present, the authority is working on a consultation paper for wider deliberation. This will result in recommendations that will allow the government to take appropriate decision or for regulations to be implemented.

4G networks are touted to enable users to stream mobile multimedia, such as TV broadcasts and online games, with speeds of up to 10 times that of 3G networks. The TRAI has called for comments from "all the stakeholders" by Mar. 15.

Bhattacharjee believes India should leapfrog from 2G to 4G. "Globally, we are probably past the 3G stage. The technology was launched in 2001 and most countries adopted 3G around five to nine years back," she said.

"Now is the age of 4G, which is 10 times faster than 3G. Should operators be buying 3G spectrum? Or should India leapfrog to 4G," she questioned.

Moreover, there are several new players that have just paid for the 2G spectrum, she said, noting that these operators may not have deep pockets to pay for 3G spectrum as well.

"The technology is not only dated, the spectrum is also expensive," Bhattacharjee said.

‘An Entertainer Always Be A 'Moral Fibre' To The Society’

By Samrat Krishna | Chennai

INTERVIEW Aamir Khan is one of the few actors and filmmakers who have displayed a strong sense of social commitment. Of course, he does feature in commercial entertainers (like the upcoming Dhoom 3), but he has consistently dealt with socially relevant issues by acting, directing or producing films like 3 Idiots, Rang De Basanti, Taare Zameen Par and Peepli [Live]. Then there was the groundbreaking (and very successful) television series Satyamev Jayate, which took on issues that deeply affect our society. 

A week before he was to inaugurate the 11th Chennai International Film Festival, he consented to a curtain-raiser interview to INN Live at his new sea-facing office in Bandra. He was in casual clothes — baseball cap, a grey T-shirt, cargo shorts, sneakers. I asked him if he wanted to change. He said, “If you want to me look all formal, it will take an hour.” So we just began to talk.

Exclusive: 'The Makeover And Marketing Of Narendra Modi'

By Siddharth Shukla / INN Bureau

The European diplomats gathered at the German ambassador's residence in New Delhi's lush green embassy enclave quizzed the guest of honour on everything from the economy and communal violence to his political ambitions. But nobody, the representatives from most of the 28 European Union states agreed, could publicly mention the man they were meeting that day: Narendra Modi, country's most controversial politician and, possibly, the next prime minister.

It was a moment that captures the paradox at the heart of Modi, and the caution with which the outside world approaches him. The January lunch at Ambassador Michael Steiner's residence ended a decade-long unofficial EU boycott of the 62-year-old politician, who had just won his third straight term as chief minister of Gujarat. The boycott stemmed from 2002 riots in Gujarat.

Narendra Modi Is Serious About Ending India’s Endless Cycle Of Elections

By NEWSCOP | INNLIVE

India’s most prolific political campaigner is turning out to be the biggest proponent of ending the country’s unending cycle of elections.

Amid his interview blitzkrieg on July 05, Indian prime minister Narendra Modi once again backed the idea of synchronising the country’s state and national election cycles.

In an interview to the Economic Times newspaper, Modi argued that simultaneous elections would better reflect the popular mandate, apart from causing less disruption to the business of governance.

'Why 'Salman' Didn't Let 'Daadi' Kiss On A 'Comedy Show'?'

By Niloufer Khan | INN Live

INTERVIEW Comic virtuoso, a known Television actor Ali Asgar, who's tipsy Daadi act in 'Comedy Nights With Kapil', a show on Colors TV, is an incredible hit with viewers across the age-barrier, spoke to INN Live about his life, work, and why he didn't force his shagun ki pappi on Salman Khan when he came as a guest on the show recently. Here are excerpts from his interview:

You do terrific impersonation of Dharamji. Has any star ever objected to your impersonation?
Never. God has been kind. Just imagine when Sunny Deol had come on Comedy Nights With Kapil everyone was scared of how he would react to the jokes. But he came up to me and said, ‘AAP meri pappi loge show mein?’ Shah Rukh, Salman Bhai they’ve all been sporting.

Ticket from Amma? Thank your lucky stars

By Sudha Ramachandran

Getting a ticket from Amma (as Jayalalithaa is known) isn’t about just money and muscle power. For most aspirants, it is about star power.

