By Shivani Chaudhry
It is now over four years since the tsunami wreaked its havoc. For most people in India, the tsunami is a closed chapter. The national media no longer considers it important to talk about rehabilitation or the status of the tsunami survivors. After all, a four-year-old story is not 'breaking news', is it?
No news is good news, one assumes. Not in this case. Nothing can justify the current mess, nothing can pardon the government's egregious lapses, nothing can condone the fact that survivors are still living in tin sheds, unsuitable for cattle habitation, in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands.
On the one hand, is the sheer neglect and failure of the state to provide adequate rehabilitation and its direct role in abetting human rights violations of survivors. On the other, is a more planned political agenda of using the post-tsunami climate to maximize gains at the expense of the survivors - the rise of what Naomi Klein has termed "disaster capitalism".
While survivors languish in tin shelters, sub-standard houses fall apart and coastal communities are being denied their customary rights and forced to relocate to distant sites, the government has refused to fund 'in-situ' housing reconstruction. Even the Coastal Regulation Zone Notification 1991 faces threat of being replaced with the anti-people Coastal Management Zone Notification 2008. While multilateral development banks raise their post-disaster portfolios, funds are diverted towards infrastructure and other development, and houses being built for tsunami survivors shrink to a paltry 180 sq. ft. The 'public-private partnership' for profit maximization under the cloak of rehabilitation is slowly becoming evident.
Although the state claims to have developed a comprehensive rehabilitation package, Dalits and Irulas in Tamil Nadu find themselves being left out and women-headed households are being denied housing. Today, almost 95 per cent of the tsunami-hit in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands await permanent housing. The Supreme Court interim order calls for consultation with affected communities, but housing plans in the Islands fail to incorporate basic community needs and cultural preferences. While funds in India for tsunami rehabilitation amounted to a whopping Rs 1,19,070 million, the Public Accounts Committee and the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) have highlighted diversion of funds and irregularities in spending.
The issue of the continued violation of human rights of tsunami survivors prompted several organizations and movements to hold a National Peoples' Tribunal on Post-tsunami Rehabilitation: Housing, Land, Resources and Livelihoods in Chennai on December 18 and 19 last year. Survivors from Andaman and Nicobar Islands, Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh and Kerala came together to draw attention to their prolonged suffering and raise a collective voice against the government's failed rehabilitation. The Tribunal's jury, headed by former judge of Mumbai High Court, Justice Suresh, strongly condemned the government for its failure to meet its moral and legal responsibility. It also cited the absence of monitoring mechanisms and non-compliance with judicial orders which has resulted in not just debilitating delays but in grave violations of human rights to adequate housing, land, work, food, health, education, and security.
Disasters impact different communities disproportionately, and women always face the worse. In the case of the tsunami, too, their livelihood concerns have not been adequately addressed and they are not considered eligible for alternative housing. The aftermath of the tsunami has also deepened the feminization of poverty.
During the tribunal, Indravalli from Keechankuppam in Nagapattinam district, testified that she lost her husband in the tsunami, and now her livelihood was at stake. "Shifting us away from the sea and denying us access to the coast is like taking away our life. Our fishing activities are greatly affected," she said. Swapna Sundari from Nochi Nagar, Chennai, talked about the plight of Dalit communities, lamenting that "even four years after the disaster, relief is still a dream for us." Kalyani, an Irula tribal from near Mamallapuram, brought to light the fact that 13 Irula villages did not have electricity, sanitation, roads or drinking water. Several petitions were submitted to the government but no response was received.
Despite the fact that over 100,000 homes were destroyed or damaged in the tsunami, a comprehensive post-disaster national housing policy does not exist. Moreover, there has been no attempt to consult affected communities or to monitor housing. This has resulted in faulty designs and poor construction, with houses already showing signs of disrepair. Several housing sites are situated in low-lying flood-prone areas. Furthermore, families have not been given security of tenure over permanent housing. In Nagapattinam, people were given a conditional order stating that their houses could be taken by the government for a "public purpose" without any compensation.
In Andaman and Nicobar Islands, of the planned 9,565 permanent shelters only 250 have been allotted. The situation is horrifying as families have been living in minuscule sheds for over four years, and have to cope with overcrowding, leakages, excessive heat and humidity.
The absence of basic services in most resettlement sites has contributed to grossly inadequate living conditions. In Wandoor temporary shelter in Port Blair, the capital of Andaman and Nicobar, people lived without electricity and water for a year. The distance of resettlement sites from schools and hospitals has caused dropout rate of children to rise and has adversely affected the health of residents. Instances of women giving birth in autorickshaws have been reported, as they were not able to reach hospital in time, have been reported.
Listening to the problems of the survivors, the great damage being done in the name of rehabilitation becomes obvious. The Tribunal's jury called upon the central and concerned state governments to adequately restore livelihoods; halt evictions of coastal communities; implement the SC interim orders and CAG recommendations related to the tsunami; urgently provide basic facilities in all resettlement sites; develop a comprehensive post-disaster policy, based on international human rights standards; and develop effective accountability, monitoring and grievance redressal mechanisms.
