By Unknown Telanganite
Did Telangana produce any leader? Do Telangana people really know who participated in Telangana armed struggle and fought for Telangana liberation?
Telangana people are exploited by non-Telangana rulers. Our rulers completely ruined our education system. We studied about “Potti Sreeramulu’s liberality” and “Kodi Ramamurthi’s power and potency” in our schools. But, many of us do not know who is Khomaram Bheem. To us Vattikota Alawar swamy, Shoyabulla khan, and Konda Venkata reddy are strange names. What happened to our education system? Why stories of famous Telangana figures were never taught in the schools as part of our state history?
We are not reluctant to learn about Andhra leaders, but we also want to know about our great Telangana fighters.
Now, nearly every street and building in Hyderabad is named after Andhra or Rayalaseema leader. It appears that after few years of time our Telangana idols would be completely concealed from us.
Here are few examples to show how our non-Telangana leaders are erasing our history from Hyderabad and from Telangana.
Statues of Andhra/Rayalaseema leaders in Hyderabad
Potti Sriramulu
Tanguturi Prakasham
Dahmodaram Sanjeevayya
Kaasu Brahmananda Reddy
Jalagam VengalRao
Nandamuri Taraka Rama Rao
Puchalapalli Sundarayya
Ragupathi Venkata Ratnam
Tripuraneni Ramaswamy Chowdary
Among them, only Puchalapalli Sundarayya (born in Alaganipadu, Nellore district) was involved in Telangana armed struggle. And rest of the others neither fought for Telangana nor aware of Telangana struggle.
And here is a list of statues of leaders from Telangana
Marri Chenna Reddy
Burugula Ramakrishna Rao
Elimeneti Madhava Reddy
This is the list of streets/stadiums/parks/places named after non-Telangana people
Potti Sriramulu Nagar
Sanjeva Reddy Nagar
Vengala Rao Nagar
NTR Maarg
Brahmananda Reddy National park
Potti Sriramulu University
Vengala Rao Park
N.G Ranga Agriculture University
Potti Sriramulu Telugu University
NTR Stadium
Vijaya Bhaskar Stadium
Balayogi Stadium
Can anybody show at least one Telangana leader’s statue either in Andhra or in Rayalaseema?
Is this because we do not have famous figures?
What happened to our Telangana idols? How many of our politician know about Vattikota Alawar swamy, Shoyabulla khan, Konda Venkata reddy, Raavi Narayana, Buddam Ellareddy, Kamaladevi, Kommaraju Laxman Rao, Jamalpuram Keshava rao, Kumuram Bheem. Kaloji, Dasharathi, Ramji Gond and Thurrebaaj khan?
These are very few examples to show how we are/were duped.
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query Telangana. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query Telangana. Sort by date Show all posts
Tuesday, December 02, 2008
Friday, December 19, 2008
High Voltage Ambitions Power NTP
By Javid Hassan
As a shrewd politician who stays tuned, Nava Telangana Party (NTP) president T. Devender Goud is spearheading the Telangana movement energetically by whipping up regional sentiments on the ground of perceived injustices meted out to them both in political and economic fields.
An additional factor that is fuelling his high-voltage ambitions is the political paralysis that has apparently crept into the Congress-I leadership at the Centre when it comes to defining its stand on the issue. With all other parties having thrown their hats into the ring, the Congress may have to repent at leisure for not acting soon as part of its damage control exercise.
How is Goud, the man of the masses, reacting to the situation? A shrewd calculator that he is, he timed his call for a separate Telangana state on the Deccan plateau a day after Andhra Pradesh celebrated its 52nd anniversary on November 1 this year.
The move was also intended to mount pressure on the Congress leadership, which has been keeping its Telangana card close to its chest. However, UPA chairperson and Congress president Sonia Gandhi is believed to have assured the NTP leaders that the Telangana issue was very much up front and that the introduction of a Bill in this regard might be considered by the government as soon as Prime Minister Manmohan Singh returned from his foreign tour.
This assurance, similar to the past Congress pledges for the last four decades, turned out to be another damp squib. The Congress High Command could justify its inaction this time by citing the extraordinary security situation, which deteriorated sharply after the November 26 Mumbai terrorist attacks. Yet, the fact remains that by allowing its political rivals to gain the vantage ground in the fight for a separate Telangana state, the Congress could be writing its own obituary in Telangana.
Mrs. Sonia Gandhi, who interacted with an eight-member NTP delegation led by Goud in New Delhi on October 27, reassured him that she understood the “seriousness of the issue and sentiments of the people”. The delegation, which met various party leaders to mobilise support for the issue, also sought to utilize the occasion for seeking introduction and adoption of the Bill on Telangana before the Assembly/Lok Sabha elections.
NTP general secretary and a member of the delegation E.Peddy Reddy reminded her that though the Congress had included Telangana in the common minimum programme (CMP) of the UPA government in 2004, it went back on its promise to fulfill it. When the delegation told her that this political dithering on the part of the Congress could prove costly, Mrs. Gandhi quipped: “I know it”, according to Reddy.
But Goud is taking no chances as he galvanizes his party into action. The NTP has already unfurled its party flag that features a saffron map of Telangana against a light blue background. He also set free an Indian Roller, a tropical bluish brown bird of striking beauty, which the party has adopted as the Telangana state bird.
Goud, who once served as a minister in the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) till July this year before he launched the NTP, said he had to call for a separate state as the government was indifferent to their decades-old demand. When eventually it gets statehood, it will comprise ten districts, including Hyderabad, although the future status of this city is still a subject of speculation. Except the Congress, all the major and minor parties have committed their firm support to the movement.