Dressed in crisp karai veshtis (white dhotis with a border of the party tricolour), the candidates who queue up at the Poes Garden residence of AIADMK supremo J Jayalalithaa with pounding hearts for an interview carry more than their political bio-datas. Their file contains the all-important horoscope, which is their passport to the party ticket.

A senior party leaders says Jayalalithaa, who wants to win as many seats as possible in these Lok Sabha election so that her party can have a major say at the national level, isn’t the mood for relying on luck by chance. Luck by stars is what counts so she she wants to select candidates whose planetary positions are good.

Jayalalithaa, known for her strong belief in astrology and numerology, has always made it a point to do things at auspicious times — even if it is just a visit to her party office. She is also said to have her own bunch of astrologers whom she consults before taking important political decisions.

Sources said the AIADMK chief, who was personally interviewing the aspirants, also pulled up those who had failed to bring their horoscopes along. An aspirant from Ramanathapuram district was remiss cursed his stars. ‘‘I had no clue. In fact, my astrologer says this is a good time for me. I would have stood a good chance of getting a seat if I had brought the horoscope along. Now, my chances are spoilt,’’ he rued.

The horoscopes submitted by applicants are reportedly scrutinised by assistants of Amma’s personal astrologer. Amma herself is quite adept in the art of astrology, a party leader said.

Some wannabe MPs in the AIADMK also make their own study of planetary constellations before coming for the interview. ‘‘The influence of sukra is very powerful in my horoscope and my astrologer has said that I will definitely get a seat,’’ another aspirant exuded confidence.

In the first round of screening of applications, those who lacked financial capability to spend on electioneering were eliminated.

In the second round, the selection is based on the applicant’s educational qualifications and loyalty to the leadership. But, it is star power that ultimately is the ticket clincher, sources said.

Focus: Want To Get A 'Pilot' Job? Just, 'Bribe' Your Way!

Getting a Pilot job in any Indian airlines is not a tough job. Just shell out some money and job will be yours! INNLIVE investigates the entire episode of this cunning practice and sketched the complete picture of this malpractice.

Four years after the fake pilot licence scam broke out, money and influence continue to be the important qualifications for a job in the sky.

One fine morning, pretending to be an unemployed pilot looking for a job, INNLIVE contacted Suresh Kumar Lamba, private secretary to the director, ministry of civil aviation. Edited excerpts:

“We are old friends of the Left. Our views are similar”

By M H Ahssan

Even before Orissa happened, the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) hadn’t got the traction it needed, with alliances tottering in the south, east and west. NDA Convenor Sharad Yadav, 61, is not too happy with the ways things are in the alliance.

In an interview with HNN, Yadav speaks of friendships outside the NDA and how the alliance still hopes to regroup. Excerpts from the interview:

How badly has Orissa hurt the NDA?
The NDA has been weakened in Orissa by what happened, but I don’t think there will be damage in other states.

Why could you not anticipate the Orissa developments?
The BJP never involved us in it. The negotiations were going on between the BJP and the Biju Janata Dal (BJD). BJP President Rajnath Singh called me when it was over. That’s when I spoke to him. I was taken aback by the turn of events. I was under the impression that things would turn out fine. The BJP was dealing with this.

Does this affect the chances of your Prime Ministerial nominee?
The NDA has split in Orissa, but I don’t consider Naveen Patnaik as being out of the NDA. He will need us in the future. He has taken a big risk by choosing to fight the election on his own. His principal opponent is the Congress. The BJP-BJD combine would have got the anti-Congress vote. Now, the anti-Congress vote will be split. I am not updated about Orissa, but I know that the BJP had 18 percent of the vote there. The BJP-BJD combine was winning because the anti-Congress vote was consolidated in their favour. I can’t say if it will stay that way in the future.

Is the Janata Dal (United), the party you belong to, comfortable with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) choice of LK Advani as the prime ministerial nominee?
The announcement of Advani’s name as the prime ministerial nominee is not limited to the BJP. The National Democratic Alliance (NDA) had made a unanimous decision on this. First, the BJP arrived at the decision. Then, we were consulted and the final decision was taken to project Advani prime ministerial candidate.

The JD(U) is fine with it then?
I am telling you as the NDA Convenor. All NDA members have decided to support him (Advani).