K.N. Mahalingam from Hut Bay, Andaman, had travelled all the way to Chennai for the Peoples' Tribunal. He wanted a chance to have his story heard, with the hope that it would make the authorities act. He wanted permanent housing, developed with people's participation. Tragically, he passed away the day after the tribunal ended.
Mahalingam died waiting for a house. Let that not happen to anyone else. Rehabilitation is not merely about compensation but about fulfilling the right to live with dignity and peace. Rehabilitation is a human right.
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Saturday, May 02, 2009
Monday, March 16, 2009
Exclusive: Spot The Indian!
There is a big, wide, glossy world out there benchpressing our idea of what it means to appear Indian. The writer maps its elaborate rulebook
In Delhi, Anu Thomas, a mother of three children, was horrified when her five-year-old daughter, Meenal, came home from school one day and asked her, “When I grow up, will I have to be a maid?” Meenal’s largely upmarket north Indian classmates had told her that day that someone who was her colour must be a streetchild and would grow up to work in someone’s house. Thomas knew that there was no one in these children’s lives who was dark, who was Meenal’s colour and held a position of power. Neither were there figures in popular culture that her curly-haired daughter resembled or could look up to. If you imagined a globalising India would bring Meenal a greater range of rolemodels, you are wrong. Globalisation has only amplified many of the old biases in India, such as the one that values fair skin. It has also created an army of clones.
In our electronic cocoons, increasingly, we each seek and understand reality through the media and not through our windows. Under these conditions, if all our exposure is to People Like Us, our ability to accept difference shrinks, our discomfort with those even marginally different from us increases. As it stands, in our world, those who can join the army of clones feel smug. Those who cannot, feel anxious.
This was easy enough to see in January in a Lucknow mall. While other stores in the mall stand near-deserted, in one clothing store the racks are teetering with the press of journalists, their skins grey from late nights and poor nutrition. In the centre of this mob are a dozen beautiful, young Amazons — the girls shortlisted for the Lucknow round of Miss India 2009. They are all dressed in white t-shirts and jeans. Only a couple are from Lucknow, the others are from nearby Meerut and Kanpur. Shard-sharp laughter and strangely automaton lines in careful English and rattling Hindi can be heard: “I want to rock the world! I am a perfect package of beauty and brains.” A journalist asks a stunningly pretty girl what her weaknesses are. She responds with a gesture sweeping up and down her body, “Look at me, can you see any flaws?” It is a remarkable, peacock display of confidence.
The beauty contest is a rare occasion when these girls are allowed, encouraged even, to talk about their bodies to (often hostile) strangers. While they wait for their interviews, their sidelong glances assess each other as competitors in a corporate deal might, with smiles and sharp pleasantries. A couple of hours later, the contest is over. Three girls are picked out of the dozen for the next level of the competition.
One of them is a 19-year-old from Lucknow. Manisha (name changed) is one of the tallest in the group, easily the fairest, her lipstick scarlet on her white face. She bears a striking resemblance to Kareena Kapoor. Later, in her mother’s perfectly appointed living room — replete with Jamini Roy prints, — she tells us it is this resemblance that people constantly remarked on which started her on the idea of beauty contests. She shows us pictures of herself, a few years younger and a bit rounder.
Manisha’s mother is a surprise. A senior civil servant, she urges us, “Write in your magazine that girls should think of things other than looks. They should think of their careers, of developing their minds.” While the affection between mother and daughter seems genuine and deep, Manisha comes off looking bad in comparison to her articulate, intelligent mother. Manisha, that evening, understandably could think of nothing except her first beauty contest. But she also seemed genuinely unable to stop thinking that her skin colour had conferred a special destiny upon her, that she was made for greater things. The opposite of what Meenal felt.
Beauty queens are encouraged to think of themselves as role models so it was easy to ask Manisha what she would do when she was one. What would she advise people who were short or dark? Very seriously she replied, “Not everyone can be beautiful but they should try.” Manisha clearly equated short and dark with ugliness. We waited to see if she will qualify this line of thought. She didn’t.
Watching Manisha and her fellow contestants one would imagine this is a nation of identically tall, pale women with pin-straight hair. All but one had been startlingly fair. The lone exception, a girl a half-shade darker, had been visibly unhappy, no journalist kneeling at her feet, no camera flashing in her face. She felt herself outside the magic circle, outside where existed the dark, short and hence, ordinary.
Our eyes are naturally tugged towards the beautiful and the grotesque. No political correctness can change that. Trouble is, the media is now training us to look at more and more people as grotesque, fewer as beautiful. This is one of the dangers of the clone wars.