To give it a further push, Goud announced that Telangana state stickers would be pasted in all the villages in the region as well as on four and two wheelers. He also undertook a padayatra (long march) from Pranahitha to Chevella, which received an enthusiastic reception from the people. Sensing the popular mood, the TDP also came on board by backing the cause of a separate Telangana state in the by-elections held in May 2008.
According to party sources, Goud’s magnetic pull on the people stems from several directions. A prominent backward class leader from Telangana, he also worked as a cabinet minister for BCs’ welfare, besides holding Welfare and Prohibition portfolios in the N.T. Rama Rao(former chief minister of Andhra Pradesh) cabinet. He also held Revenue and Home portfolios with a cabinet rank during the tenure of Chandrababu Naidu (former chief minister of Andhra Pradesh).
Besides his personal magnetism, what sustains the movement in favour of a separate state is his argument that the Telangana people have suffered enough at the hands of Andhra rulers in the matter of jobs, political representation, government service as well as unfair diversion of water from Krishna and Godavari rivers to non-Telangana regions at the expense of Telanganites.
The Indian National Congress, he points out, also sidelined the separate statehood demand in spite of giving assurances for a seat-sharing arrangement with Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS), which was launched mainly to fight for a Telangana state in the 2004 elections. Its political plank was indiscriminate sales of Telangana’s public lands to the people from Andhra, inadequate representation to the Telangana people in local jobs, including those at the administrative level. Devender Goud vowed to fight these injustices meted out to his people.
His critics, however, were quick to tar him with the same brush. They point out that “former Home Minister T Devender Goud is raising a lot of hue and cry over the loss of lands by poor farmers in the Outer Ring Road project. But everybody knows he is more worried about his own lands at Tukkuguda in Maheshwaram mandal, which are now worth hundreds of crores of rupees.”
That was the reason, according to his critics, “why Goud took Telugu Desam president N Chandrababu Naidu to Maheshwaram mandal to make it a big public issue. Though he spoke at length on the loss of properties by poor farmers, it was evident that he was referring to his lands. Realising that the media was telecasting his words, he immediately changed the tune saying it would not be proper for him to speak further as his lands were involved.” Against this murky political scene, the NTP is engaged in the game of musical chairs with a host of other players. Who will emerge as the victor at the end of the final round is a jigsaw puzzle.
As a shrewd politician who stays tuned, Nava Telangana Party (NTP) president T. Devender Goud is spearheading the Telangana movement energetically by whipping up regional sentiments on the ground of perceived injustices meted out to them both in political and economic fields.
An additional factor that is fuelling his high-voltage ambitions is the political paralysis that has apparently crept into the Congress-I leadership at the Centre when it comes to defining its stand on the issue. With all other parties having thrown their hats into the ring, the Congress may have to repent at leisure for not acting soon as part of its damage control exercise.
How is Goud, the man of the masses, reacting to the situation? A shrewd calculator that he is, he timed his call for a separate Telangana state on the Deccan plateau a day after Andhra Pradesh celebrated its 52nd anniversary on November 1 this year.
The move was also intended to mount pressure on the Congress leadership, which has been keeping its Telangana card close to its chest. However, UPA chairperson and Congress president Sonia Gandhi is believed to have assured the NTP leaders that the Telangana issue was very much up front and that the introduction of a Bill in this regard might be considered by the government as soon as Prime Minister Manmohan Singh returned from his foreign tour.
This assurance, similar to the past Congress pledges for the last four decades, turned out to be another damp squib. The Congress High Command could justify its inaction this time by citing the extraordinary security situation, which deteriorated sharply after the November 26 Mumbai terrorist attacks. Yet, the fact remains that by allowing its political rivals to gain the vantage ground in the fight for a separate Telangana state, the Congress could be writing its own obituary in Telangana.
Mrs. Sonia Gandhi, who interacted with an eight-member NTP delegation led by Goud in New Delhi on October 27, reassured him that she understood the “seriousness of the issue and sentiments of the people”. The delegation, which met various party leaders to mobilise support for the issue, also sought to utilize the occasion for seeking introduction and adoption of the Bill on Telangana before the Assembly/Lok Sabha elections.
NTP general secretary and a member of the delegation E.Peddy Reddy reminded her that though the Congress had included Telangana in the common minimum programme (CMP) of the UPA government in 2004, it went back on its promise to fulfill it. When the delegation told her that this political dithering on the part of the Congress could prove costly, Mrs. Gandhi quipped: “I know it”, according to Reddy.
But Goud is taking no chances as he galvanizes his party into action. The NTP has already unfurled its party flag that features a saffron map of Telangana against a light blue background. He also set free an Indian Roller, a tropical bluish brown bird of striking beauty, which the party has adopted as the Telangana state bird.
Goud, who once served as a minister in the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) till July this year before he launched the NTP, said he had to call for a separate state as the government was indifferent to their decades-old demand. When eventually it gets statehood, it will comprise ten districts, including Hyderabad, although the future status of this city is still a subject of speculation. Except the Congress, all the major and minor parties have committed their firm support to the movement.
To give it a further push, Goud announced that Telangana state stickers would be pasted in all the villages in the region as well as on four and two wheelers. He also undertook a padayatra (long march) from Pranahitha to Chevella, which received an enthusiastic reception from the people. Sensing the popular mood, the TDP also came on board by backing the cause of a separate Telangana state in the by-elections held in May 2008.
According to party sources, Goud’s magnetic pull on the people stems from several directions. A prominent backward class leader from Telangana, he also worked as a cabinet minister for BCs’ welfare, besides holding Welfare and Prohibition portfolios in the N.T. Rama Rao(former chief minister of Andhra Pradesh) cabinet. He also held Revenue and Home portfolios with a cabinet rank during the tenure of Chandrababu Naidu (former chief minister of Andhra Pradesh).
