‍‍Corona Killed More Than One Lakh in Telangana During 2020, MeeSeva RTI Reveal

The RTI Reveal the real face of the Telangana government on covid deaths counting the data. This reveal by a MeeSeva RTI as the entire data source to the governmental bodies.

A RTI reply from citizen helpline MeeSeva suggests potential Covid death undercounting in Telangana. State doesn’t call it a Covid death if patient has comorbidities. 

Telangana witnessed thousands of ‘excess deaths’ in 2020, as compared to the average annual fatalities in the four preceding pre-pandemic years, state government data obtained through an RTI query suggests.   

‘Excess deaths’ refer to the additional fatalities reported in a certain time period, as compared to the average number of deaths expected in that time based on trends witnessed in earlier years. 

In the context of Covid, excess deaths may convey pandemic fatalities that never made it to official records — for example, those that were categorised with a different cause — or patients of other grievous ailments who could not get requisite medical care as the healthcare system turned its focus to the novel coronavirus.
  
While the Telangana government acknowledges that there has been an increase in deaths in 2020 and 2021, as compared to previous years, it says they are yet to look into the matter since they’re “busy tackling the pandemic”.

According to data sourced by city-based activist Vijay Gopal from  ‘MeeSeva’ — a government-run citizen helpline that helps with issuing/applying for Aadhaar cards, ration cards etc, besides providing copies of birth, death certificates — Telangana witnessed at least 1,20,929 deaths in 2020. 

In comparison, the state of approximately 3.5 crore residents, recorded at least 79,097 deaths in 2019, 62,142 in 2018, 63,900 in 2017, and 48,849 in 2016, the data shows. The average thus derived comes to 63,497/year. 
At least 1,80,437 deaths were recorded between March 2020 and mid-June 2021, the RTI data further states.

However, experts said the actual figures could be different, even higher, because of how MeeSeva records data — the figures here convey the number of people who died in the stated period, but only those whose relatives approached MeeSeva for copies of their death certificates.  

The official Covid death toll for Telangana, which recorded its first case of the disease in March, was 1,544 as of 31 December. The number had risen to 3,831 by 10 August.

Reached for comment, the Telangana government denied undercounting of Covid deaths in the state. Telangana Director of Public Health G. Srinivas Rao said a Covid-infected individual’s death is only categorised as pandemic-related if the patient was otherwise healthy and without comorbidities. 

“There is no issue of underreporting. We report whatever has come to our notice. For any death to be officially counted as a Covid death, the person should not have any comorbidities and must be full healthy (say a 35- or a 45-year-old) and then if they’re infected and unfortunately succumb to the virus – only then we count it as a Covid death,” he said. “If the person is aged and has comorbidities, then we do not really consider it as one.”

Rao said the rise of deaths in 2020 and 2021 has come to the state’s notice but the department is yet to look into the issue since they’re “busy tackling the pandemic”.  

MeeSeva was launched as an online e-governance service in 1999, with one centre, by the then N. Chandrababu Naidu government of united Andhra Pradesh. In 2001, it was launched on a larger scale as a pilot project. 

As of now, there are about 4,500 MeeSeva centres in the state, according to state project manager Narasimha Rao Bajjuri from Telangana’s Electronic Services Delivery department.

A citizen usually obtains original death certificates from their local municipality. MeeSeva comes into the picture when the citizen wants a copy of the certificate for sundry purposes such as bank work etc, Gopal told #KhabarLive. 

This means that the number of deaths, as evidenced by MeeSeva data, just refers to the number of fatalities for which death certificate copies were sought, Gopal said. 

“Every death registered has a ‘unique death certificate number’ and that is the data we sought from MeeSeva via this RTI… It’s like, say, an Aadhaar number. So, all these death certificates issued are unique and there is no repetition of counts,” Gopal told #KhabarLive. 

Among other things, the data also reveals that, in the first six months of 2021, the state had already recorded 80,631 deaths. This is a figure higher than the annual toll of 2016, 2017, 2018 and 2019.

Allegations of undercountinting have dogged Telangana’s Covid data since the start of the pandemic.

In April this year, the Telangana High Court, hearing multiple petitions related to Covid, pulled up the state for apparently hiding the real death count and said there should be display boards at crematoria and burial grounds depicting the true picture. 

The same month, a group of doctors, led by Dr Lakshmi Lavanya Alapati, managing director of the American Institute of Diabetes and Endocrinology in Hyderabad, wrote to Chief Minister K. Chandrashekar Rao, urging him to increase testing and issue transparent health bulletins with real cases and death count.
Speaking to #KhabarLive, Alapati said “lapse in death reporting is a shame”. 

“It is a lot in Telangana — deaths are almost 10 times more than what they report as official state count. Even if the government thinks they will lose credibility, it is fine, but what they should do is rewrite the deaths that were not counted before to give us the real picture,” she added. #KhabarLive #hydnews

‍‍‍‍Why TRS Inducting '‍Young Politicos' For Future Elections in Telangana?

The ruling Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) party is known for doing innovative and tactful experiments for strategic governance. In this backdrop, the party initiated to induct young, dynamic and loyal leaders to work in fray.

The TRS, which is now two decades old, realising that the next elections will not be a cake walk, seems to have decided to offload the senior leaders and opt for a young brigade by the time it goes in for next elections. The very fact that the party supremo K Chandrasekhar Rao has been fielding youngsters during by polls makes his intentions clear.

KCR knows well that carrying baggage in the next elections could lead to serious anti-incumbency problem and he does not want to repeat the mistakes committed by Congress party and TDP.

The TDP when it was launched had a young team of leaders including KCR but as it failed to encourage youth, has been facing serious problems and is almost decimated.

The TRS too is now two decades old is also facing similar situation. While majority of the voters are in the age group of 40s, the party leaders are in the age group of 60's. Moreover, as the party has been in power since 2014, there is large scale resentment among the people against the local leaders despite the party leadership introducing several welfare measures.

Hence, the party leadership seems to have decided to replace majority of the sitting legislators. That is why KCR fielded Nomula Bhagath as party candidate in Nagarjuna Sagar by polls, nominated Kaushik Reddy who migrated from Congress to Legislative Council under Governor's quota and announced the name of TRS youth wing leader Gellu Srinivas Yadav as the party candidate for Huzurabad assembly by polls to take on former minister Eatala Rajender.

KCR seems to be in a mood to see that majority of the candidates for the next assembly elections would be in the bracket of 30 to 45. Whether mere change of candidates from old to young will really help the pink party to come back to power or not would of course depend on many other factors including convincing the seniors to see that they do not work against the official candidate.

A lot would also depend on how strong other political parties like BJP or Congress would emerge by that time. With Prashant Kishor likely to join Congress anytime, there is every possibility that the party would try to revive its sagging image at the national level.

At the state level, TPCC president A Revanth Reddy who is capable of going aggressive is also trying to revitalise the youth wings of the party. He too is likely to give greater importance to the young brigade this time and if the AICC supports him, there could be more number of young contestants.

The party has seen how people had rejected the septuagenarian leaders like Jana Reddy in the recent Nagarjuna Sagar bypolls. Another strategy KCR is adopting is that while encouraging the youth, he would ensure that the control of the party remains with the family.

KTR is in full control of the party affairs as working president and MLC Kavitha has been holding sway over different frontal organisations. Other prominent leaders like Harish Rao continue to be the trouble shooters in the party.

This might force the BJP to change its strategy and look towards young leaders. How much importance or freedom these young leaders would get later is a different matter. #KhabarLive #hydnews

‍‍‍‍‍The Messiah Of Dalits, Crusader Praveen Kumar Vow To Change The Political Scenario In Telangana

The retired IPS officer Dr R S Praveen Kumar recently joined the Bahujan Samaj Party at a huge rally held at Nalgonda and vowed to bring Bahujan Rajyam (rule of the downtrodden) and a drastic change in  Telangana politics.

Praveen Kumar’s massive show of strength was promptly highlighted in the media. Especially, the Telugu media gave him a massive coverage on the front page with the headline quoting him that he would go to Pragathi Bhavan on an elephant (election symbol of BSP) after the next elections.

Having gained tremendous influence among the Dalits due to his Swaero Movement in the last nine years, Praveen Kumar will definitely be a threat to the mainstream parties – the Telangana Rashtra Samithi, the Congress and the BJP in the next elections.

However, it all depends on his future strategies.
The retired IPS officer’s entry into active politics in Telangana has triggered a debate in the media circles as to which party would be the most affected by the BSP.

What is needed for a person who sets a goal for himself to reach his own community people first and then expand his base among other sections of people? Is it mass base or intellectual attainments in the crucial subjects of equality and social justice?  
Is there any scope for a political novice to influence the electorate without depending on money and muscle power in the present electoral scenario?  These are some of the crucial questions that are at the back of the minds of different sections of people, be it elite and marginalized, following the plunge of former IPS officer R.S. Praveen Kumar on the political firmament of Telangana State.