Dr Partho Majumdar, Human Genetics Department, Indian Statistical Institute, Kolkata says that India has over 100 distinct genetic groups — one of the widest gene pools in the world. From Arunachal Pradesh to Lakshadweep to the Andaman and Nicobar Islands to Himachal Pradesh, Indians look extremely different from each other, our lives are extremely different from each other. But if you were a Martian trying to understand India through popular media you would not see this abundance, and you certainly would not believe Dr Majumdar. A Martian would assume from advertisements that Indians are a nation of tall, fair, Hindu, affluent people who live in cities. A Martian would assume that most Indians are only a hair’s breadth away in appearance from white people.
In a political climate that is increasingly intolerant of difference, a world where our selves are shaped by the image, the shiny surfaces of popular culture are important, and not just for the Martian. It is the shiny surface that is creating our understanding of who an Indian is. And it is on the shiny surface that you see the image of the Indian being homogenised. Santosh Desai, media commentator, says, “I think we are seeing two trends. One, a narrowing of the range of appearances towards a templated look. And two, a seemingly opposite trend where all those who look different are set up as deliberately funny or strange. These ‘funny’ faces are advertising’s stock of ‘real’ people. In effect, this reinforces the template.”
Last year America’s stated desire for diversity saw its biggest challenge. Would it elect a biracial president? In late 2008, when Barack Obama was in the middle of his campaign, an apocryphal story began to do the rounds. A volunteer canvassing for Obama in western Pennsylvania asks a housewife which candidate she intends to vote for. She yells to her husband to find out. From the interior of the house, he calls back, “We’re voting for the nigger!” The housewife turns to the canvasser and calmly repeats her husband’s statement. Liberal raconteurs told this story as a hair-raising but amusing one. Obviously, blatant bigots were voting for Obama. But for liberals themselves, Obama’s colour and race were unavoidably front and centre.
In India, religious and linguistic identity deeply defines political life. The idea of pretending blindness to identity is absurd. However, Indian popular culture does not reflect our wide differences and is increasingly forcing us to present a uniform formulaic face to the world. And to ourselves. Here are some basic rules to understand who the cloned Indian of popular culture is.
RULE 1: All Indians are north Indian unless proven otherwise
Filmmaker Navdeep Singh once said: “The problem for Bollywood is this. Who is its natural audience? Who speaks Hindi? Nobody does. When I had two minutes of Hindi as it’s spoken anywhere in Rajasthan in Manorama Six Feet Under, people complained that it’s a dialect they couldn’t understand. So we have movies about nowhere for people from nowhere.”
While ‘place’ is arriving at a glacial pace to Bollywood scripts, Desai points out that Hindi cinema’s default centre of the world has always lain in fair north India, and old Hindi films were always populated by people called Vicky Arora or Rahul Malhotra.
Of the 28 states and seven union territories of India, the people we see in popular culture are broadly from the Hindi-speaking states. South Indians in advertising land — that fictional universe that dominates our imagination and designs our emotions — speak Brahmin Tamil, bear lavish sandalwood paste marks and speak exclusively in a comic manner. In a country where it is a tired cliché that everyone south of the Vindhyas is Madrasi, large swathes are simply invisible. When did anyone see a character in popular culture from the Andamans or from Lakshadweep? Actor Nandita Das says, “I have met so many Oriyas who don’t tell anyone that they are Oriya because they are tired of explaining what that is. They just pretend to be Bengali until I catch some inflection or accent. When I tell them I am from Orissa, they relax. But lots of people don’t know about the state, don’t know what we speak, what we eat.”
Prahlad Kakkar, ad filmmaker, says, “In advertising the standard Indian male is tall, hulking, north Indian and laddoo-faced. There is a strongly conditioned response to that type of appearance as an ideal. So even exceptionally handsome men of another type, such as Danny Dengzongpa or Kelly Dorjee will either have shortlived careers or careers as villains. The Aryan model: the chikna gora (smooth and fair) is the only thing that is considered aspirational. Cricket is maybe the one area from which young men who look different still make it into advertising. Look at MS Dhoni for instance.”
Jaideep Sahni’s script for Chak De! India was an unprecedented act of courage in Bollywood. His gallant young female hockey players came from states across the country. His hero, a shockingly subdued Shah Rukh, only took to the soapbox to emphasise the need to bury regional squabbles for the sake of the nation. In movie halls across the country audiences applauded the scene in which the men who harassed Mary and Molly (the players from Manipur and Mizoram) were beaten up by the whole team. But this was Chak De! India’s only narrative for Mary and Molly, their eventual acceptance as ‘not foreign’ by the rest of the team.
As for Soi Moi and Rani, the players from Jharkhand, their lines were limited to saying, ‘Ho’, ‘Yes, yes’ and ‘Happy Diwali’ because ‘they were from a jungle school’. Love, pride, rivalry, parental expectations — all these possible motivations do not exist for these four characters. It would be interesting to reimagine a Chak De! India where the bulk of the narrative action is not held by girls from Punjab, Haryana, Chandigarh and Maharashtra.