Besides his personal magnetism, what sustains the movement in favour of a separate state is his argument that the Telangana people have suffered enough at the hands of Andhra rulers in the matter of jobs, political representation, government service as well as unfair diversion of water from Krishna and Godavari rivers to non-Telangana regions at the expense of Telanganites.
The Indian National Congress, he points out, also sidelined the separate statehood demand in spite of giving assurances for a seat-sharing arrangement with Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS), which was launched mainly to fight for a Telangana state in the 2004 elections. Its political plank was indiscriminate sales of Telangana’s public lands to the people from Andhra, inadequate representation to the Telangana people in local jobs, including those at the administrative level. Devender Goud vowed to fight these injustices meted out to his people.
His critics, however, were quick to tar him with the same brush. They point out that “former Home Minister T Devender Goud is raising a lot of hue and cry over the loss of lands by poor farmers in the Outer Ring Road project. But everybody knows he is more worried about his own lands at Tukkuguda in Maheshwaram mandal, which are now worth hundreds of crores of rupees.”
That was the reason, according to his critics, “why Goud took Telugu Desam president N Chandrababu Naidu to Maheshwaram mandal to make it a big public issue. Though he spoke at length on the loss of properties by poor farmers, it was evident that he was referring to his lands. Realising that the media was telecasting his words, he immediately changed the tune saying it would not be proper for him to speak further as his lands were involved.” Against this murky political scene, the NTP is engaged in the game of musical chairs with a host of other players. Who will emerge as the victor at the end of the final round is a jigsaw puzzle.
Sunday, February 15, 2009
Telangana state: Cong’s consensus charade
By M H Ahssan
All the major political parties in Andhra Pradesh, except the Congress, have come out in favour of the formation of a separate Telangana state. Even within the Congress Party, most leaders including legislators, ministers in the state as well as at the Centre belonging to Telangana are in its favour.
The first States Reorganisation Commission (SRC), which recommended in 1956 the formation of a separate Hyderabad state consisting of Telangana, referred to consensus as the one reached among the Telangana people themselves. It is clear from its recommendation that after five years Telangana could be merged with Andhra only if two-thirds of the Telangana legislators opted for it. But consensus has now come to mean among everybody at the national and state level, except the people of Telangana!
The Committee headed by Pranab Mukherjee is supposed to be working towards building the consensus. But the Congress party’s own position on Telangana is not made clear. If it is ‘No,’ then this exercise in unnecessary; if ‘Yes,’ it would make the exercise positive and meaningful. Even if the Second SRC were to be constituted, as per the Congress Election Manifesto of 2004, the party could not have remained non-committal on the issue, as every party would have made its position clear to the SRC.
If the Congress supported statehood for Telangana, it would have introduced a Bill in Lok Sabha. If the Bill could not have been introduced due to a lack of consensus in the UPA, then the people would have understood the constraints. But the Congress party’s own position was never made clear in these five years.
The real explanation for the Congress not taking a stand is the ‘veto power’ being exercised by a few leaders in power in the state ever since the formation of Andhra Pradesh. This demonstrates how a few individuals can manipulate the levers of power in a large and heterogeneous state by dint of the resources and power at their command. Though they have been saying that they will abide by the decision of their high command on Telangana, one wonders whether the high command is in Delhi or Hyderabad!
Telangana is a national issue, not just a regional one. It actually reflects the ongoing social change in the country for the empowerment of people through decentralised governance, by broadening and deepening our democratic system. Such empowerment and governance would enable articulation of the real problems of the people. This would result in socially inclusive Telangana. Inclusiveness could not be achieved so far in a bigger state because the entrenched interests were perpetuated and the voice of the disadvant aged sections remained fragmented.
Tribals are the most disadvantaged section socially and economically with negligible political voice. They live in remote areas and are subjected to land alienation on a large scale. So far, hardly any initiative has been taken in Andhra Pradesh to restore their land despite strong recommendations made by a high level Committee constituted by the present government. There, the administration is alienated from the people and the areas became a breeding ground for extremist activities. Yet, this has been treated as a law and order problem and not as the socio-economic issue that it is.
Scheduled Tribes population constitutes around 9% in Telangana as against 5% in the rest of the state. Thus, as much as 60% of the ST population of AP is concentrated in Telangana.
Similarly, the population of Muslims is as high as 12.5% in Telangana when compared to 6.9% in the rest of AP. As many as 61% of Muslims of AP live in Telangana, of whom 60% are spread over in different districts other than Hyderabad. Socially and economically disadvantaged sections including SCs, STs and BCs constitute not less than 85% of the population in Telangana. They would all be better able to articulate their problems and politically assert themselves. A separate Telangana can thus strengthen the forces of social inclusion.
The Eleventh Plan document, lately approved by the National Development Council, gives the following telling figures showing that the recently created smaller states like Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Uttaranchal achieved growth rates in Gross State Domestic Product far exceeding the targets set for the 10th Plan period whereas the performance of their parent states, viz., Madhya Pradesh, Bihar and Uttar Pradesh was distinctly lower, falling considerably short of the targets. (See box)
This experience suggests that the growth potential of these backward areas remained suppressed for long, before their constitution into new states. Better governance may have also contributed to attracting outside investment as well as to better planning and utilisation of resources.
Governance at the grass roots can be improved by strengthening the Panchayati Raj institutions which have been deprived of their functions, finances and functionaries. It is indeed ironical that the Congress, which owes allegiance to Rajiv Gandhi, who visualised the 73rd and 74th Amendments to the Constitution, has not taken any initiative to revitalise these institutions. On the contrary, attempts have been made to undermine these institutions by floating several top-down schemes and parallel implementation structures even naming some schemes after Rajiv Gandhi! In a separate Telangana state, the empowerment of these local elected institutions would be high on the agenda because of the greater pressures these elected representatives can bring to bear on the new establishment.