His joining the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), headed by former UP Chief Minister Mayawati, has raised many eyebrows as this former civil servant has begun sailing with a party with Dalit base and ideology.

Of course, Praveen has been working for the development of students from marginalized sections of society. He has always preferred to work for the students of Residential Educational Institutions Society of Social Welfare Department rather than wearing police uniform and that too on his personal request to the Chief Ministers of successive governments, right from the days of the combined state of Andhra Pradesh.

Hailing from the backward Mahabubnagar district, Praveen entered IPS and devoted himself to the service of students who come from disadvantaged sections and successfully made them pursue their higher studies in prestigious and reputed educational institutional institutions across the country.  So, strong feelings of gratitude developed in the minds of lakhs of students(fondly called 'swaeros' - combination of 'sw' for social welfare and the word 'aero' from the Greek word for the sky).

His inaugural address at Nalgonda town on the occasion of his joining BSP is considered to be a throwback to NTR's 1985 rally in the same town from where NTR contested the Assembly elections for the first time, apart from two seats viz. Gudivada (Krishna district) and Hindupur (Anantapur district).  

The overwhelming response that Praveen Kumar got in his first ever address in Nalgonda suggests that he has a smooth ride ahead when it comes to his further political moves.

According to an analyst, Praveen Kumar might eat into the vote banks of all the three major parties and the TRS would have to face the biggest brunt.

Interestingly, there is also a discussion on the impact of Praveen Kumar on the prospects of YSR Telangana Party (YSRTP), a new regional party launched by Y S Sharmila, daughter of former chief minister of combined Andhra Pradesh Dr Y S Rajasekhar Reddy.

Analysts say Praveen Kumar’s entry would play a spoil sport with whatever little chances Sharmila party would have to make its presence felt in the next elections, because most of the voters Sharmila has been planning to attract might turn towards the BSP.

“Hitherto, there were some calculations that Sharmila’s party would have chances of winning half a dozen assembly seats, if not more, particularly in Khammam and Nalgonda districts.

But now, the chances are bleak for her as Praveen Kumar is focussing on polarising the SC, ST and BC voters in the state,” an analyst said.

If Sharmila has to sustain her party in the state, she has to adopt an aggressive approach, pool all her resources and come out with innovative strategies.
Otherwise, she would end up like what Jana Sena Party was in Andhra Pradesh in 2019 elections.

On the other hand, many officers from the All India Services have previously taken such a plunge into politics. But Most of them did so only after retirement. Former IPS officer PV Rangaiah Naidu entered politics shortly after his retirement and successfully contested from the Khammam Lok Sabha constituency, besides becoming a Union Minister in PV Narasimha Rao's cabinet in 1991. Another police officer and former director of CBI K.Vijayarama Rao also tried his luck in the Khairatabad Assembly seat, became victorious, and joined the Chandrababu Naidu's cabinet in 1999.

Some more leaders like Lakshminarayana (former JD, CBI), V. Dinesh Reddy (former DGP,  AP),  K.Ratna Prabha (former Chief Secretary, Karnataka) & K. Balakondaiah (former DIG,  AP)  unsuccessfully contested from Lok Sabha seats and decided to keep themselves away from active politics later.

Most civil servants enters politics through a party with a strong base and strong chances of capturing power so that they could get plum posts post elections. Praveen Kumar is different. The party he joined has no base in Telangana. It has no history of getting sizeable votes anywhere in the state, even in combined Andhra Pradesh. There have been only two occasions when BSP nominees got elected to Assembly. BSP candidate L. Raja  Rao  was elected to the Assembly from Visakhapat-nam district in the 2004  elections, largely due to his personal image.

Interestingly there were 10 registered parties in the 2004 Assembly elections. Two Congress leaders A.Indrakaran Reddy and Koneru Konappa got elected to the Assembly from Nirmal & Sirpur Kagaznagar respectively on BSP tickets, as they could not get tickets from their parent party. But they joined ruling TRS, in the name of merger, for better political prospects. Indrakaran is now Minister for Endowments in K.Chandrasekhar Rao's cabinet.

Praveen has a tough agenda. He will find it difficult to keep the SCs united. Everybody knows that the issue of categorisation of quota for SCs has created a wedge in sub-castes of SCs.

There is a strong link between categorisation of quota for SCs and upper castes ' plans of thwarting efforts for unity among them.

Former BSP late chief Kanshi Ram had visited AP and concentrated on the elections 1994. As per his assessment then, BSP would be the deciding factor in 100 Assembly seats and would get a considerable number of seats.

Yet, BSP failed to registered its presence in AP. Noted Dalit leader who fought for justice for the deceased in 'Karamchedu massacre' Katti Padma Rao was the only BSP nominee who got his deposit in the Bapatla Assembly seat by securing 21,000 votes.

The issue of categorisation of quota for SCs was kept alive. Every political party in Andhra Pradesh backed categorisation. Principal political parties like TDP and Congress were left with no option but to woo the members of Mala sub caste of SCs who oppose categorisation.  

Chandrababu had to propose a leader from Mala community GMC Balayogi as nominee for the post of Lok Sabha Speaker in 1998. The largest beneficiary of categorization, Madiga caste, did not hesitate to fume at Mala community for opposing the issue.

The Chandrababu government organised recruitment drives as per the new categorisation that provided government jobs for a large number of applicants from the Madiga community that has become heartburn for the opposing community. In this way, the wedge between the two principal castes of the Scheduled Castes widened and this 'divide and rule policy ' came in handy for political parties dominated by upper castes to exercise control over SCs.

Transforming whole sections SCs into an organised force is going to be an uphill task for Praveen Kumar. Since the Madiga community is predominant in Telangana State, it is simply not possible for him to bring the two castes together.
Praveen may be pressurized to field party nominee in the forthcoming Huzurabad bypolls, though BSP has no strength there.

Preparing the party for the big electoral battle of 2023 may be an ideal programme for Praveen. A lot of money will be required for electoral battle and maintenance of a statewide organization.

People will be curious to see how he gets heaps of currency bundles without getting patronage of corporate giants! Only time will tell whether he will be a calf among lions (TRS, Congress & BJP) or a mighty 'elephant' among the same! #KhabarLive #hydnews

‍Why Telangana Politics Revolves Around Dalits?

The Telangana Chief Minister K. Chandrasekhar Rao has announced a Dalit Bandhu scheme that promises Rs 10 lakh in cash to each SC family. 

There’s a sudden shift in Telangana’s politics, ahead of a crucial bypoll, with the focus now on the “empowerment” of the Dalit community in the state.  
 
Chief Minister K. Chandrasekhar Rao, or KCR as he is known, set the tone in late June when he announced a ‘Dalit Bandhu (empowerment)’ scheme, in which he promised Rs 10 lakh through direct bank transfer to every Scheduled Caste family in the state. The money, according to the scheme, was to help with entrepreneurship within the community. 

The scheme was to be launched on 16 August at Huzurabad, which is up for a bypoll, but after the chief minister faced flak from the opposition, it was unveiled at Vasalamarri village in Yadadri district on 4 August.  

The state government Monday, however, issued orders to implement the scheme in Huzurabad and released Rs 500 crore for it. This, even as the notification for the bypoll is still awaited.

The Congress, which has slammed the chief minister’s scheme as an election stunt, Monday launched a month-long Dalit-Adivasi Dandora (drive). Rahul Gandhi is expected to take part in the event sometime in September. 

Congress leader Dasoju Sravan told #KhabarLive that the drive is meant to “empower” Dalits and Adivasis and make them aware of their land rights, which he alleged was being ignored by the government. 

“Today the chief minister suddenly wants to become the messiah of Dalits. Why were earlier promises not kept? Why did he not use the funds allocated under SC/ST sub-plan for the community and instead diverted them for his magnum projects like Kaleshwaram (irrigation project)?” Sravan alleged.

“Also, no more than one lakh of the nine lakh applications received by the SC Finance Corporation in the last seven years have been cleared. Does he have a timeframe on when ideally would he be able to give Dalit Bandhu to all families in the state?”

In keeping with the trend, the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), which has no presence in the state, received a fillip Sunday, when former IPS officer R.S. Praveen Kumar, who played an instrumental role in revamping Telangana’s social welfare residential educational institutions during his tenure, joined the party. The BSP event at Nalgonda, to mark Kumar’s induction, reportedly saw the participation of around 2 lakh people.

‘BJP pressure pushing CM’

While the BJP has not really announced any major plans for Dalits in the state, its Huzurabad candidate is Eatala Rajender, the ousted minister of the KCR cabinet and a one-time close aide of the chief minister. 