Twenty-four-year-old Sushila Lakra is a real-life hockey player from Ranchi distrct who plays fullback for India. She says she is still waiting to find her people’s faces on celluloid screens in India. “We tribal players fail to fit into contemporary ideas of glamour,” she says. After a moment, she snaps: “And I don't want to make my skin fair to be considered glamorous and counted as a mainstream Indian.” Her teammate Sarita Lakra says her childhood years were spent wondering how the movies could always be about happy and beautiful people. Sarita says, “They made me feel little and nonexistent. They still make me feel little.”
RULE 2: All Indians are Hindu unless proven otherwise
Hindi cinema has always had a bit of a tough time with its hearty representation of minorities. Christians are pious, calling out to the Lord as they drink themselves steadily into a stupor, while wearing strange frocks. Parsis, until very recently, always drove large vintage cars, and always appeared in time to save the hitchhiking heroine. But from the time it was part of the nation-building project to its current navel-gazing stage, Hindi cinema’s great wrestling match has been with the portrayal of the good/bad Muslim. Few movies have escaped falling into this steely trap, despite hugely influential stars in Bollywood being Muslim.
In advertising, these epic struggles are avoided by neatly avoiding Muslim characters. It is unimaginable that the character who is refreshed by a cup of coffee, buys a new car, insurance or diamond jewellery is anyone other than Rahul Malhotra. He cannot be Rafique, for instance. And this is taken for granted. Subaltern historian MSS Pandian points wryly to the hole you can fall in while trying to portray minorities. “When the government tried to do those national integration ads, it created new problems. How do you show a Muslim? The ads dressed the Muslim man in a fez. But Muslims in India have never worn a fez.”
Policing — official, moral and otherwise — depends largely on what looks ‘normal’. Nithin Manayath, a college lecturer in Bengaluru, talks of being accosted on the street by the police every time security is tightened. His straggly beard and long, narrow kurta has made him suspect in recent times. Last year, human rights activists and liberal circles were outraged when Muslim boys arrested as suspects for a series of blasts were paraded by the police with the kuffiyeh — Arab headgear — over their faces.
RULE 3: All Indians are fair, except when they don’t try
In the last few months, a photoshopped image of Barack Obama in a parodied Fair and Lovely ad became a popular internet meme. The milky white Obama was disorienting. While colour discrimination has been periodically debated in Indian media, the debates are getting quieter. “What about Bipasha? What about Konkona?” comes the quick response if one asks where the dark actors are. Actor Nandita Das says that 30 movies down the line, people still clumsily attempt to compliment her by saying, “I told my niece that she can also do movies. Doesn’t matter that she is dark.” Das says she has rarely been discussed in an article without a phrase addressing her colour.
Dusky is the word of choice, because dark would be pejorative. (It is similar to the American fashion business calling women curvy when they want to say fat. To have a sense of who has been called curvy lately, look up Jessica Alba.) Das is one of the few women in Bollywood who can actually be called dark. For the most part, any heroine darker than a hospital bed is called dusky. In recent times, Chitrangda Singh, Mugdha Godse, Deepika Padukone, Sonali Kulkarni have all been called dusky by the media, in gushing self-congratulatory appreciation of the sultry beauties ‘breaking conventions.’ A comparison to Smita Patil is also inevitable in most cases. If these pale girls are set up as the dark outsiders, where does it leave a young Indian girl whose inky black skin is a real and vital part of her, not a disease to be cured? She has no chance in the movies.
Baradwaj Rangan, film critic for the New Indian Express, points out, “Actors like Seema Biswas are always on the fringes simply because of their colouring. I am not saying that when I go to see a big Karan Johar film I want to see ordinary looking people. Bring on the beautiful people! But in movies where there is no such requirement, can’t we have ordinary people? That Prachi Desai who plays Farhan Akthar’s wife in Rock On!! — it is assumed that someone who looks like her would live in a penthouse. All fair people are rich and all dark people are only servants.” Desai brings up Saat Phere, the hit television show whose protagonist Saloni’s fatal flaw is that she is dark. “The idea that there is a story because she is dark is very strange in a country full of dark people,” he points out.
Ask Prahlad Kakkar a quiz question: If there are two young men of equally good looks and one is dark, the other fair, which would be picked for an ad? “The fair one for sure,” he says frankly. “I often fight with clients if I think one is a better performer, but clients are very open about not wanting to take what is seen as a risk.”
Filmmaker Paromita Vohra says it is common to hear loud discussions in the television and film world where the kaali is rejected as not heroine material. But she points to a strange twist to the colour prejudice, where dark can be acceptable if coded ‘exotic’. “Suddenly dark-skinned is being discussed as ethnic chic. So you hear about a dark, pretty girl as having a Mexican or Latin American look. Not that she is Telugu and looks Telugu.”
The fact is that in the wide spectrum of shades Indians are made in, only a tiny segment appears in popular culture as Indian. The arrival of the dark person always signals someone oppressed or villainish. The fact that the fair and green-eyed Aditya Pancholi is playing Ravan in the new Ramayan by Mani Ratnam is food for much thought. You could be comforted that, for a change, Ravan is not being played by someone dark. Or you could worry that with even the space for evil ceded to the fair, we may not see dark people on screen at all.