Has the NDA lost momentum from the time it chose to project Advani for the top post?
The NDA hasn’t lost momentum. The NDA has won in big states in the recent assembly elections to five states. We won in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. Before that, we won in Bihar, Punjab, Gujarat and Karnataka. The NDA has nine state governments. In Bihar, Punjab and Orissa, NDA constituents are running the governments. We also won in Jharkhand but the Congress manipulated its fall. The Congress has lost virtually all elections over five years, barring this time in Rajasthan and Delhi. In Rajasthan, the Congress managed to cobble a government. We have 82 MLAs there.

Are you in touch with parties that were once your friends, like Jayalalithaa’s AIADMK, for instance?
The alliances are not in shape in Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu, be it the NDA or the UPA. As far as the NDA is concerned, I can say that we discussed with some parties but the talks did not materialise into alliances. Barring these two states, there is an alliance everywhere. Recently, we have brought the Indian National Lok Dal (INLD), headed by Om Prakash Chautala, the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) and the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD), headed by Ajit Singh, into our fold.

What about Babulal Marandi’s party in Jharkhand?
We are talking to him as well but it hasn’t materialised.

Are you still talking to Jayalalithaa?
No. I wouldn’t like to say anything more on this.

Is it possible that the JD(U) will have a prime ministerial nominee, given that things could change rapidly after the numbers are out?
JD(U) is in alliance with the BJP in Bihar, Jharkhand, Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan. The JD(U) has no alliances in the other states. We will contest together in these four states and fight separately in Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat, for instance.

Have you made an assessment of the impact that Advani could have on the Muslim vote?
Ours is not a one-day alliance. And in Bihar, we are partners in the government. The BJP has not had a negative impact. We have conducted many pro-Muslim programmes in Bihar. No state government has done as much for Muslims in 60 years, be it for the madrasas or the teachers in madrasas. We punished the guilty in the Bhagalpur riots of 1998. We got life-long compensation for the victims. How could we have done all this without the cooperation of the BJP? They didn’t stop us. We do politics of the masses, not politics of religion.

Does the JD(U) consider itself bound to the NDA? Could this change after the election?
This is an era of coalition politics. There are two fronts. The NDA is 11 years old. We have contested four elections together. We are not in a position to form a government by ourselves. The BJP is not in a position to form its own government. No party can do it. So, we have the UPA on one side and the NDA on the other. The JD(U) and the BJP are separate parties. We have differences of thought. There are many issues on which we differ. We have various kinds of disagreements with many parties. But we are united under our common minimum programme, which we call the national agenda. The issues were settled in the time of Atal Bihari Vajpayee. We ran a government for six years after that.

There are contradictions between the BJP and the JD(U). But the people of this country are not giving a majority to any single party. So, we have to keep our differences and contradictions aside. The JD(U) has demanded, for instance, reservation for dalit Muslims and dalit Christians. The BJP has not demanded it. It is not part of the national agenda. The JD(U) wants a quota within quota for women. The BJP doesn’t. They want a temple in Ayodhya. The JD(U) says that the Ayodhya dispute has to be resolved either by the courts or by a negotiated settlement. The BJP functions according to its ideology and issues. The JD(U) has its own issues. The JD(U) and the BJP are distinct parties, just as the JD(U) is distinct from the Akali Dal and the Biju Janata Dal (BJD).

Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi is a part of the NDA as well.
The JD(U) deals with the BJP as a party. The JD(U) doesn’t deal with individuals.

I’m talking of a situation where the BJP fields Modi in the election campaign, say, in Bihar. What impact would that have?
In an alliance, it doesn’t matter where an individual goes to campaign. We sit among ourselves and find solutions to such things. Politics differs from state to state. The JD(U) and the BJP are aware of this. Campaigns schedules are drawn up after consultations. For instance, the JD(U) had decided not to involve celebrities in the 2004 campaign. We know where to draw the line. We know who will help us and who will harm us.

Is it likely that the JD(U) responds to a Congress or UPA invitation to join a secular front?
We are in the NDA since 11 years. The UPA is four-and-a-half years old. Are they more secular than us?

Are you in touch with the Communists?
We are old friends of the Left parties. We are constantly in touch with them. We formed a government with the Left on two occasions. We have been with the Communists for 60 years. At times we have been together, and at others we have been separate. For some time now, we have been going our ways. Our views are similar to those of the Left on many issues. On other issues, our opinion is the same as that of the BJP. Our main issues are economic, the state of the farmers, unemployment, inflation, SEZs. The SEZs they created for real estate are now defunct. We opposed the creation of SEZs. The difference is in degree of opposition. We opposed SEZs seriously. The BJP did it mildly.