Rajender, the former Huzurabad MLA, hails from a Backward Caste (BC) and has been reportedly touching the feet of those from the Dalit community as part of his campaign.  

Experts told #KhabarLive that Rajender is one of the prime reasons for KCR’s Dalit outreach. They added that certain sections of the BC vote may rally behind the former minister, seen as a strong leader in the community.
Apart from Rajender, the BJP has other prominent BC leaders in Nizamabad MP Dharmapuri Arvind and its state unit president Bandi Sanjay, one of KCR’s most vocal critics.

“All the parties, including the chief minister, are preparing for the 2023 elections. The BC and SC/ST population together easily make up 50 per cent of the state’s population,” Prof. Gali Vinod Kumar of Osmania University told #KhabarLive.

“The BJP has been trying to woo the BC community for a long time now and traditionally Dalits are a Congress vote-bank,” he added. “With Revanth Reddy’s rise as new PCC chief, they (Dalits) may look to the party for hope. So for the CM, the Dalit vote-bank is crucial, and he is trying to woo them.” 

According to senior political analyst Telakapalli Ravi, KCR’s Dalit scheme is a “masterstroke”, to which the other parties have to respond. He, however, added that the move is also because of KCR’s fear that the BCs may rally behind Rajender.

“There are a lot of unkept promises from the chief minister’s side, coupled with his fear of a split in the BC vote. So, this is a move to safeguard the Dalit vote-bank,” Ravi said. “Not just Huzurabad, this is a step for the next elections in the state. After all, Dalits are easily 17 per cent of the population.” 
Ravi also pointed out that KCR has a history of rolling out schemes before elections. 

“Before every election, KCR doles out schemes for different communities. There are schemes for BCs and the shepherd community among others. So, this is like one of his pre-poll promises,” Ravi added. “But this time, he has doled out such a large scheme that nobody thought of. The maximum that the opposition can question now is the timing of the scheme, not the scheme as such. That would work against them. At the end of the day it is a welfare scheme, isn’t it?” 

KCR’s Dalit outreach

KCR’s Dalit Bandhu scheme promises to bring ‘qualitative change’ in the community and will be extended to 100 families in each of the state’s 119 constituencies in the first phase. 

The government has estimated that at least 13 lakh SC families would be eligible for the Dalit Bandhu scheme. Dalits make up 17 per cent of the state’s total voting population.

The state government has reportedly started a survey to identify beneficiaries. Government teams have been asked to collect sub-caste details, educational and employment details of families.  

The KCR government has set aside a budget of Rs 1,200 crore. In fact, the chief minister has also said that he is ready to spend Rs 1 lakh crore to implement the scheme. The figure is roughly 50 per cent of the state’s annual budget. 

The chief minister, who faces criticism of being an autocrat, and even being inaccessible to his own ministers, had in June called for an all-party meeting for the first time since he took over in the state, following which the decision was taken. 

But this isn’t the first time that KCR has looked to woo the state’s Dalits. In the run-up to the 2014 assembly elections, he had promised to appoint a member of the Dalit community as the chief minister if his Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) was voted to power.

The chief minister, at the time of the Telangana agitation, also promised three acres of land to each Dalit family. He launched the land distribution programme amid much fanfare in 2014 but according to data of 2019, the last available, a mere 6,000 of the 3.3 lakh beneficiaries have benefitted.  

While his latest Dalit Bandhu scheme has also drawn flak from the opposition, KCR has responded to the criticism, saying his party is not a monastery and neither were his party-men living as monks in the Himalayas. #KhabarLive #hydnews

‍‍Identifying Dalit Bandhu Beneficiaries And Clarity On Scheme Operational Guidelines Turns 'Herculean Task' For Officials In Telangana

The TRS welfare scheme Dalit Bandhu is in confusion state to implement at ground level. The government is not issued any guidelines to authorities on identifying the beneficiaries,  adopting the procedures, documentation, release of funds, due diligence etc.

The State government started survey to ascertain the living economic status of dalit families in the villages spread across the State a day after Chief Minister K. Chandrasekhar Rao informally launched the prestigious scheme at his adopted village Vasalamarri in Yadadri-Bhongir district.

The survey teams are understood to have been given questionnaire asking about the details of caste (sub-caste), number of members, their educational qualifications, employment details, earning members in the family and other issues to ascertain the economic status of the families. The survey teams have been asked to submit their reports to the Chief Secretary through the MPDO/Additional Collector concerned before August 14.

The scheme, aimed at providing ₹10 lakh each to eligible families without bank guarantee, for starting their own entrepreneurship ventures is billed as the biggest cash transfer scheme in the country, if implemented. The scheme envisaged coverage of over 12 lakh out of the estimated 17 lakh dalit families in the State, involving direct transfer of ₹1 lakh crore.

Though the government had announced its intentions to launch a dalit empowerment programme during the current year in the budget session, its extent and guidelines like modalities that would be adopted for identification of beneficiaries were not finalized. Although the Chief Minister had been repeatedly asserting that the government would cover all eligible families in a phased manner, there is no clarity on the extent of its implementation.

An all-party meeting convened by the Chief Minister in June endorsed its implementation for 100 families in each of the 119 Assembly constituencies involving ₹1,190 crore initially. But, the situation has changed since then with the Chief Minister announcing his resolve to cover all the eligible families, of course, in a phased manner.

Doubts are also being raised about the manner in which finances would be mobilised for implementation of the programme as it would further burden the government. The State is currently spending more than 50% of the budgetary resources on a string of welfare programmes, including the flagship Rythu Bandhu with an estimated cost of over ₹15,000 crore every year.

Senior officials said the operational guidelines could be finalised once the survey report was submitted as it would enable the officials concerned to assess the appropriate number of families that could be covered under the scheme and the budgetary outgo.

There could be some eliminations of creamy layer like families of government employees based on the survey which would form the basis for implementation of the scheme.

Steps would thereafter be taken for setting up centres for dalit enterprise in all the districts for skill development of aspiring entrepreneurs. A mechanism is being evolved for facilitating continuous monitoring of the progress made by the beneficiaries.

Towards this end, the government is actively considering setting up programme implementation teams at different levels, drawing surplus staff from different departments, and the officials concerned are reportedly sounded out in this regard. #KhabarLive #hydnews 

'Banana Flour' Is Becoming A New Spin In Making Idlis, ‍‍Dosas, Cutlets, Gulab Jamuns from Telugu States Farmers

A silent revolution is taking place among the farmers in the Telangana and Andhra Pradesh because of banana flour concept.

Every year, farmers are badly hit by the price drop in bananas. It would go down to Rs 4 or Rs 5 per kilogram for bananas, discouraging farmers from investing in this tropical crop or banana cultivation. This year was no different. Farmers had to use leftover bananas to feed their cattle. 

However, Anandi, the wife of an organic farmer from Telangana, found a solution to put bananas to better and profitable use, thanks to a Facebook post.

In the first week of June this year, Anandi chanced upon a Facebook post shared by a veteran journalist and an agriculture educator. The post detailed the various usage of dried banana powder, including its wide usage as baby food. "Anandi called me and insisted that she wanted to learn how to make banana powder,” The journalist told ##KhabarLive. With the assistance of George, a subject matter specialist, home science, at Krishi Vigyan Kendra, Anandi quickly learnt the mechanism to use dry banana and turn it into powder.

That was the beginning! The veteran journalist received many pictures from Anandi after she prepared the flour and started making a variety of delicacies out of it — dosas, chappatis, cutlets, gulab jamun, rotis and more. She made both raw and ripe banana flour. That is when Journalist decided to give it a push among the other farmers through WhatsApp groups.

It is a simple procedure, said the journo. “The banana has to be dried in the sun for three days and then ground in a grinder. In case of large quantity, it can be powdered in a local mill. Many farmers have dryers that are used for various purposes. A dryer makes it easier to dry bananas even during the monsoon," he said.

Journo encouraged Anandi to teach other farmers, too. "Today, more than 100 farmers have started making banana flour and are selling it locally. Some of them even have sold up to 100 kilograms of the flour,” he said, adding that considering its success, they are planning to expand the market.

Like Anandi, farmers who took up the challenge also prepared a lot of dishes using the flour, often using it as a replacement for maida or other all-purpose flour.

The journalist said that the idea has reached more than 300 families and many are waiting for the monsoon to get over. "Even the elderly people have started doing this and are happy that they are producing a nutritional product than wasting it," he added.

Uma, another wife of a farmer in AndhraPradesh, too, made banana flour at home and tried out some new recipes after journo told her about Anandi's innovation. “I made chappatis and pooris with banana flour. I also made cakes, pancakes, idlis, milkshakes and many other dishes,” she said. After the monsoon, Uma plans to produce banana flour on a commercial basis. “I am already getting a lot of enquiries. I actually dry the banana along with its peel as adds more fibre to our diet. For white-coloured flour, I add bananas without the peels," said Uma Reddy.