Rangan talks of how the obsession with fairness is played out even in contemporary Tamil cinema. “Tamil cinema sells a particular dream where someone like Ravi Krishna in 7G Rainbow Colony or Dhanush in Kadhal Kondein can have the fair, tall, thin and toned heroine.” Ravi Krishna and Dhanush are heroes who made their debuts as the unimpressive, socially awkward loser. They are dark, ravaged, hungry-looking young men. It is assumed that the male viewer would identify completely with them and applaud when they aspire for fair, strapping north Indian trophies.
Rajiv Menon’s film Kandukonden Kandukonden, a Tamil adaptation of Sense and Sensibility, starred Aishwarya Rai and Tabu. Ironically, the very first dialogue in the film is an exasperated off-screen voice cursing all Hindi film heroines who come to work in Tamil cinema. In 2009, even that fragment of exasperation is gone. South Indian cinema now strongly associates gloss, glamour and high production values with the acquisition of fair north Indian heroines for their casts.
Outside of cinema, the fairness obsession leads to some misadventures. Journalist P Sainath has some biting stories about urban scribes venturing into the hinterland. “Television journalists drive into a village and see a dark, shirtless man and assume he is the quote from the poor they are looking for. If you drive into the centre of a village, you are likely to encounter the upper castes, not the dalits consigned to the periphery of the village. But just because the man is dark, they miss the fact that he is the Thakur.”
Where there is an anxiety, there is money to be made. Or is it the other way round? In Jharkhand, among Adivasi communities, the desire for fairness is wide-spread, feeding India’s huge (Rs 950 crore) fairness creams market. This market has been growing at 15 to 20 percent per year. A major earner for FMCG companies, fairness creams are always looking for new segments. Men and older women are the newest baits, who have got their own ‘speciali sed’ fairness cream in the last few years.
RULE 4: All Indians live in cities and are rich
The world of Indians in popular culture is highly aspirational. From the breakfast counters of advertising land’s imagined kitchens to the models walking down streets with French loaves sticking attractively out of shopping bags, much of Indian advertising is hungry for a global romance.
In the last decade, this has meant that the poor and the rural have been completely sidelined in popular culture. Airbrushed by a class allergic to remembering we are still a poor nation. Nandita Das says, “People constantly ask me, why do you always play village women? As if all rural characters are the same. Nine out of 10 Hindi movies are set in south Mumbai, and we are supposed to find a world of difference there, but a story set in rural Rajasthan is the same as one in rural Andhra Pradesh.”
It is true over the last decade, the poor have only appeared before us in extremely troubling ways. As street people banging on car windows made of special glass, as women in haats (local markets) longing for the soft hands of the woman customer who uses hand-cream, the outsiders who makes us value our strange pleasures more through their envious gaze.
One of the most troubling ads in recent times was a State Bank of India (SBI) debit card campaign run in 2006. The print and television ads were both shot in documentary style. The television ad had a series of black and white sequences where a man is shown doing backbreaking, manual labour. Beautifully shot, it makes you wince first in sympathy and then gasp, when in the final shot the text explains this is Bholu — the pickpocket now forced into hard labour because people have stopped carrying cash. The utter crassness of the ad created by Mudra was only matched by the complaint that led to the ad being pulled off air. The Advertising Standards Council of India held up a complaint “that the ad by implication tends to incite people to commit crime by conveying that the advantage of being a pickpocket far outweighs the hardships of physical work.”
RULE 5: Indians look exactly like Caucasians
Many of our products and music videos today are given an instant ‘international’ look with ads featuring models from South Africa and East Europe. Over the last decade, in fact, our celebrities are being slowly transmuted into white people. Our own models and actors are being coloured, moulded, depilated and smoothed into the closest simulacrum of white people that can be created. Hence Dhoom 2, Tashan and the phenomena called Katrina Kaif. It is a mutation that other countries with complicated colonial histories have also participated in.
To see the extremely troubling direction in which India can go, one needs only to look at Brazil. According to cultural historians such as Mary del Priore, co-author of The History of Private Life in Brazil, Brazil has ‘upgraded to international standards of beauty’ in the last three decades. The bottom-heavy, guitar-shaped figure that was widely admired in its culture has been abandoned in favour of supermodel Gisele Bundchen, a tall, slender blonde whose racial heritage is shared by less than 10 per cent of her nation. Today, anorexia deaths and the world’s highest consumption of diet pills coexist in Brazil with the 8 percent of its 185 million people who are malnutritioned. After the US, home to 5,000 registered cosmetic surgeons, Brazil comes in second, with around 4,000.
Plastic surgery, coloured contact lenses, hair extensions and dye are common practice, proudly flaunted as status symbols. “In Brazil, nobody wants to be black because the mass media equates black with poor and stupid,” Cristina Rodrigues, a black cultural activist, told a magazine. The same magazine reports that the chief of an Indian tribe in the Amazon is also reported to have had plastic surgery because, “I was finding myself ugly and I wanted to be good-looking again.”