All the major political parties in Andhra Pradesh, except the Congress, have come out in favour of the formation of a separate Telangana state. Even within the Congress Party, most leaders including legislators, ministers in the state as well as at the Centre belonging to Telangana are in its favour.
The first States Reorganisation Commission (SRC), which recommended in 1956 the formation of a separate Hyderabad state consisting of Telangana, referred to consensus as the one reached among the Telangana people themselves. It is clear from its recommendation that after five years Telangana could be merged with Andhra only if two-thirds of the Telangana legislators opted for it. But consensus has now come to mean among everybody at the national and state level, except the people of Telangana!
The Committee headed by Pranab Mukherjee is supposed to be working towards building the consensus. But the Congress party’s own position on Telangana is not made clear. If it is ‘No,’ then this exercise in unnecessary; if ‘Yes,’ it would make the exercise positive and meaningful. Even if the Second SRC were to be constituted, as per the Congress Election Manifesto of 2004, the party could not have remained non-committal on the issue, as every party would have made its position clear to the SRC.
If the Congress supported statehood for Telangana, it would have introduced a Bill in Lok Sabha. If the Bill could not have been introduced due to a lack of consensus in the UPA, then the people would have understood the constraints. But the Congress party’s own position was never made clear in these five years.
The real explanation for the Congress not taking a stand is the ‘veto power’ being exercised by a few leaders in power in the state ever since the formation of Andhra Pradesh. This demonstrates how a few individuals can manipulate the levers of power in a large and heterogeneous state by dint of the resources and power at their command. Though they have been saying that they will abide by the decision of their high command on Telangana, one wonders whether the high command is in Delhi or Hyderabad!
Telangana is a national issue, not just a regional one. It actually reflects the ongoing social change in the country for the empowerment of people through decentralised governance, by broadening and deepening our democratic system. Such empowerment and governance would enable articulation of the real problems of the people. This would result in socially inclusive Telangana. Inclusiveness could not be achieved so far in a bigger state because the entrenched interests were perpetuated and the voice of the disadvant aged sections remained fragmented.
Tribals are the most disadvantaged section socially and economically with negligible political voice. They live in remote areas and are subjected to land alienation on a large scale. So far, hardly any initiative has been taken in Andhra Pradesh to restore their land despite strong recommendations made by a high level Committee constituted by the present government. There, the administration is alienated from the people and the areas became a breeding ground for extremist activities. Yet, this has been treated as a law and order problem and not as the socio-economic issue that it is.
Scheduled Tribes population constitutes around 9% in Telangana as against 5% in the rest of the state. Thus, as much as 60% of the ST population of AP is concentrated in Telangana.
Similarly, the population of Muslims is as high as 12.5% in Telangana when compared to 6.9% in the rest of AP. As many as 61% of Muslims of AP live in Telangana, of whom 60% are spread over in different districts other than Hyderabad. Socially and economically disadvantaged sections including SCs, STs and BCs constitute not less than 85% of the population in Telangana. They would all be better able to articulate their problems and politically assert themselves. A separate Telangana can thus strengthen the forces of social inclusion.
The Eleventh Plan document, lately approved by the National Development Council, gives the following telling figures showing that the recently created smaller states like Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Uttaranchal achieved growth rates in Gross State Domestic Product far exceeding the targets set for the 10th Plan period whereas the performance of their parent states, viz., Madhya Pradesh, Bihar and Uttar Pradesh was distinctly lower, falling considerably short of the targets. (See box)
This experience suggests that the growth potential of these backward areas remained suppressed for long, before their constitution into new states. Better governance may have also contributed to attracting outside investment as well as to better planning and utilisation of resources.
Governance at the grass roots can be improved by strengthening the Panchayati Raj institutions which have been deprived of their functions, finances and functionaries. It is indeed ironical that the Congress, which owes allegiance to Rajiv Gandhi, who visualised the 73rd and 74th Amendments to the Constitution, has not taken any initiative to revitalise these institutions. On the contrary, attempts have been made to undermine these institutions by floating several top-down schemes and parallel implementation structures even naming some schemes after Rajiv Gandhi! In a separate Telangana state, the empowerment of these local elected institutions would be high on the agenda because of the greater pressures these elected representatives can bring to bear on the new establishment.
Friday, August 09, 2013
Anti-Telangana 'Fighting Fire' In 'Seemandhra Pradesh'
The Congress plans to offer a special package to quell the rebellion over the Telangana decision. But will that be enough? It was obvious to the Congress high command that granting statehood to Telangana was fraught with perils. As people vented their anger in Seemandhra (the residual part of Andhra Pradesh comprising coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema) by calling for bandhs and torching statues of Rajiv Gandhi and Indira Gandhi, nervous party leaders are hoping the frenzy will die down soon.
Thursday, September 05, 2013
Pro-Telangana Groups Call For Strike On September 7
Alleging that Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Kiran Kumar Reddy has adopted an anti-Telangana approach, pro-Telangana groups today called for a general strike in the region on September 7, the same day a rally of anti-bifurcation government employees is scheduled.
The 24-hour bandh will begin this Friday mid-night, Telangana Joint Action Committee (JAC) chairman M Kodandaram told reporters here. The bandh call came following the city police giving conditional permission to the pro-united AP state government employees to organise a public meeting here on Saturday.
Sunday, March 10, 2013
TRS Into NDA Fold, Supports Modi Campaign
Party sources said the TRS has no option but to join the NDA in view of the lack of commitment on the part of the Congress to the separate state demand. However, the TRS will join the NDA only if it gets a major say in the Telangana region besides the lion’s share of seats in the 2014 elections. “The TRS is not averse to joining hands with any force including NDA in the interest of Telangana. The Congress has ditched us time and again, and it will be foolish to trust them. And as an alternative, one can look for a platform at the national level, including the NDA. However, we are particular about the TRS remaining the leading force in Telangana. As far as an electoral understanding is concerned, a final decision will be taken in the due course,” Sircilla MLA K Taraka Rama Rao told INN.