He popularised the concept in other areas, too. “I got in touch with Central Processing facility at Agricultural University in Hyderabad. “I requested them to process banana flour and distribute it to the residents there. It has now become popular in Hyderabad too," journo said.

He also added that Subbarayudu, Director at the National Research Centre for Banana, sent a congratulatory note to Anandi on her initiative that led to a silent revolution. #KhabarLive #hydnews

Covid-Induced 'Work From Home' Concept Hits Govt Revenues hard In Telangana

It is not just the shortage of beds, medicines or oxygen that had caused problems for the State Government during the last two waves of corona pandemic. There is another serious cause of worry for the government and that is the concept of work from home which is becoming a hurdle to get proper Revenues from IT sector.

When there was an outbreak of corona cases during the first wave, all IT companies and ITES (IT Enabled Services) announced work from home policy to avoid spread of the virus. This concept of course had its own impact on the employees who feel that they are under greater work pressure now but as far as the government is concerned, it has a much bigger cause of worry.

The IT companies from Delhi, Mumbai, Chennai and Bengaluru which had planned to expand their branches to Hyderabad have now seem to have backtracked.
They are employing people but are encouraging them to work from home. This is adding to the worries of the government as the WFH system by the existing companies has resulted in revenue loss of nearly Rs 3,000 crore and has taken away the indirect employment of cabs, air travel, hospitality industry and other services provided by the IT firms. 

Now the decision of the many companies to encourage WFH model instead of opening new branches is threatening to result in a major blow to the revenue earning of the governments.

A top official of the state Commercial Taxes department told The Hans India that the WFH option has been playing a big havoc on the services' sectors which depend on IT companies.

Some small IT and ITES companies have vacated the campuses in Hi-Tech city. As a result, economic activity has come to standstill. If the companies run their business as usual, the government will earn money through tax collections like property taxes and turnover tax. Once the companies shift their operations from their head office to some other place in the country, the State starts losing tax money earned in different forms. Officials say that about 15 to 20 small and medium IT companies have vacated the offices in Hyderabad to cut the establishment expenses after the employees were given WFH option in March 2020. Another 10 to 15 companies headquartered in Gurgaon and Punjab have postponed their plan to open their branches in Hyderabad.

Officials said that nearly 15,000 to 20,000 working in the service sectors like canteen operations, interior and office maintenance in the IT companies have lost their livelihood. The firms engaged in the service sectors stopped filing tax returns and it was a stark example of the impact of the work from home.

"Taking commercial spaces on lease in the IT zones has also stopped. Hospitality industry and recreational zones in the IT zone have registered the lowest ever flow of visitors," said an official.

The Commercial Taxes department officials want the government to take initiative to revive the business activity in the IT zones and see that they reopen with 50 per cent attendance. #KhabarLive #hydnews 

‍‍‍Private Teachers Urges Telangana Govt For Immediate Financial Aid To Survive

Around 2.1 lakh teaching and non-teaching staff working in around 10,000 private recognised schools in the state are living in extreme poverty as the managements of these schools stopped paying them salaries. In Hyderabad alone, 2,041 schools are in this category.

Even these schools failed to generate revenues as students are not bothered to pay fees. According to these schools, 90 percent of students have not paid the fees for the last academic year, because they got the assurance of getting promoted to the higher classes without any exams.

From the time of the first nationwide lockdown, the private schools were hit hard. Though the state government extended an aid of Rs 2,000 and 25 kgs rice to the staff of these schools, it lasted only for only three months. Now these employees request the government to resume the same help.

Representatives of the Hyderabad District Recognised School Management Association, who met on Saturday, requested the government for the exemption of property taxes, water bills and electricity bills, during the period of closure of schools.
Srikanth, a teacher at Durga School, Marredpally, said, “We teachers are badly hit by Covid-19 crisis. The government failed to save us. When the government gives so much aid to many communities, why doesn’t it extend any help to teachers?”
Fatima Ellena, another teacher, said, “The three months’ aid from the government helped us, but now most of the teachers are helpless as managements are not paying the salaries.”

Sadulo Madhusudhan, general secretary of the association and correspondent for Pragathi Vidyaniketan School, said, “On April 9, the state government announced, through a memo that the teaching and non-teaching staff working in private recognised schools would be provided with Rs 2,000, along with 25 kg of rice till the schools reopen. As per the promise, the government delivered the above for three months starting from April.” However, the government stopped its support, he said, adding that the association requested the government to resume the same help for teachers till the situation became normal.

“Our school has a strength of 1,400 students out of which only 400 are attending online classes. Only less than 50 percent paid the fees,” he said.

Umamaheswa Rao, president, said, “Our demand is to resume the assistance for these teaching and non-teaching staff. Also, online attendance should be made compulsory for the students as well examinations should be considered to get promoted to the next class. The government should consider level-wise reopening of schools.” #KhabarLive #hydnews 

Will 'Dalit Bandhu' Scheme Serves 20,929 Dalits In Huzurabad Constituency?

The million dollar question making waves in all political circles that KCR's Pet Project 'Dalit Bandhu Scheme will do justice to all dalits in Huzurabad constituency as a pilot project before the by-elections. The answer is literally showing the signs of fiscal deficit.

As the Telangana government released Rs 500 crore for the implementation of the state’s flagship program ‘Telangana Dalit Bandhu’, meant for empowerment and uplift of Dalits in Huzurabad as a pilot project.

A government order to this effect was released by the Telangana SC Welfare Department and the amount was immediately credited to the account of Karimnagar district collector towards the implementation of scheme in the Huzurabad assembly constituency on a pilot basis, as approved by the state cabinet.

Telangana Dalit Bandhu is done via a one-time direct cash transfer of Rs 10 lakh to each family of that community, the biggest ever direct benefit transfer (DBT) scheme in the country. 

However, it is not clear whether the amount released was only a first instalment or a once-and-for-all allotment for Huzurabad. For, the amount of Rs 500 crore is hardly sufficient for 500 eligible Dalit families in Huzurabad.

According to the official figures, there are 20,929 Dalit families in the entire Huzurabad assembly constituency eligible for Dalit Bandhu scheme, including 5,323 families in Huzurabad mandal, 4,346 families in Kamalapur mandal, 3,678 in Veenavanka mandal, 4,996 families in Jammikunta mandal and 2,586 families in Illanthakunta mandal.

As such, the government would have to release Rs 2,093 crore for Huzurabad constituency to implement Dalit Bandhu scheme. But the government released only Rs 500 crore on Monday, giving rise to the impression that the scheme would be implemented only as a token measure.

Earlier, at an all-party meet in June, the chief minister announced that 100 families from each of the 119 assembly constituencies in the state would receive Rs 10 lakh each to the eligible 11,900 people. This would be under Rs 1200 crore, as allotted in the state budget.

But later, the government extended the scheme to all the Dalit families in the state and KCR even announced that he would not hesitate to spend Rs 80,000 crore to Rs 1 lakh crore on the scheme to uplift the Dalits.

By seeing the release of only Rs 500 crore for Huzurabad, one would get the impression that the scheme cannot be implemented fully in the near future. #KhabarLive #hydnews

‍Telugu States May Not Sail With Congress In National Politics Against Ruling BJP

It is evident that ruling TRS in Telangana and ruling YSRCP in Andhra Pradesh are not interested to support Congress-led front managed by multiple parties against ruling BJP to act as a united front to combat in national politics.

Although West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee may be having a lot of hopes that the Telangana Rashtra Samiti and the YSR Congress would join the proposed front to take on the Bharatiya Janata Party in the next General Election, it appears that the ruling parties in the Telugu states, which follow separate routes in national politics, may prefer to maintain equidistance from the saffron party and the grand old party.

During the previous Lok Sabha elections, Telangana Chief Minister K Chandrasekhar Rao did make efforts to form a Federal Front against the BJP and the Congress. Now Mamata Banerjee has initiated steps to form a front against the BJP. The other day Didi, as Mamata Banerjee is endearingly called, told the media that Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister YS Jagan Mohan Reddy was like her brother and that she would speak to him about the need for him to join the front proposed against the BJP.

Since Telangana Chief Minister K Chandrasekhar Rao had met Mamata Banerjee twice and discussed the formation of the Federal Front, Didi has high hopes on KCR joining the front. But the main problem for both YSRCP and TRS is that the Congress is likely to have a role in the front.

In Telangana, Congress is the main opposition party. In Andhra Pradesh, the YSR Congress will never join hands with the Congress at any cost. For, it believes that the erstwhile Congress-led government had harassed YS Jagan by foisting cases and colluding with TDP, and sent him to jail also.