Turning once more to America, earlier this year, Chris Rock, the standup comedian with the sharpest, most unfettered commentary on race, was in the news for his documentary Good Hair. In this film Rock investigated the politics behind the African-American’s desire for soft, straight hair. Rock wanted to know why his daughter hated her hair. Why do African-American women support a $9 billion dollar industry which promises to change their hair? The timing for Rock’s documentary was perfect. A minor debate was already on about Michelle Obama, America’s newest fashion icon. What if she had had braids or weaves, a more obviously black look than the smooth coif she currently possessed?
Writers such as Bell Hooks wrote decades ago about the world of black women in which the straightening of hair was an intimate ritual. Rock tells the obvious fact that black Americans desire a cultural standard of beauty that is more European than African. For us, a country just as gripped with anxiety and self-hatred, is it amusing that Rock’s investigation led him to India? Every year tonnes of Indian hair makes its way to America, where black women use it to make extensions to their own hair. The Tirupati temple is reported to earn between $2 and $4 million a year from the proceeds of the 25,000 heads that are shaved every day and the 450 tons of hair sold each year.
Across the world, hair is one of the first (and easiest) characteristics that is being corrected to meet a global aesthetic. It is a rule of thumb for young women wanting to go to Bollywood that they must straighten their hair. Television journalism is another and rather unexpected site for the hair iron.
Other changes are more subtle. Says Santosh Desai, “There is no space for the round-faced hero any more. No Rajesh Khanna or Arvind Swami. We are now even looking at the male body as a site of the erotic. The male torso in Bollywood was like a grassy lawn, animals could have grazed on a body like Anil Kapoor’s. Now the male body has hardened, been depilated. Post-Hrithik the gaze at the male body is almost like the one directed at the female body,” says he. Desai also compares the experience of Indian models with those of South East Asian models in ads. “They are Caucasianised during filming. There is a certain pallor that comes with colour correction, almost erasing the features to look more Caucasian.”
What explains India’s abject need to look Caucasian? Desai says, “Underconfidence is a simple explanation for a complex reality. I would say we are becoming more confident but there is an impatience to be seen as peers of the First World. We want it all corrected now. We want to drink wine and not be reminded of the poor. We are constantly evaluating ourselves through the eyes of the West. Why else would we want to win the Oscars? What do 100 retired Ameircans know about our cinematic conventions? When the 26/11 attacks happened, why were people constantly asking about the damage to Brand India?”
The panic desire for sameness breeds bigotry. And while some aspects of India’s diversity debate have come up occasionally in the last few decades, these debates are increasingly muted. Often, bigotry is now passed off as pragmatism. Vohra expresses great concern about this. “I think under the guise of pragmatism what is being promoted is unkindness and huge narrow- mindedness. With this, your ability to have empathy, to comprehend a set of experiences very different from yours reduces. It makes you regressive and politically stupid. At the other end, if you are not represented in mass media, if in your entire life no one who ever looks like you is seen on television, it could generate extreme anger.”
Thomas and her daughter Meenal’s predicament is, in a sense, something particular to north India, where fairness and caste and class have a kind of simple equation. If Meenal were growing up in other parts of India, her experiences might have been different. As Shashi Tharoor once pointed out in The Great Indian Novel, in south Indian families, siblings can look so wildly different from each other in colouring and features, it is impossible to imagine they came from the same womb.
In the absence of a readymade role model, Thomas hoped that Meenal’s school would help with her crisis. “Little children ask Meenal, why are you so dark and your brothers so fair? That’s okay because they are just voicing prejudices which can be addressed. I wanted the school to start talking to the children, explaining that people and families come in all shapes and colours. But they have refused saying the children are too young for such conversations. But why should the children be protected from this as if Meenal’s skin colour is some dirty family secret?”
Meera Pillai, an education policy expert, talks of why India needs diversity education. “Let me compare this to the context of disability. It is idiotic to talk about inclusive education for a child with disabilities when the school system is not ready for such a child. Diversity education is something the government has to back with resources. I don’t think the situation in America is perfect and I’m sure a lot of people voted for Obama because of their complete disillusionment with Bush. But the old America would not have got Obama at all! For a few decades, multicultural education has been in full swing in America. At the risk of sounding clichéd or tokenistic, schools celebrate Hannukah and Kwanza, not just Christmas. Our government needs to talk about disability, homophobia, communalism — recognise it as an educational requirement, put money behind it. Otherwise where is the sense of self for a young Munda girl within a pan-Indian image?”
Vohra talks of earlier decades when India’s diversity was protected by what might now be seen as corny tropes: in the deliberate celebration of every festival, in pledging that all Indians are our brothers and sisters. “That is the difficulty of political correctness. There is always a tension between addressing our existing prejudices through political correctness and our desire to be irreverent and shirk political correctness. But that tension needs to be maintained so that we can keep fighting for politically correct ideas and oldfashioned ideals, without being suffocated by political correctness.”