Sources said the Gujarat chief minister has already confirmed his visit to Hyderabad and the Telangana region. “Modi’s visit is most likely to happen in the last week of March or the first week of April. And he will address one public meeting most likely in Hyderabad and tour the Telangana region,” said the BJP sources.
While KTR did not want to comment on Narendra Modi’s tour, sources in the TRS said KCR is likely to share the dais with the Gujarat chief minister and they will address a rally in any selected town in Telangana. “We have invited Narendra Modi to tour the Telangana region as he is the best person to convey to the people that a separate state is a certainty if the NDA comes to power,” said BJP state president G Kishan Reddy. BJP plans Telangana ‘Poru Yatra’ after Modi’s visit.
The game plan of the NDA is to convey the message to the Telangana people that a national party like BJP and a regional party that has been spearheading the separate state movement for the last decade and half could realize the aspirations of the people of the region. “With the combination of Modi and KCR, the NDA should put up a good performance in the region,” said the sources.
Independent MLA Nagam Janardana Reddy too indicated that he would join the NDA. Nagam heads the Telangana Nagara Samithi. “It is time all pro-Telangana forces got consolidated under the NDA umbrella,” he said.
Following Modi’s visit, the local leaders will launch a ‘Poru Yatra’ led by Kishan Reddy in Telangana. And the pro-Telangana forces including the TRS, Telangana Political Joint Action Committee (TJAC), and Telangana Nagara Samithi (TNS) of Nagam are expected to support the ‘Yatra.’
“We are confident that Modi would be made the prime ministerial candidate shortly, and we are waiting for the announcement. Telangana movement would get a fillip once the leader of Modi’s stature champions the cause,” said Kishan Reddy.
Thursday, October 03, 2013
Exclusive: Why Is Hyderabad Important For People Of AP?
INN Live delves into the mind of a historian, A Journalist and a well-known personality of Hyderabad, Zaheeruddin Ali Khan, Managing Editor of Siasat, a vernacular urdu daily nwspaper, talks about why Hyderabad remains the most important factor in the bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh and the creation of the separate state of Telangana.
The cabinet has approved the creation of the state of Telangana, with Hyderabad as the joint capital. Can you talk about the significance of Hyderabad to this region?
The Andhra, Rayalaseema area closest to Hyderabad is 22o km away. For the last 400 years, Hyderabad has been the capital of Telangana or Hyderabad state.
Monday, February 11, 2013
Telangana Turmoil: 'Keep The Pot Boiling'
“A conspiracy is nothing but a secret agreement of a number of men for the pursuance of policies which they dare not admit in public”
If conspiracies, power games, deceptions and unexpected twists and turns characterize a racy thriller, the ongoing developments on Telangana in the public school of politics in AP are a “perfect political pot-boiler”.
On the face of it, Ghulam Nabi Azad’s “ugly joke” on the “timeline of one month” set by the Union Home Minister to spell out UPA Government’s stand on Telangana issue was a foregone conclusion backed as he was by the Queen Sonia and the newly crowned Prince Rahul, the ultimate Bosses of the Congress party. But behind the scenes it was a cloak-and-dagger game of deception and conspiracy of the highest order in which a sideshow (the whole tamasha of conducting All Party Meeting, subsequent deadline set by the Sushil Kumar Shinde and hectic lobbying by Congress leaders of both the regions) hogged the headlines while the real deal reached with KCR during his October sojourn in New Delhi , and assignment of roles to the separatists and integrationists among the Congress ranks was hidden from public view.
From the day it was decided to hold an All Party Meeting on Telangana, a perception was created between the Telangana votaries and advocates of united state that the Congress would, for all practical reasons, find an answer to end the vexed issue of Telangana. This perception was so strong that even hardcore Telangana votaries like Kodandaram who always is skeptical about Congress moves and his brotherhood in TJAC and even T-Congress leaders mistook it for reality and considered it a done deal.In their elation they seemed to have forgotten one basic truth: that much like crime syndicates, closed social organizations and political parties, too, thrive on conspiracies.
Away from the public glare, the seeds of the conspiracy were sown in a piffling (piffling, because no one hardly evinced at it with interest) event in New Delhi in the middle of October 2012: The supposed secret confabulations of Congress high-command with KCR, the champion protagonist of Telangana movement. Whatever was transpired in the supposed secret parleys, KCR gave an impression to project them to substantiate his the then “signal theory”. Little did KCR and his intellectual support base realize then that he had unwittingly or wittingly helped the Congress script the first chapter of the 10-Janpath coup that would subsequently lead to present political scenario on Telangana issue? For, KCR owed his political relevance to the very conspiracies of the Congress high-command on Telangana in the past and at present.
The relationship between KCR and the Congress is matter of intense of debate within the Telangana politics and it was perceived that Congress high-command would want to allow KCR a space to control the politics of Telangana movement. KCR had a similar role at the national level by virtue of being the interface between the Telangana votaries and the Congress in maintaining a “blow hot and blow cold” situation to run the show called “Telangana movement” as per expediency of the Congress high-command.
There are certain maxims which are applicable equally to the underworld and politics. One such maxim is that “my enemy’s enemy is a friend”. KCR had played a critical role of “enemy’s enemy” in marginalizing both the TDP and now emerging political force in the form of YSRCP in Telangana region. He virtually played “cat’s paw” for the Congress in reining both TDP and YSRCP, to a greater extent in Telangana.