A senior YSR Congress leader close to YS Jagan said:"The Congress resorted to character assassination of YS Jagan with false cases and sent him to jail also. How can one expect that YSR Congress will support the Congress in national politics?" He said that YSR Congress will support Congress should Congress chief Sonia Gandhi accept that, when the Congress was in power at Centre, it registered false cases against YS Jagan by colluding with TDP to harass him.  

Besides, Sonia Gandhi should tender unconditional apology to YS Jagan openly. The YSR Congress leader said if Sonia Gandhi accepted these conditions, then YSR Congress would support the front in which Congress has a role.  

As for Telangana, KCR also may not support the front with Congress. Because TRS has to fight with the Congress in the state and joining hands with the same party at Centre was not possible, said a TRS leader.  

At present, TRS and YSR Congress are openly saying that they have been maintaining equal distance from BJP and Congress at the national level. Both the parties are, however, extending indirect support to the Centre whenever it needs. The national BJP leadership is also confident that YSR Congress and TRS will not support the Congress to form a government at Centre.

In this backdrop, Didi will have a tough time stitching up a front that has the ruling parties in Telugu states on board. #KhabarLive #hydnews 

‍‍‍Why 'Gulf Migration Corridor' At Crossroads In Telangana?

Equipping and empowering our migrants to deal with the complications that arise at various stages of migration is no more an option.

Telangana, the 12th-most populated State in India as per the 2011 census, sends about 1.5 million of a total 8.8 million Indian expatriates to the Gulf. These labourers have played a crucial role in transforming the Gulf States from “camel to Cadillac”. Similarly, the Gulf migration has impacted the upward social and economic mobility of migrant households and strengthened Telangana’s economy through remittances they send home.

Northern Telangana, especially Karimnagar, Rajanna Sircilla, Nizamabad, Adilabad and Warangal districts, has witnessed widespread migration to Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Beginning from the second half of the 1980s, people from the Telangana region migrated to the Gulf as a response to the perpetual droughts, lack of irrigable water and the resultant agricultural distress, as well as the heightened naxalism and police encounters. The Gulf oil boom of the 1970s and the tremendous infrastructural development in the region spurred the demand for labour that acted as a pull factor. Since then, the migration of people of all ages, classes and skill levels from the Telangana region to the Gulf is uninterrupted.

Antilogy of Gulf Dreams

Poverty, unemployment, lack of opportunities, local entrepreneurial environment and debt from agriculture force many to seek jobs in Gulf countries. Expatriates from Telangana mostly work in low-paid, semi and low-skilled unorganised sectors of construction, retail, driving, sanitation and domestic work. A few work in the skilled sectors of care services, hospitality and hotel management as well.
Severe hardships they endure in the hostile terrains of Arab lands are yet to be studied and documented by academia and public intellectuals. They are the “precarious proletariat” in the true sense of the term coined by the renowned economist Thomas Piketty, working in 3D contractual jobs (“dirty, dangerous and difficult”) under the much-criticised kafala system in the alienated Gulf societies.

Stagnated wages are an ignored ill-face of blue-collar jobs in the Gulf. They live in overcrowded labour camps or so-called “bachelor” houses, taking up multiple jobs or overtime in arduous work environments with bare minimum facilities for sending some extra money home. They are deprived of social safety nets and labour rights.

Women domestic workers and caregivers who work in the least regulated environments of their sponsors’ houses are often subject to inhuman treatments, gender-based violence and exploitation.
Financial strains and resultant stress, uncertainties related to the temporary contract visa, emotions of loneliness for being away from the family for years together, and concerns about the wellbeing of the family left behind add to the vulnerability of these migrants. Many suffer from serious health problems, and the instances of death due to health complications and suicides are yet to be addressed in our public discourses on migration.

Today, the Gulf dream for many is shattering due to the changes in the tax system, nationalisation and labour quota policies intended to reduce expatriate labourers, such as the Nitaqat in Saudi Arabia. The Covid-19 pandemic has aggravated their sufferings, and many are facing the threat of job loss, over-work and reduced salaries or have already lost their jobs.

Return and Re-migration

Unlike the earlier waves of return migration during the Gulf War (1990s), the oil crisis and the economic depression (2000s), or the labour nationalisation (2010s), the pandemic-induced return is unprecedented. The prospect of re-migration is bleak, especially for the low-skilled, with Gulf labour markets moving forward with rigorous migrant labour reduction programmes as a response to the economic fragility, demographic transition and rising unemployment among natives. Parallelly, India is going through an alarming phase of rising unemployment and declining economic growth. It is in this context that these jobless migrants are returning, feeling dejected and disillusioned.

It is estimated that over 75,000 migrant workers in the Gulf from across Telangana are terminated from their jobs and hurriedly returned without procuring salary arrears and end-of-service benefits such as bonus, PF, gratuity, and so on. This serious issue of “wage theft” is not entirely a new pandemic-induced phenomenon, but several employers are taking undue advantage of the current situation. Hence, returning penniless and abashed, they are forced to borrow money or sell assets that they have hard-earned from the Gulf jobs for their sustenance and clearing off previous loans and debts.

Owing to the lack of alternative livelihood opportunities and a supportive reintegration and rehabilitation policy, many returnees, especially between 20 and 45 years age group, are left with no option other than to re-migrate to the Gulf. But, it is more difficult and expensive to re-migrate now due to the long waiting period for Covid-19 vaccines in India, ever-changing entry rules and travel bans in the Gulf, and uncertainty and diffidence around finding new employment or joining back in the earlier Gulf job.

Indian expatriates, including the Telugu people, are taking various transit routes via Nepal, Maldives, Sri Lanka, Armenia and Uzbekistan to enter the UAE, Saudi, Oman, and Kuwait as direct entry is barred to these countries. They spend around  Rs 1.5 lakh for these journeys, booking chartered flights, 14-day quarantine in transit countries and PCR tests before entering the final destination. Desperate to get back to the Gulf, these migrants take bank loans or borrow money from private lenders, further falling deep into the debt trap.  

Deceptive Agents, Issue of Trafficking

Even though the bona fide channel of migrating abroad for work is through recruitment agencies licensed by the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), many approach or are approached by fraudulent agents to facilitate an easy path to the Gulf. The existence of only fewer than 25 registered agencies in the entire State of Telangana makes running an illicit recruiting and travel agency lucrative. The State government established the Telangana Overseas Manpower Company Ltd (TOMCOM) in 2016 to ensure safe, legal migration.

However, taking advantage of high demand from the unemployed and circumstances of those who wish to migrate, the nexus of fraudulent recruiting agents continue to thrive, bypassing all valid emigration procedures. They often dupe job seekers with visit visas or the notorious “free visas” instead of proper employment visas and “push” them through emigration procedures at the source and destinations.

The recent news reports of Telugu women trafficked by promising “high-paying” domestic worker and caregiving jobs in Arab households encapsulate the issue’s gravity. Widespread irregular practices exclude migrants from the official databases and make them susceptible to exploitation and abuse by recruiters, sponsors and/or employers. Their dubious immigration status and lack of proper documents also make it hard for the destination countries’ labour courts to issue legal directions and the Indian government to assist them if they land in any trouble.

Proactive Approaches

Emigration is not often a joyous affair, even though most people migrate voluntarily to the Gulf land of plenty to materialise their dreams of becoming rich, buying land, building secure houses, and saving money for a better future for their family and children. It is necessary to equip and empower them to deal with the complications that may arise at all stages of migration.

Pre-departure orientation and skill training needs to be vigorously imparted to all aspirant migrants to provide them better bargaining power in the destinations, along with a detailed awareness programme on the available Centre and State-level welfare schemes. Likewise, empowering them digitally will equip them to resort to various government portals, like the MADAD, for grievance redressal and verification of the credibility of their visas.

Existing public mechanisms, including the Telangana State Skill Development Mission (TSSDM), National Academy of Construction (NAC) and Industrial Training Institutes (ITI), need to be roped in effectively for skilling and skill upgradation training for aspiring migrants to meet the latest labour and technology adaptation demands. The Institute of Driving Training and Research Centre (IDTRC) in Sircilla is a laudable initiative, which too can be roped in.

Similarly, those who have returned during the pandemic should be directed to register themselves with the SWADES portal of the government  of India to find job opportunities in Indian and foreign companies. There should be policies to incentivise returnees above the age of 50 to start micro, small and medium (MSME) businesses to better utilise their savings, skills, international exposure and experiences.

Migration related awareness creation should be TOMCOM’s top priority of the, along with skill development, training, and overseas recruitment. Operations of unregistered recruitment agencies need to be curbed to ensure safe, orderly and regular migration from the State. Migrant-specific welfare schemes that include migrant families and returnees to its fold need to be initiated at the Centre and State levels.