In a country as complicated as ours, acceptance of difference ought to be the goal of our waking hours and dreams. Not dismissed as impossible. Not erased in image and sound. Into the realm of schmaltzy but charming ideals weighs in the genetic scientist Dr Majumdar who says, “It is the diversity which makes us beautiful. It would be so boring if we all looked alike.”
(Article Courtesy: Tehelka)
In Delhi, Anu Thomas, a mother of three children, was horrified when her five-year-old daughter, Meenal, came home from school one day and asked her, “When I grow up, will I have to be a maid?” Meenal’s largely upmarket north Indian classmates had told her that day that someone who was her colour must be a streetchild and would grow up to work in someone’s house. Thomas knew that there was no one in these children’s lives who was dark, who was Meenal’s colour and held a position of power. Neither were there figures in popular culture that her curly-haired daughter resembled or could look up to. If you imagined a globalising India would bring Meenal a greater range of rolemodels, you are wrong. Globalisation has only amplified many of the old biases in India, such as the one that values fair skin. It has also created an army of clones.
In our electronic cocoons, increasingly, we each seek and understand reality through the media and not through our windows. Under these conditions, if all our exposure is to People Like Us, our ability to accept difference shrinks, our discomfort with those even marginally different from us increases. As it stands, in our world, those who can join the army of clones feel smug. Those who cannot, feel anxious.
This was easy enough to see in January in a Lucknow mall. While other stores in the mall stand near-deserted, in one clothing store the racks are teetering with the press of journalists, their skins grey from late nights and poor nutrition. In the centre of this mob are a dozen beautiful, young Amazons — the girls shortlisted for the Lucknow round of Miss India 2009. They are all dressed in white t-shirts and jeans. Only a couple are from Lucknow, the others are from nearby Meerut and Kanpur. Shard-sharp laughter and strangely automaton lines in careful English and rattling Hindi can be heard: “I want to rock the world! I am a perfect package of beauty and brains.” A journalist asks a stunningly pretty girl what her weaknesses are. She responds with a gesture sweeping up and down her body, “Look at me, can you see any flaws?” It is a remarkable, peacock display of confidence.
The beauty contest is a rare occasion when these girls are allowed, encouraged even, to talk about their bodies to (often hostile) strangers. While they wait for their interviews, their sidelong glances assess each other as competitors in a corporate deal might, with smiles and sharp pleasantries. A couple of hours later, the contest is over. Three girls are picked out of the dozen for the next level of the competition.
One of them is a 19-year-old from Lucknow. Manisha (name changed) is one of the tallest in the group, easily the fairest, her lipstick scarlet on her white face. She bears a striking resemblance to Kareena Kapoor. Later, in her mother’s perfectly appointed living room — replete with Jamini Roy prints, — she tells us it is this resemblance that people constantly remarked on which started her on the idea of beauty contests. She shows us pictures of herself, a few years younger and a bit rounder.
Manisha’s mother is a surprise. A senior civil servant, she urges us, “Write in your magazine that girls should think of things other than looks. They should think of their careers, of developing their minds.” While the affection between mother and daughter seems genuine and deep, Manisha comes off looking bad in comparison to her articulate, intelligent mother. Manisha, that evening, understandably could think of nothing except her first beauty contest. But she also seemed genuinely unable to stop thinking that her skin colour had conferred a special destiny upon her, that she was made for greater things. The opposite of what Meenal felt.
Beauty queens are encouraged to think of themselves as role models so it was easy to ask Manisha what she would do when she was one. What would she advise people who were short or dark? Very seriously she replied, “Not everyone can be beautiful but they should try.” Manisha clearly equated short and dark with ugliness. We waited to see if she will qualify this line of thought. She didn’t.
Watching Manisha and her fellow contestants one would imagine this is a nation of identically tall, pale women with pin-straight hair. All but one had been startlingly fair. The lone exception, a girl a half-shade darker, had been visibly unhappy, no journalist kneeling at her feet, no camera flashing in her face. She felt herself outside the magic circle, outside where existed the dark, short and hence, ordinary.
Our eyes are naturally tugged towards the beautiful and the grotesque. No political correctness can change that. Trouble is, the media is now training us to look at more and more people as grotesque, fewer as beautiful. This is one of the dangers of the clone wars.
Dr Partho Majumdar, Human Genetics Department, Indian Statistical Institute, Kolkata says that India has over 100 distinct genetic groups — one of the widest gene pools in the world. From Arunachal Pradesh to Lakshadweep to the Andaman and Nicobar Islands to Himachal Pradesh, Indians look extremely different from each other, our lives are extremely different from each other. But if you were a Martian trying to understand India through popular media you would not see this abundance, and you certainly would not believe Dr Majumdar. A Martian would assume from advertisements that Indians are a nation of tall, fair, Hindu, affluent people who live in cities. A Martian would assume that most Indians are only a hair’s breadth away in appearance from white people.