And it was time for KCR to don a new role for which the Congress prepared a perfect plot in the form of Azad’s ugly joke on the timeline set by the Union Home Minister and subsequent political scenario of intensity of hatred between the Congress leaders of both the regions.
Whether it was part of the October deal, a scenario has now been created, in which KCR is forced or rather directed to invite all Telangana Congress leaders to join TRS and to say that the onus is on him to get them re-elected in 2014 elections. A scenario was scripted through utterances of Azad, the Congress is not inclined to concede Telangana as of now, to force Telangana Congress leaders to rebel against the high-command and seek refuge with KCR to consolidate their political future. Given the intense huddles and deliberations among Telangana congress leaders, the pins are now falling perfectly in the grooves and the actors enacting their roles, as scripted by 10-Janpath.
To the above cauldron was added the sudden coming together of integrationists among Congress ranks on the platform of Undavalli Arun’s “ Jai Andhra Pradesh” meeting at Rajahmundry which would not have been possible but for the conspiracy of 10-Janpath. Coming just two days after Azad’s ugly utterance, this was just the stroke of reason that the Telangana Congress men were looking for. This was a deliberate ploy by the 10-Janpath to create further divisions between the Integrationists and separatists.
Given the leading questions of both Vylar Ravi and Azad thrown at both Seemanadhra and Telangana Congress leaders about their likely performance in the 2014 elections, one is drawn to surmise that the Congress high-command is fretful about its prospects in the 2014 elections and not about the people of the state.
Hence, the conspiracy to create a level playing space to both the integrationists and separatists to face the people with their respective slogans of united and separate states.
But the position of the high-command has always towered over these factions and feuds. It is a practice for the high-command to tacitly encourage in a fight as Political polarization on regional lines would benefit it for various reasons – from finding allies like KCR and even YSRCP in the other region. This was evident at Undavlli’s Jai Andhra Pradesh meet, wherein, the Congress leaders lashed at TDP for seeking to divide the state and not uttered a word about YSRCP though the party said that it was respecting the “sentiment” of the people in the region and wanted the Centre to take an early decision.
And that has a sinister foreboding for the Congress where leaders divided on regional lines are fascinated by the motto of Mario Puzo’s Godfather: Revenge is a dish best served cold.
Will Congress succeed in its sinister game plan? Aren’t politics turning into perfect political pot-boilers in AP?
Hitchcock must be regretting in his grave for having missed to conceive such a grand plot during his life time.
Thursday, January 17, 2013
Telangana Referendum On Hyderabad: KCR
In a debate conducted under the banner of ‘Top Story’ by a television channel, which prolonged much beyond its scheduled time of conclusion, KCR spoke elaborately and coolly dwelling at length on several issues.
Though united Andhra activist Adari Kishore, who joined the dialogue from Visakhapatnam, none of the participants countered KCR’s arguments very effectively. Jandhyala Ravi Shankar, legal cell convener of the Congress, tried to put up some opposition, but KCR dominated the show owing to his stature and oratorical and conversational skill.
He has the gift of the gab to keep his opponents hear hims in rapt attention to what he says.
When every other channel was seeking to know why KCR was maintaining a stoic silence when the activity on Telangana reached a feverish pitch, the TRS boss came on a phone line and spoke to a TV channel at length. He even offered to participate in a 10-hour or 12-hour-long debate with leaders opposing Telangana.
Breaking his flow of eloquence, a call from Congress MLA from Anaparthi Assembly constituency in East Godavari district apparently caught KCR like sitting duck. At least, it appears so in hindsight, though KCR sounded very convincing instantly during the debate.
Sesha Reddy, who won over KCR instantly by politely addressing the senior politico as ‘Anna’ (elder brother), was indeed successful in ensnaring KCR in a trap.
Reddy said that the way a majority of people of Telangana were strongly desirous of the formation of a separate State, a large number of residents of Hyderabad did not want to be part of a separate Telangana. Responding to this, KCR said he was ready for the conduct of a referendum on this issue among the residents of Hyderabad.
He countered the argument of Sesha Reddy that Majlis-e-Ittehaadul Muslimeen was against Hyderabad becoming part of a separate Telangana and said: “MIM chief Asaduddin Owaisi offered three options — 1. His party wants the State to stay as it is and it is opposed to separation, 2. Separation of the State of Telangana with Hyderabad as its headquarters.” After reiterating the second point twice, KCR made amends and added that the MIM wanted a Rayala-Telangana with Hyderabad as its headquarters. KCR suggested that the last point was the second option given by the MIM.
It is at this juncture, the champion of Telangana said that he was ready for a referendum to elicit the majority opinion of the residents of Hyderabad. Whether KCR was aware that the scales would tilt in favour his viewpoint or would go against it is not known. But what’s intriguing is what was that with what confidence did he fly off the handle to blurt of this offer, which will likely trigger a major debate in the State, beginning Friday.
His diaphanous offer exposed too many angles for the observers to deduce their own conclusions.
With 27 Assembly constituencies in the Greater Hyderabad Municipal Corporation agglomeration area and the adjoining constituencies and the latest demand by T Jayaprakash Reddy to have Sangareddy also merged with separate State of Hyderabad in keeping with the demand of City ministers Danam Nagender and Mukesh Goud, the issue of referendum, which is surreptitiously kick-started by KCR,would surely provide the necessary breather to the Congress and the TDP from the most unexpected quarter – KCR.
The political gristmills will begin churning once again. The protagonists and opponents will have ample time to cross words. Has he inadvertently provided fodder for the Congress, which is desperately waiting for an opportunity to procrastinate the issue, to bide time on the pretext of fixing the terms of reference for the plebiscite on Hyderabad?