Should the NDA come to power, how will it deal with terrorism and Pakistan?
The JD(U) thinks that there must be people’s involvement in these issues. Let’s take the blasts in trains, for instance. At the top, we need to strengthen the bureaucracy and the intelligence. But it is the vendors and the coolies whose lives are entwined with trains. We have to take them into confidence and mobilise them. We must give licences to vendors and tell them: look we gave you the licence. You are responsible for this much area. Your licence will be cancelled if there’s any extremist or untoward activity in your area. We must offer incentives to the coolies and food vendors in the railways stations in Delhi and Mumbai.

For instance, recent blasts in Delhi and Guwahati have been in garbage bins. There are lakhs of safai karamcharis in India. Let’s take them into confidence. People like us are not going to peep into garbage bins. The karamcharis do it. Similarly, there are 50 lakh fishermen on our coasts. In the Mumbai attack, the terrorists came by sea from Karachi. So, we need to beef up the intelligence at the top and take the people on the streets into confidence. We have to create a network of informants on the ground. We can’t deal with terrorism unless we have the people who sweat it out on our side.

Should Afzal Guru be hanged, then?
This is a stupid issue. It is of concern only to the media. I don’t want to say anything on this. There are lakhs of people going to the gallows anyway in India. The Arjun Sengupta Committee report has said that 78 percent of Indians live on Rs 20 a day. This means that a person who ought to have lived to the age of 90, is dying at 60. Those who should have lived till 60 are dying at 30. These people are on the gallows because of hunger, poverty and unemployment. That is our big worry.

What will the NDA manifesto say on this? Will you have a common manifesto this time?
We haven’t made a decision yet on our manifesto. We haven’t talked yet. Though in the past in Bihar, the JD(U) and the BJP have had separate manifestos.

Joblessness has become a vast problem now. What would you do about it?
The people who went to English schools had jobs when the market expanded. If you hadn’t known English, you wouldn’t have got a job in Tehelka. Now, the global crisis has hit the English-speaking jobholders who are being sacked. Ninety-eight percent of Indians study in regional language schools, in Hindi, Urdu, Telugu, Marathi, or Gujarati for instance. They had no jobs anyway.

What will the NDA do about it?
We must put big money into agriculture. And, instead of erecting barriers, let a representative of the union government go to backward states and directly give money for, say, a thousand roads, a thousand bridges. Cement and steel factories will function. People in the backward states will get employed. If we are able to form a government, my party will focus totally on the construction sector. You can’t imagine what a boost it would give to employment. This is what we would do.

What are the other NDA priorities, should it gain power?
The next most important thing is agriculture and irrigation. The condition of our farmers and our villages has improved where water has reached. Daily wages have risen to Rs 150-Rs 200. Where the farmer is dependent on rain, there is hunger, unemployment and poverty. We must shut out everything else and see that water reaches the farms, from the small lakes, big lakes, the land and the sky. We will see how the condition of our villages and our farmers will improve with water. Let’s take the Bhakra Nangal Dam in Punjab. Water came first to the farms, and then came the schools and the roads.

Where is the water now?
There’s no shortage of water in this country. Bihar has more water than it needs, which is going into the sea. Why can’t we tap and store the water we get from the monsoon?

The JD(U) is a regional party. Many regional parties say Article 356, which imposes Centre’s rule in a state, is misused. Has the time come to repeal Article 356?
No. Article 356 must not be done away with. Circumstances force the use of Article 356 many times. In Jharkhand, they had to implement President’s Rule recently, didn’t they? Anything can happen in the states, like in Punjab in the past. Everything can be sacrificed for the unity of the nation. Article 356 is necessary. People have begun debating it because of its misuse. Now, the Centre has to think many times before imposing President’s Rule.

The sensitivity of Centre-State relations has caused India’s structure to change periodically. The BJP has now promised to create the next state, Telangana, within 100 days of coming to power. Do you think India needs more states?
States like Uttar Pradesh are unmanageable. We must divide them scientifically. We must have a national commission to look into the issue of viable states.

Will this be in your manifesto?
There is no consensus on our manifesto yet. We don’t know whether we will have a common manifesto, or individual ones.