The scope of some of the existing schemes can be extended, for instance, the Pravasi Bharatiya Bima Yojana, the emigrants’ insurance scheme launched in 2003, to cover deaths by diseases. There also needs to be a special fast-track arrangement in the State for the Gulf migrants to get Covid-19 vaccines to head back when the travel bans are lifted.

Emigration Bill, 2021

The proposed Draft Emigration Bill, 2021, requires further deliberations before passing to ground it on the realities and diversities of emigration of Indians abroad as well as their return and reintegration. Limited availability of data and the discrepancy of available statistics are major stumbling blocks in formulating evidence-based policies and their effective implementation. Hence, creating a consolidated database on migrants and returnees should be the priority of Central and State governments.

For instance, eMigrate initiative of the MEA records only 15 unregistered recruitment agencies in Telangana, which is a gross underestimation. A comparative understanding of best practices and the emigrant welfare programmes implemented by different States governments can be mutually beneficial, and the Telangana government should take formal initiatives and establish permanent bodies in institutionalising such exchanges between other State governments and their agencies like the NORKA in Kerala.

Indian embassies in the Gulf region need to be strengthened to ensure proactive interventions when our expatriates are in need, like providing legal aid or pro-bono lawyers for “wage theft” cases and filing claims on behalf of returned migrants in the Gulf labour courts. Likewise, considering the migrant numbers, initiatives to set up more consulates of the Gulf countries in different parts of the Telangana region can promptly address the issues faced by the migrants in the destination.

The crucial role of civil society and grassroots level organisations based in Telangana and the Gulf for the welfare of emigrants in normal and emergency situations should not be missed. Their advocacy prompted the MEA to roll back its recent circulars on minimum referral wage (MRW) reduction.

The Sircilla-based Telangana Gulf Joint Action Committee, Hyderabad-based Emigrants Welfare Forum, Gulf Telangana Welfare and Cultural Association, Pravasi Mitra Labour Union, and the Dubai-based Indian People’s Forum are a few to mention. The proactive intervention of KT Rama Rao, Minister of IT & NRI Affairs, and KR Suresh Reddy, MP from Telangana, is worth mentioning in the MRW issue.

Bheem Reddy Mandha, president of the Emigrants Welfare Forum, says, “Telangana migrants in the Gulf are sending about Rs 27,000 crore per annum as remittances, and it is, directly and indirectly, boosting the economy. The government should reciprocate by allocating Rs 500 crore in the annual Budget for the welfare of Gulf migrants and their left-behind families”. We should listen to our migrants and their needs, as it is our responsibility as a progressive society to extend solidarity to them during these testing times. #KhabarLive #hydnews

‍‍‍How Badminton Star Sindhu Makes Telugu States United With Her Medal Achievement?

At a time when the Telugu states of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana bicker about their share of river waters, the phenomenon called P.V. Sindhu makes all of them and their leaders forget these issues a while with her athletic exploits and Olympic medals.

Sindhu is a major unifying factor and is equally celebrated by both the Telugu states every time she wins.

When she won the badminton silver medal in the 2016 Rio Olympics, the Telangana government rewarded her with a sum of Rs 5 crore, while Andhra Pradesh gave her Rs 3 crore and a plum state government job.

Former Chief Minister N. Chandrababu Naidu offered her the job of a Deputy Collector, which is the top job through the state public service commission's recruitment process.

In fact, a Deputy Collector's job leads one to become a conferred Indian Administrative Service (IAS) officer later on in their career.

As an employee of the Andhra Pradesh government, Sindhu says she is always encouraged and helped with working leave when needed.

Will Sindhu also go on to become a senior official in the state government after completing her badminton conquests, taking a leaf out of former fast bowler and inaugural 2007 T20 world cup winning Indian team member Joginder Sharma? Will have to wait and watch for some more years.

Sharma bowled the last over of the T20 world cup to trounce Pakistan and went on to become a senior officer in the Haryana state police department.

After winning her historic second medal at the Tokyo games, becoming first Indian woman to do so, Andhra Chief Minister Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy hailed her as the lone Indian woman to do it.

"All good wishes and congratulations to our Telugu girl Sindhu for winning Bronze for India at Tokyo Olympics 2020," said Reddy.

He did not stop with the wishes but proceeded to reward the state government employee and Olympian with a cash award of Rs 30 lakh.

The Andhra government handed over the cheque to the badminton superstar on Friday after she met Reddy along with her family.

Minister Avanti Srinivas handed over the cheque to Sindhu in the presence of special chief secretary Rajat Bhargava and I & PR Commissioner Vijay Kumar Reddy.

Even before leaving for Tokyo, Reddy met Sindhu and handed over a cash incentive of Rs 5 lakh, along with a copy of the government order allocating 2 acre of land to Sindhu to set up a badminton academy in the port city Visakhapatnam, which will soon become the executive capital of the southern state.

On being asked when she would set up the academy, the much loved shuttler said she would do it soon.
"I am so grateful for your continuous support Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister, thank you sir," said Sindhu.

She said the Chief Minister is constantly supporting her and even assured that they are always behind her, including offering whatever she needs to make sure she keeps winning.

"I am very happy. He (Reddy) congratulated me. The Chief Minister blessed and told me to definitely bring a medal and I brought a medal. The whole state has been congratulating me. Thanks to all of them," she said.

In fact, Reddy himself urged her to start the academy soon to nurture more youngsters like her.
The ace shuttler also praised the Andhra Pradesh government for introducing schemes to encourage sports-persons.

Appreciating the state government for reserving 2 per cent jobs for sports-persons in government posts, Sindhu said: "It is appreciable to know that the state government is giving YSR awards to sportspersons to encourage them."

After reaching Hyderabad from Tokyo via Delhi, Sindhu received a rousing welcome in Telangana state as well. V. Srinivas Goud, the Telangana Sports Minister, was present at the airport to personally welcome her along with other senior officials.

Goud also met Sindhu before leaving for Tokyo and playfully engaged in a short badminton game with her.

Several Tollywood actors celebrated the badminton superstar's success with equal zest, including Lakshmi Manchu, Mahesh Babu, Varun Tej, Sharat Chandra and others.

Telugu film legend and megastar from Mogalturu village Chiranjeevi said: "Congrats Sindhu on winning the medal and creating history for being the first Indian woman to bring Olympic medal twice in a row."

Outside the sporting realm, the badminton virtuoso unites both the states by embracing and revering deities in the Telugu states.

She is a regular at Lal Darwaza Mahankali temple Bonalu celebrations. Like a traditional Telangana girl, Sindhu carries the �Bonam' during the popular festival in Hyderabad.

Similarly, she has great devotion for Kanakadurgamma at Indrakeeladri in Vijayawada. She visited Kanakadurgamma temple on her return from Tokyo along with her family members.

Sindhu said she is a devotee of the deity and visits the temple regularly.
The shuttler not only unites but has also inspired a generation of young people with her sporting excellence, resulting in more youngsters taking up the sport nowadays in the Telugu states. Sindhu and her victories are leaving a lasting positive effect on both Andhra Pradesh and Telangana as well as the whole nation. #KhabarLive #hydnews

Remembering ‘The Great Fall Of Hyderabad Princely State’

On the eve of the 73rd anniversary of this princely state’s surrender to the Indian Union, a look back at the trail of events that led up to it. 

On 18 September 1948, Major General Syed Ahmed El Edroos, Commander-in-Chief of the Hyderabad State Forces, surrendered his army to Major General JN Choudhuri, who had led Indian troops in Operation Polo, a military invasion against a defiant Hyderabad State that had refused to accede to the Dominion of India. In an archival news clip, El Edroos, a career soldier commissioned in 1919 who had seen action in both World Wars as part of the 1st Hyderabad Lancers, stoically addresses the camera: “The men under my command were called to perform a superhuman task… there was no alternative for me left but to surrender.”
 

An understatement if anything. The odds against the resistance were inexorable, not just for the regular army but the irregular militia—of Razakars—organised under the incendiary leader Qasim Razvi, president of the Majlis-i-Ittehadul Muslimeen (MIM), the political party then known as the Ittehad. The ‘Police Action’, as the military invasion is commonly known (thereby giving it a civil character) was quick, efficient and according to a subsequent independent report sponsored by the Government of India, and repudiated by Sardar Patel, brutal in the reprisals against the Muslim community in its wake.

The year leading up to this dramatic denouement in Independent India’s youthful political history was no less dramatic. It was, by all accounts, an intricate labyrinth of political intrigues, spy games, secret gun-running, economic and social embargoes, backdoor negotiations, collusions with the ‘enemy’, murders most foul, and of course, the odd honey trap. Worthy of a first-rate thriller, the smoke and mirrors leading up to the fall of the princely state has been documented by a few. 