Making a complete ‘U’ turn and becoming wary of the consequences in the event of any provocative or hate speech in the ight of recent happenings (read Akbaruddin’s issue), KCR fervently and repeatedly appealed to Andhra “intellectuals, students and learned politicians” to gracefully let the separation of Telangana happen sans any hurdles.
“We have to live together. Geographically, we will be neighbours. We have been united emotionally as two States and we can continue the same relation. In fact, there was Telangana before it was merged with Andhra in 1956. Even before the formation of Andhra in 1953, Telangana state existed,” he said.
However, he apparently did not go into the finer detail that it was Hyderabad State that existed and that parts like Bellary, Gulbarga, Bidar and a few other districts of Karnataka were either with Andhra or Hyderabad as the case might be, for want of time and precision.
Adari Kishore, who participated in the debate, said people of Andhra would not mind if KCR became the Chief Minister of a united Andhra Pradesh and drew up plans to mete out justice to all regions.
However, the pivot of Telangana struggle conceded that even if he were made the Chief Minister of a united Andhra Pradesh, he would not be in a position to do justice to the people of Telangana. He spoke at length about:
1. The “injustice” done to the Telangana region since Neelam Sanjeeva Reddy’s period as the Chief Minister
2. The violation of ‘gentleman’s agreement’, the Centre nullifying the verdict of the Constitutional Bench of the Supreme Court through an amendment in the wake of Jai Andhra movement
3. Proposed resignation of Seemaandhra ministers and the retaliatory resignations by Telangana ministers
4. On sharing of river waters, availability of water that’s going waste into the sea, his opposition to Polavaram as it would not do any justice to Andhra region also
5. The 610 GO, repatriation of 20,000-odd Andhra employees,who were recruited ignoring the Mulki, by Kasu Brahmananda Reddy and 60,000-odd employees by NTR — who both were leaders of Andhra region
6. The harassment of Telangana and Andhra engineers by Rayalaseema people in the wake of building NTR’s pet project — Telugu Ganga
7. Long history and glory of Hyderabad being the second biggest and well-developed City even before the country became independent and how it was relegated to fifth position eventually, especially after the formation of Andhra Pradesh.
KCR derided the idea of conferring the status of Union Territory on Hyderabad. Acknowledging the contribution of Andhra leaders too for the growth of Telangana, he said: “I am not denying the contribution of Andhra leaders in Telangana.” But he wanted the leaders to cooperate as things came to that pass. However, he could not conceal his diffidence when he said: “It is said that the Centre would give Telangana. Let us see what happens.” This is an un-KCR-like statement, for he usually asserts anything.
Thursday, August 01, 2013
Exclusive: 'Jai Telangana': At Last The 'Slogan' Comes Alive
A new state is set to emerge amid sighs of relief in some places and chewing of nails in others. The Centre’s decision to carve a separate Telangana state out of Andhra Pradesh—with the new state composed of the 10 inland districts that were added to Andhra in 1956 as part of its reorganisation—has seen celebrations in these parts, as expected. It has also come as a relief to millions across Rayalseema and Coastal Andhra, where tensions were rife on recent reports that the new state would include two Rayalseema districts and thus be called Rayal-Telangana.
Wednesday, January 22, 2014
Andhra Pradesh Political Scenario: Congress Will Be Routed, YSRCP, TDP, TRS May Get Advantage: Survey
Andhra Pradesh has been a divided state ever since the decision of bifurcating it to create Telangana was announced. Even the voting pattern in Lok Sabha elections is likely to reveal that Telangana and Seemandhra regions will go in different directions.
The YSR Congress Party of YS Jagan Mohan Reddy is expected to win 11-19 seats, Telugu Desam Party (TDP) 9-15, Congress 5-9, Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) 4-8 and other parties are likely to get 0-4 seats, according to the projections provided by Chennai Mathematical Institute's Director Professor Rajeeva Karandikar.
But Andhra, which sends 42 MPs to the Lok Sabha, also shows a great deal of regional variations with the ruling Congress leading in Telangana and the YSR Congress Party way ahead in Seemandhra.
Thursday, December 05, 2013
Rejigging Telangana: The Plus Or Minus Of Creating State
The roller-coaster ride to Telangana has now taken a sudden turn, with the Centre planning a new avatar, Rayala-Telangana, just before proposing the Telangana bill in Parliament’s winter session, beginning on Thursday.
The union cabinet will meet on Thursday and is likely to take a final call on the proposal by the group of ministers on the state’s bifurcation. The report suggested adding two Rayala districts, Kurnool and Anantapur, to Telangana’s 10.
Friday, March 13, 2015
Classroom Politics: The ‘Textbooks War’ Between Telangana And Andhra Is Likely To Disappoint Many!
The serial jousts between coastal Andhra and Telangana have always been presented by the media as being akin to the Partition of India and Pakistan, bringing to mind images of visceral massacres and long lines of migrants across borders. Inappropriate metaphors are easy to reach for.
Tuesday, October 08, 2013
MPs Own Interests Are Thriving On Telangana Turmoil
Ostensibly, the politicians agitating for a united Andhra Pradesh are battling for their people’s right to a fair share of resources. In reality, unknown to the people rallying behind their leaders’ call for strikes, blockages and picketing, senior leaders are actually battling to save their respective business interests in Telangana, in the garb of a ‘people’s protest’ for a united Andhra Pradesh.
Friday, November 01, 2013
'Happy Birthday Andhra Pradesh': A Sad Day Of Formation And Likely Bifurcation Makes People To 'Think Twice'!
By M H Ahssan / INN Live
'Happy Birthday Andhra Pradesh' has a sad tinge to it today. For this November 1 could well be the last Andhra Pradesh Formation Day that the state is celebrating in its present form. If the Congress has its way, by December, the state would be cut into two to create a new state of Telangana with ten districts while the remaining 13 districts would continue to call themselves Andhra Pradesh.