You’ve been in public life long enough to know the corrosive effect of corruption. What do you intend to do?
India would have progressed far more were it not for corruption in every field. People are looting all the way from Delhi to the villages. Take Satyam, for instance. It’s like a man has committed a murder and gone to the police station to confess. Ramalinga Raju was about to be arrested in the US. He knew he would be gone for life. Therefore, he chose to be in an Indian prison. He would never have confessed if he hadn’t been exposed in the US. Raju thought he would suffer like the Enron chiefs. We have the intelligence wing of the finance ministry, the sales tax and income tax wings, the SEBI, and the ministry of company affairs. Have all of them become useless?

The NDA has been in government as well. How come it didn’t look into these things?
We lost. If we were strong and perfect, we wouldn’t have been blamed forever. Why did people vote for the UPA? Because we made mistakes and they taught us a lesson. We have been punished. But is accountability only for the politicians? No one else is accountable in this country. Not the judiciary, not the bureaucracy. Not one bureaucrat has been punished for the Mumbai attack, for instance. Only the political system is accountable in this country. The media is free to do what it wants. They call themselves news channels and run fiction programmes on superstition the whole day. You should call them entertainment channels. Technology has given the media such a big tool, but it is not creating a scientific outlook. Nobody is censoring the Balika Badhu serial (on child marriage).

What about judicial accountability?
Is there any system in the world where the judges decide on themselves. The judges in our country recruit their own relatives and near and dear.

Why hasn’t the JD(U) raised this?
Sharad Yadav raised the issue of former chief justice YK Sabharwal and his sons. He got Delhi demolished. We make the laws in Parliament and we find that the judiciary is making 10 laws a day over what we say in Parliament.

Are you contesting this time?
The party will take a decision on that. There is democracy only in three parties in India: the Left parties, the BJP and the JD(U). Individual writ doesn’t run here.

No Placements Slowdown, IIT Students Bag $210,000 Pay

By Dr. Shelly Ahmed (Star Guest Writer)

Engineering graduates from the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) have been getting extremely lucrative job offers from MNCs as well as Indian companies despite the poor state of the economy. The number of companies visiting IIT campuses has gone up this year and several graduates have landed jobs with pay packages of several lakh rupees.

The highest pay package is as high as $210,000 per annum, which has been offered to three students of IIT-Kanpur by Oracle US, confirmed sources in the placement team.

Analysis: How To Resolve Kashmir

By M H Ahssan

Former Pakistan foreign minister Khurshid Mahmood Kasuri’s interview to Karan Thapar has stirred up a lot of interest in his claims on the results achieved in the backchannel negotiations between New Delhi and Islamabad. Kasuri said that most of the negotiations on Kashmir were successfully completed during his tenure as foreign minister under Pervez Musharraf and draft agreements were ready to be signed. They were to have been signed during the visit of the Indian PM to Pakistan which did not take place, according to Kasuri, because of elections in India, the crisis in Pakistan following the ouster of the supreme court chief justice and subsequent polls and change of government.

There is another view that the Indian government backed off at the last moment. Some informed observers in India maintain that developments in Pakistan came in the way of the agreements being finalised. In this connection, it is pertinent to recall the much-criticised comment of national security adviser M K Narayanan in an interview that India found it easier to do business with Musharraf. The latest article by Steve Coll in the New Yorker goes some way in confirming the Indian and not Kasuri’s version.

In the last few days US special envoy Richard Holbrooke has been holding discussions with the Pakistani army chief and ISI chief along with senior Afghan officials in Washington on the proposed strategy for the Af-Pak region, especially in the light of the ceasefire agreement reached with the Taliban in the Swat valley. While India is staying out of this meeting, the idea appears to be to persuade the Pakistani army and ISI that the concerns of Pakistan about its eastern front, often used as an alibi to justify the inadequate response against the al-Qaeda and Taliban, are totally misplaced. Kasuri’s revelations and Coll’s report should strengthen the hands of Washington.