Three partisan, first-person accounts provide fascinating insights into the beguiling drama: The End of an Era by KM Munshi, India’s Agent General in Hyderabad who fell out of favour with his political overlords in Delhi; The Tragedy of Hyderabad by Mir Laik Ali, the last Dewan or Prime Minister of Hyderabad State who defied the Indian leaders to the very end and secretly escaped to Pakistan in 1950; and Hyderabad of the Seven Loaves by Major General El Edroos, the ‘dashing’ soldier of Arab ancestry, who met a melancholic end.

The core dispute was of territorial sovereignty. Once the Indian Independence Act of 1947 was passed, Mir Osman Ali Khan, the ruler of Hyderabad, decided not to accede to either of the new dominions, but to remain independent. This was conveyed to Lord Mountbatten on 9 July 1947. India, of course, did not see things in the same light—Hyderabad, landlocked and bang in the centre, was a critical part of the Union, and had, at no time, any legitimate claim to independence. 

British suzerainty over Indian states had lapsed, and it was then, as assumed initially, up to the two dominions and princely states to forge alliances. Lord Mountbatten’s mandate was to cajole the princely states to accede to India, and he set himself to the task with great ceremony. Subsequently, negotiations began between India and Hyderabad, whose delegation included constitutional advisor Sir Walter Monckton (he had also drafted the abdication papers of King Edward VIII). Munshi, devoted to Sardar Patel, dismissed the Nizam as ‘an inveterate lover of autocratic power and Islamic domination’ while claiming, incredibly, that Osmania University was set up ‘to bring up a race of young educated Muslims indoctrinated with the Muslim Conquistador [sic] spirit’. 

He informs us of the final signing of the draft ‘Standstill Agreement’ on 29 November 1947. This had been a major hurdle in an already difficult process, both Munshi and Laik Ali admit, particularly due to the Ittehad which had prevented the Hyderabad Delegation from leaving for Delhi in late October. Consequently, the Nizam was bullied into dissolving the delegation and reconstituting it with a member of the Ittehad on it. 

The Ittehad, formed in 1927, gained prominence under the stewardship of Nawab Bahadur Yar Jung from 1939 on. Their doctrine of An-al-Malik (I am the Ruler), developed further during his leadership, asserted that the Nizam was merely a figurehead for Muslims of the Deccan. His untimely death in June 1944, rumoured to have been by poisoning, left the party bereft of strong leadership. Thereafter, the infamous Qasim Razvi took over as president, and the Ittehad became associated (and synonymous) with militancy. 

Popular movements against the autocracy, by the Congress and Communists, in Telangana had also gathered steam in the post-war years. For Munshi, anyone not a nationalist was necessarily aligned with the Ittehad, which ‘ran a school of espionage and propaganda. Some of the trainees, in the guise of Brahman priests, would encourage the Hindus of a village to inflict injury on a local mosque’. The Nizam too, as was popularly rumoured and reported by Indian newspapers then, was secretly arming them. Both El Edroos and Laik Ali rubbish this claim.

The allegation of arming Razakars, writes Laik Ali, was part of the propaganda of the Indian Government to discredit the Nizam and build a case for annexation. El Edroos throws some light here by revealing that there were hardly any arms to speak of. Three-quarters of Hyderabad’s troops went abroad during WW II, he says, and on their return relinquished their weapons and ammunition, which the Government of India was to replace at its cost in due course. The matter was raised by Hyderabad with Mountbatten and the Military Adviser-in-Chief of Indian Forces, General Moore, who in turn told El Edroos that Sardar Baldev Singh, Defence Minister of the Interim Government, was blocking the request. 

All attempts to re-arm Hyderabad State Forces were rebuffed by Delhi. El Edroos was then sent to Europe to explore procurement and import of arms and ammunition into Hyderabad but the mission proved unsuccessful—it was impossible to do so since Hyderabad was not recognised as an independent country. Travelling as a civilian, he bumped into Mountbatten at the Dorchester Hotel, London, and on the latter’s inquiry, said that he was there for ‘eye treatment’. Mountbatten responded with a wink. The Agent General of Hyderabad in London, Mir Nawaz Jung, had during this time engaged the services of an Australian man, an ‘adventurer’, Sidney Cotton, who brought in supplies and guns to Hyderabad surreptitiously through a fleet of planes he owned. 

All three accounts use the arms embargo issue to point to disagreement over the terms of the ‘Standstill Agreement’, which became the cause of further deterioration of talks. While the Indian unionists saw this as a breach, so did Hyderabad. The Government of India also charged Hyderabad with breaching the agreement by transferring securities worth20 crore to Pakistan, prohibiting Indian currency as legal tender in Hyderabad, and allowing the United Press of America to set up a wireless receiving station there.

The presence of foreign correspondents (seen to be sympathetic to Hyderabad) was also of concern to India. Munshi rails against the Hyderabad government’s propaganda machine, while claiming ‘authentic reports’ of the atrocities perpetrated by Razakars and Communists provided to him regularly by intrepid workers and brave journalists. These he would pass on to Delhi. 

Munshi opines that a section of ‘influential persons in Delhi’ discredited him and accused him of supplying unsubstantiated reports. Which was also what Hyderabad had accused him of. Munshi writes conspiratorially of a ‘young lady of Hyderabad’ residing in Colaba cultivating ‘our Army officers’, who on his advice was sent back to Hyderabad. When her mother later confronted Munshi, he recalls advising her it was ‘wicked’ and ‘dangerous’ that a young lady should remain ‘untethered to a husband, to live away from her parents’. This young lady, Munshi claims, used to entertain foreign correspondents in Hyderabad. Contradictory reports from Munshi and a foreign correspondent regarding an alleged inflammatory speech by Qasim Razvi during a rally for ‘Hyderabad Arms Week’ only gave Munshi’s Delhi detractors more fodder, he reveals, although his report hit its mark.

Munshi’s arrival in Hyderabad on 5 January 1948 itself was a dramatic event. While he was met by government officials and given a guard of honour, Laik Ali informs us pointedly, there was no reciprocal reception for Hyderabad’s Agent General in Delhi, Zain Yar Jung. The Indian Government had wanted Munshi to occupy the erstwhile British Residency, symbolic of British suzerainty. Hyderabad, seeing this desire as a hint of India’s intentions, declined. Frenzied communication between Delhi and Hyderabad ensued, and in the dead of night, Laik Ali reports, two Indian officers occupied an ‘anti-room [sic] of the main Residency building’, and on discovery the next day, refused to budge. Eventually, Munshi moved to Deccan House in the cantonment of Bolarum and promptly renamed it Dakshina Sadan. This too irked Hyderabad.

Before Mountbatten’s departure—Munshi says he wished to ‘leave in a blaze of glory’ and in Laik Ali’s estimation had no real power since it was Nehru, Patel and Menon who were dictating terms—a personal emissary was sent by him to Hyderabad, his press attaché Campbell-Johnson, on ‘a mission of unknown dimensions and opportunity’. During this period of rapidly deteriorating relations, while Laik Ali was in Delhi meeting Mountbatten and Indian leaders, a rumour circulated that the Nizam had purchased several atom bombs that were to be used on Indian cities in the event of Indian aggression. After Mountbatten’s departure on 21 June 1948, tensions escalated and talks failed. India sent Hyderabad an ultimatum, and both Nehru and Patel talked tough—accession or war.

While Hyderabad had been alleging border raids, false propaganda and an economic blockade by India, the Indian Government had declared Hyderabad’s intentions as mala fide and a threat to tranquillity in the Dominion. There was no way out of the impasse. In the meantime, after an unsuccessful secret trip by Laik Ali to Quetta to seek Jinnah’s advice (he was on his deathbed), Hyderabad prepared a delegation to present its case to the UN Security Council, hoping that before it fell, a cease-fire resolution would be passed—attracting world attention. 

No timely UN intervention (a familiar theme) was to be had and intelligence reports estimated 20 September as the date of the looming Indian invasion. The Nizam passed a mobilisation order. Laik Ali writes of El Edroos’ claim of engaging the Indian Army for two to three months, while El Edroos informs us, amazingly, that he had ‘passed on secret instructions to various Army sector commanders they were not to offer any resistance to the Indian Army but gradually fall back or surrender’. In the meantime, having been sidelined by Delhi, Munshi reports of how he was forlorn and looked like ‘Sita in Ashok Vana in a beautiful garden by myself’. 

In the early hours of 13 September 1948—Jinnah died the previous day, while Laik Ali, the Nizam, and Munshi alike were destroying important documents—reports of the advancing Indian forces came in. But for a few stray pockets of resistance and minimum casualties for them, they marched safely on to the capital. Just six days later, on the 17th, the Nizam went on air, followed by Munshi, to report the dismissal of the government, the withdrawal of the UN appeal, and the city’s capitulation. Azad Hyderabad had fallen.