Wednesday, December 04, 2013
TRS Rejects 'Royal Telangana', On Agitation, Calls Bandh
The brief honeymoon that took place between the Congress and the Telangana Rashtra Samiti is now over. K Chandrasekhar Rao (KCR) of the TRS has reverted to what his critics believe is his favourite pastime - declaring 'Telangana Bandh'. Yes, the region will be closed on Thursday, the day the Union cabinet will, according to KCR's sources, decide to carve out a separate state of Rayala Telangana.
"Our young boys did not commit suicide for Rayala Telangana. Who asked for it? We did not," said an indignant KCR. On the face of it, a logical argument. Give us only what we asked for, goes the reasonable-sounding plea. Nothing more, nothing less.
Monday, November 04, 2013
'No Place For Seemandhra Employees In Telangana': TRS
In a sign that can bode no good to anyone in the already troubled Andhra Pradesh, Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) chief K Chandrasekhar Rao categorically stated that employees from Seemandhra would have to vacate posts held in the Telangana region once the new state is created.
According to information, a letter from Rao to the Group of Ministers (GoM) which was constituted to look into the grievances of all parties before the state was officially formed, had said that Seemandhra employees were ‘illegally’ recruited into government jobs, and needed to be removed.
Monday, July 08, 2013
What Is Congress High Command Doing On 'Telangana'?
The fast-track political developments in Hyderabad and Delhi since last week on the protracted Telangana statehood issue once again focus attention on what is the Congress high command up to? Is the Telangana state round the corner? Or is the state going to be trifurcated? Will it be Rayala Telangana, Greater Rayalaseema and a truncated Coastal Andhra? While the Congress high command has succeeded in revving up the morale of party leaders from Telangana, it has caused confusion among its own rank and file in Rayalaseema and Coastal Andhra with its promise that a decision on the long-awaited issue is round the corner.
Thursday, December 27, 2012
Will the Hyderabad-Karnataka solution work for Telangana?
A bit of history first. The districts of Yadgir, Gulbarga, Raichur, Bidar, Koppal and Bellary were once part of the Nizam kingdom. Now known within Karnataka as the Hyderabad-Karnataka region, this arid region is the more backward part of Karnataka. The Lok Sabha unanimously passed the 118th Amendment Bill last week granting special status and recognition to these six districts. The government can now establish a separate development board and also provide reservation in Karnataka government jobs and educational institutions.
While it is true that unlike Telangana, there is really no movement demanding statehood for this part of Karnataka, the Centre through this Bill wants to demonstrate that it is more inclined to recognise regional disparities within a state and find a solution through such development boards. It has already experimented in the past with a similar move in Gorkhaland in West Bengal.
Telangana has, however, seen development councils before. And the experience has been nothing to write home about. People of the region look at them purely as throwing a few crumbs like creating job opportunities by setting up PSUs and the feeling by and large is that only the politicians gain by grabbing positions on such boards. The proposal, if made formally, will be rejected outright by the political parties spearheading the movement.
But from the Centre’s point of view, if such a move is made on Telangana, it is likely to receive no opposition from coastal Andhra side though it would only be fair that Rayalaseema — which in many senses is more backward than Telangana — should also get a regional developmental board. A development board with huge funds coupled with a second State Reorganisation committee could be the combo that the Centre could sell to Telangana.
The argument that is being built up in favour of a development board for Telangana on the lines of Hyderabad-Karnataka is that the Centre cannot have a dual policy on creation of new states. If development boards with an economic package and reservations are the way to deal with backwardness in some parts, the government cannot solve a similar problem across the border by creating a state.
The fear also is that creation of Telangana could incite a similar movement in the Hyderabad-Karnataka region, besides of course, re-igniting statehood fires in Vidarbha and Bodoland.
But beyond these academic considerations also are serious political calculations. BJP’s victory in Gujarat has given the party a boost and it now fancies its chances in Telangana, especially if Narendra Modi campaigns aggressively in the region. The Congress strategists are loathe to concede anything that may benefit the BJP politically.
Moreover, it is too late in the day for the Congress to gain politically even if it grants Telangana as it would be seen as a reluctant move, given under duress.
However, before firming up its mind on its stand on Telangana, the Congress will need to look within. Minus statehood, one-third of its MPs from Telangana could be TRS-bound, a few others for YSR Congress. There are many others who would prefer to float a Telangana front and contest under a common umbrella, since they are uncomfortable with the leadership style of both KCR and Jagan. They hope that with seat adjustments with the TRS and the BJP, a Front will help them guard their own personal political future.
Another concern for the Telangana Congress leaders is whether the 28 December meeting, which its MPs pushed its leadership to hold, will take place at all. Given the precarious law and order situation in Delhi over the rape incident, Home minister Sushil Kumar Shinde is busy firefighting and may be mentally and physically in a state of fatigue to douse the Telangana fire.
Tuesday, March 04, 2014
Focus: TRS Chief KCR, Man With The Muscle In Telangana
Kalvakuntla Chandrasekhara Rao, 60, and his Telangana Rashtra Samiti see themselves dictating what happens in Telangana politics from now on — with or without the Congress. It is from that perceived position that the TRS has ruled out a merger with the Congress, a decision that, in turn, is set to prevent a pre-poll alliance too.
It is a turnaround since 2009, when the TRS could manage only two assembly seats and 10 in the Lok Sabha, Now 23 strong in the assembly following a series of resignations and byelections, its stock high because of the new state, the party is looking at winning over 100 of the 119 assembly seats in Telangana, and 15 or 16 of the 17 Lok Sabha seats, KCR said after a party meeting ruling out a merger.
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