There is general agreement in India and the US that the 26/11 Mumbai terrorist attack was carried out by people with the intention of provoking New Delhi to react militarily. This, in turn, would have resulted in Pakistan shifting forces from its western to eastern borders and arguing that it was unable to effectively support the US-NATO strategy in Afghanistan. India, however, did not walk into the trap. It is obvious that some people would not like to see a solution to Kashmir as envisaged in the Indo-Pak backchannel dialogue. It would also appear that such opposition may not be restricted to a small group in Pakistan but may extend to a much larger section that is not interested in a bilateral solution to Kashmir but to continually bleed India through a thousand cuts. It is unfortunate that the Simla Pact efforts to solve Kashmir bilaterally were torpedoed and the Lahore Declaration was followed by the Kargil infiltration.

There are reasons to worry whether there is continuity of policy and approach in Pakistan. General Kayani was fully in the picture, according to both Kasuri and Coll, and was supportive of the draft agreement arrived at on Kashmir. However, the present government and army chief have discarded Musharraf ’s version of A Q Khan being the sole nuclear proliferator. According to the findings of the Islamabad high court, the charges against Khan were not substantiated. If this was so, who authorised the proliferation from Pakistan to North Korea, Iran and Libya? For reasons best known to them, the present rulers of Pakistan have decided to repudiate past policy.

Can we be sure that in respect of the backchannel understanding on Kashmir the current regime has not repudiated that too, as they have done with the version on Khan? If the Pakistani government feels bound by that backchannel understanding, why did they use the eastern border as a security concern preventing their full cooperation against Taliban? Two books by journalists David Sanger and Ron Susskind quote intercepts of telephone conversations in which Pakistani generals had referred to Taliban leaders Haqqani and Mullah Omar as strategic assets. Musharraf was prepared to assure the Americans of his cooperation to fight Taliban and at the same time use them.

If we are able to conclude a mutually satisfactory arrangement between India and Pakistan, which is also acceptable to the people of Kashmir, we should go ahead with it. But before we do that, we have to be sure that the backchannel understanding is not one more instance of running with the hares and hunting with the hounds. Second, we have to be sure that the present army leadership still stands by the understanding reached earlier and has not changed its mind as it has done in the case of Khan. The result of the repudiation of the earlier story on Khan is to restore the image of Pakistan and hold a pistol to the head of the US about the consequences of not giving full aid.

Now that Kasuri and Coll have spilt the beans, the Indian government should organise an education campaign, especially among US think tanks, that a framework for a Kashmiri settlement already exists. And as US president Barack Obama pointed out, Pakistan does not have to worry about any threat from its eastern border; its threats are from within. But the Pakistani army’s leadership is yet to be convinced that Taliban is a threat and not an asset and Khan was a proliferator.

Placement blues on campuses

By M H Ahssan

Engineering Students To Graduate Soon But Companies Have No Jobs To Offer

Placement sessions in top engineering colleges in the city are yet to begin though final year students will soon graduate. In some institutions, placement sessions are getting endlessly postponed and interview dates being cancelled.

Though institutions were not too positive about recruitments this year due to the economic meltdown, a complete job freeze by companies was not expected. Some companies which had given offer letters to students have backed out from their promise by suspending their recruitment for six months. “We expected about a 20 per cent drop in the job market. But the meltdown has hit freshers badly as no company is even ready to hold interviews,” placement office of JNTU, Hyderabad, K Eswara Prasad said.

He said 60 per cent of the students are yet to get offer letters. The companies willing to recruit students include national companies with their bases in the city.

“Their requirements are not as big as the MNCs and other big companies which used to come for placements. Hence the number of students getting placements this year is also less,” a student said.

He said the students who got placements had got them as early as February 2008 when the meltdown blues had not started.

The placement session at Osmania University engineering college has been postponed twice as companies kept cancelling interview dates. “Only reputed companies in the market were allowed to participate in the recruitment process. We are now forced to call companies not included in the recruiters list earlier,” placement officer, JNTU said, V Uma Maheshwar said. When OU had a placement of 100 per cent in February 2008, it has not gone beyond 50 per cent this year.

The salary packages being offered by the companies are also less when compared to the previous year. While last year saw an all-time high of Rs 18 lakh per annum in JNTU and Rs 10.2 lakh per annum in Osmania University it has reduced to Rs 6.5-7 lakh in both the universities.

While at least five students shared the top salaries last year, this year only one person each has got the top salary in both the universities.

Students who graduated last year and were given offer letters by companies, however, complain that they have been kept waiting with no signs of being given the jobs so far. The students have lodged a complaint to the college authorities and Andhra Pradesh State Council of Higher Education (APSCHE) on the matter.