Laik Ali ends his account cryptically with ‘a providential escape’ from house arrest; El Edroos tells the story of the ex-prime minister being whisked away in the boot of a car, for which he was falsely accused and later incarcerated; Munshi writes of his deep hurt over the way he was treated by Delhi. And in this manner, three distinct and colourful accounts of the fall of Hyderabad come to a close, the composite of which, remains a complex and curious political saga. #KhabarLive #hydnews 

‍‍‍‍Why Telangana's Economy Cannot Afford Another Lockdown?

As experts warn of a potential third Covid wave, many Telanganaiets are worried about their next paycheck. Small businesses and informal workers fear another lockdown could spell an end to their livelihoods.

As a delayed monsoon finally reaches Telangana, shopkeepers at a local market duck under covers and frantically attempt to keep their merchandise from getting wet.

They say they cannot afford any further blow to their small business following more than a year of erratic income due to the coronavirus pandemic. Now there is fear of another crippling COVID-induced lockdown.
"This government cannot survive another lockdown," Kiran Kumar tells #KhabarLive. "They will get voted out if further restrictions are imposed on us."

Kumar runs a small shop in Hyderabad’s upscale Charminar Market. His tiny shop, a 3-foot-by-3-foot (.28 square meters) hole in a wall filled with clothes, is still able to feed his family of five.

But as experts warn of a potential third COVID wave in the coming months, India's flagging economy — especially the micro, medium and small scale enterprise (MSME) sector — could face devastating repercussions from another lockdown.

Of the 63.4 million units that make up India's MSME sector, 99.4% are micro-enterprises, government data shows.

Located about 15 meters from Kumar's store is the Faqir Chand bookstore. Abhinav's family has been running the shop for four generations. The bookstore has seen numerous periods of severe political instability, economic downturns, and most recently, second wave of the coronavirus.

Shops closed down nationwide and offices resumed home office.
"The store was closed for nearly three months," Abhinav tells #KhabarLive. The family left for their hometown in a nearby state.

"We were among the luckier ones," he says. But for many people like Kumar, shutting shop even for a few days has serious repercussions, and working from home was not an option.

In the midst of the second wave, the government released data that indicated that Telangana's gross domestic product (GDP) grew at 1.6% in the January-March quarter of the 2020-21 fiscal year, just as coronavirus infections were rising. A contraction of 7.3% was reported for the entire fiscal year.

But some economists slammed the data as vastly exclusionary.
"Our GDP data just doesn't take the unorganized sector into account. It is entirely based on the organized sector, and largely the corporate sector data," Indian economist Arun Kumar told #KhabarLive.

Kumar recently authored a book about the economic impact of the pandemic, titled Indian Economy's Greatest Crisis: Impact of Coronavirus and the Road Ahead.

"The behavior of the unorganized sector is very different from that of the organized sector. The latter braved the storm a little better, but mostly at the expense of the unorganized sector," he said.

"If the unorganized sector and the destruction of agriculture are taken into account, the economy contracted by 29%," Kumar added.

Most Indians typically purchase daily necessities from a local store close to their homes. But during COVID, many have turned to online shopping, much to the dismay of small neighborhood stores.

As India continues to record about 40,000 new infections daily, medical experts have warned of an impending third wave that could jeopardize efforts to bring the economy back on track.

"When the cases started to spike in February, we knew another wave was coming but our expertise was disregarded," Dr. Rajan Sharma, former president of the Indian Medical Association, told #KhabarLive. "No one was prepared for what followed."

The pandemic moves in ebbs and flows, and no expert can give a date when a third wave will start nor its intensity, Sharma explained.

Vaccinating a large part of the population is crucial in preventing a significant rise in infections, he added.

More than six months after India began the world's largest vaccination drive, only 7% of the country's population has been fully vaccinated.
"Vaccinating a population as vast as ours is a monumental task," he says. "In addition to acquiring the number of shots required, people also need to trust medical advice."

According to Sharma, doctors also need to be stakeholders in policy formulation to successfully manage future waves.

"The country needs an 'Indian Medical Service' just like it has the 'Indian Administrative Service' or 'Indian Revenue Service.'"

India faces the dual challenge of ramping up vaccinations in the interiors of the country and reviving its flailing economy.

The government needs to cater to the micro sector by providing help in the form of marketing, finance, technology, Kumar said.

"The economy is suffering from a lack of demand. If the people don't have the purchasing power, the economy cannot recover," Kumar said, adding India should boost rural employment guarantee schemes and launch similar schemes in urban areas for the unemployed.

But for now, the small shop owners at MJ Market do not have the luxury to think about the state of country's economy. For now, Ashish Kumar needs to protect his merchandise from the rain and buy rice to feed his family. #KhabarLive #hydnews

‍‍‍Why Telangana Police Overdoing '‍Cordon and Search' Operations?

The Cordon and Search operations (CASO) conducted by police to combat crime from the society. But nowadays, police frequently conducting CASO and common public is facing more difficulties during night time and lonely women and elderly persons too.

Is the Telangana Police, which likes to call itself people-friendly, overdoing on the Cordon and Search operations (CASO -- essentially a military or counterinsurgency operation) to serve its own interests without there being any need for such operations in routine crime control in the first place? The answer, unfortunately, is in the affirmative if one considers the nature, number and types of CASO operations in the twin cities and elsewhere in the state.

'Cordon and search' is a military tactic to cordon off an area and search the premises for weapons or insurgents.  Used mainly in counter-insurgency operations, there are two sub-categories of CASO: 'cordon and knock' (with permission) and 'cordon and kick' (without permission).  

However, for reasons best known to the Telangana Police, in a few areas of Hyderabad the police simply assume that criminals are living there and do not flinch from knocking each and every door during CASO. This has pitted the police against social activists and raised questions about the legality of some of these CASOs.

Informed sources pointed out that the process normally used to trace terrorists in Kashmir by the military has been adopted by the TS Police to catch even petty criminals. They say there is no particular act or section in law that specifically allows CASO of the TS Police variant. An RTI query yielded a 'reply' that the question was "Not Applicable".  

The police, however, defend CASOs, saying they have always been helpful for them to identify a few criminals and criminals from outside who may be hiding in particular places.

Cordon and Search Operations were started by the military in Kashmir in 2002 to identify separatists and terrorists. Following huge resistance, they were suspended briefly, but resumed again in 2017. In Hyderabad and elsewhere in the state, CASOs started in 2013. They were intensified when the police were pursuing members of the so-called 'snake gang' in the Old City. Since then, the police have been doing CASOs regularly. The operations were suspended due to corona, but resumed in March, 2021.

When it was resumed, Commissioner of Cyberabad Police V.C.Sajjanar told the media: "As the situation comes to normal, we will continue CASO. It is very helpful for us to identify and catch criminals and suspects. Many outsiders, who have committed crimes, are coming here and taking shelter. We can find such types of elements."

The larger question is: On what basis the police are entering houses and interrogating those people who are living there? The police are citing a petition, which had been dismissed by the High Court, in which the petitioner claimed that CASO was illegal and wanted the authorities to stop it.

However, the Court then merely asked the petitioner to approach police officials first on the issue. It did not give any clean chit to the Police. Nor did it authorize CASO.
A police official said: "We will list out cases in our Police Stations. We suspect that a few (criminals) are hiding in particular areas. Naming those cases, we will get a warrant. With that warrant only we will go for CASO".

The reports of the police say that no terrorist or big criminal was found in their CASOs. Yet, they claim, without any evidence, that they got "scoops or information, which helped to catch terrorists".

At the time of public outrage over CAA, NRC and NPR, some people resisted CASO and refused to show their Aadhaar cards. Moreover, asking for Aadhaar cards is against the Supreme Court's order. Local MIM leaders have also argued with the police on these lines. However, after a gap, the police have started CASOs again.

Social activists have alleged that the police are stamping a few areas as 'criminal areas'. In the name of search, they are insulting poor people who cannot question them.  
M.Srinivas, a social activist, said: "Can they can go and conduct CASO in Banjara Hills, where so many white-collar criminals are living  -- those who are doing land-grabbing, making fake documents? Can they dare to enter gated communities for CASO? Can they assure that there are no criminals in those areas? No. Recently an imported cars scam happened.

The Directorate of Intelligence Revenue identified that many cars were purchased by the people of Hyderabad. Can the police go to each and every imported car owner's house and ask for papers? No. The police are showing immature approach towards poor people."

Srinivas further said: "In CASO, they are seizing bikes without papers mostly. Once they have seized pickles prepared by a family, saying that the products are not up to the standards."

Social activists are arguing that if a case is registered and the police get to know that the suspect is living in a particular area, then the police can watch those areas and maintain a beat to catch those criminals.

"How can you enter each and every house, insulting people living there," they ask. They are demanding that the police must stop CASO and maintain vigil to find criminals. They have no business to knock each and every door even if they are after a criminal. #KhabarLive #hydnews