In a political climate that is increasingly intolerant of difference, a world where our selves are shaped by the image, the shiny surfaces of popular culture are important, and not just for the Martian. It is the shiny surface that is creating our understanding of who an Indian is. And it is on the shiny surface that you see the image of the Indian being homogenised. Santosh Desai, media commentator, says, “I think we are seeing two trends. One, a narrowing of the range of appearances towards a templated look. And two, a seemingly opposite trend where all those who look different are set up as deliberately funny or strange. These ‘funny’ faces are advertising’s stock of ‘real’ people. In effect, this reinforces the template.”
Last year America’s stated desire for diversity saw its biggest challenge. Would it elect a biracial president? In late 2008, when Barack Obama was in the middle of his campaign, an apocryphal story began to do the rounds. A volunteer canvassing for Obama in western Pennsylvania asks a housewife which candidate she intends to vote for. She yells to her husband to find out. From the interior of the house, he calls back, “We’re voting for the nigger!” The housewife turns to the canvasser and calmly repeats her husband’s statement. Liberal raconteurs told this story as a hair-raising but amusing one. Obviously, blatant bigots were voting for Obama. But for liberals themselves, Obama’s colour and race were unavoidably front and centre.
In India, religious and linguistic identity deeply defines political life. The idea of pretending blindness to identity is absurd. However, Indian popular culture does not reflect our wide differences and is increasingly forcing us to present a uniform formulaic face to the world. And to ourselves. Here are some basic rules to understand who the cloned Indian of popular culture is.
RULE 1: All Indians are north Indian unless proven otherwise
Filmmaker Navdeep Singh once said: “The problem for Bollywood is this. Who is its natural audience? Who speaks Hindi? Nobody does. When I had two minutes of Hindi as it’s spoken anywhere in Rajasthan in Manorama Six Feet Under, people complained that it’s a dialect they couldn’t understand. So we have movies about nowhere for people from nowhere.”
While ‘place’ is arriving at a glacial pace to Bollywood scripts, Desai points out that Hindi cinema’s default centre of the world has always lain in fair north India, and old Hindi films were always populated by people called Vicky Arora or Rahul Malhotra.
Of the 28 states and seven union territories of India, the people we see in popular culture are broadly from the Hindi-speaking states. South Indians in advertising land — that fictional universe that dominates our imagination and designs our emotions — speak Brahmin Tamil, bear lavish sandalwood paste marks and speak exclusively in a comic manner. In a country where it is a tired cliché that everyone south of the Vindhyas is Madrasi, large swathes are simply invisible. When did anyone see a character in popular culture from the Andamans or from Lakshadweep? Actor Nandita Das says, “I have met so many Oriyas who don’t tell anyone that they are Oriya because they are tired of explaining what that is. They just pretend to be Bengali until I catch some inflection or accent. When I tell them I am from Orissa, they relax. But lots of people don’t know about the state, don’t know what we speak, what we eat.”
Prahlad Kakkar, ad filmmaker, says, “In advertising the standard Indian male is tall, hulking, north Indian and laddoo-faced. There is a strongly conditioned response to that type of appearance as an ideal. So even exceptionally handsome men of another type, such as Danny Dengzongpa or Kelly Dorjee will either have shortlived careers or careers as villains. The Aryan model: the chikna gora (smooth and fair) is the only thing that is considered aspirational. Cricket is maybe the one area from which young men who look different still make it into advertising. Look at MS Dhoni for instance.”
Jaideep Sahni’s script for Chak De! India was an unprecedented act of courage in Bollywood. His gallant young female hockey players came from states across the country. His hero, a shockingly subdued Shah Rukh, only took to the soapbox to emphasise the need to bury regional squabbles for the sake of the nation. In movie halls across the country audiences applauded the scene in which the men who harassed Mary and Molly (the players from Manipur and Mizoram) were beaten up by the whole team. But this was Chak De! India’s only narrative for Mary and Molly, their eventual acceptance as ‘not foreign’ by the rest of the team.
As for Soi Moi and Rani, the players from Jharkhand, their lines were limited to saying, ‘Ho’, ‘Yes, yes’ and ‘Happy Diwali’ because ‘they were from a jungle school’. Love, pride, rivalry, parental expectations — all these possible motivations do not exist for these four characters. It would be interesting to reimagine a Chak De! India where the bulk of the narrative action is not held by girls from Punjab, Haryana, Chandigarh and Maharashtra.
Twenty-four-year-old Sushila Lakra is a real-life hockey player from Ranchi distrct who plays fullback for India. She says she is still waiting to find her people’s faces on celluloid screens in India. “We tribal players fail to fit into contemporary ideas of glamour,” she says. After a moment, she snaps: “And I don't want to make my skin fair to be considered glamorous and counted as a mainstream Indian.” Her teammate Sarita Lakra says her childhood years were spent wondering how the movies could always be about happy and beautiful people. Sarita says, “They made me feel little and nonexistent. They still make me feel little.”
RULE 2: All Indians are Hindu unless proven otherwise
Hindi cinema has always had a bit of a tough time with its hearty representation of minorities. Christians are pious, calling out to the Lord as they drink themselves steadily into a stupor, while wearing strange frocks. Parsis, until very recently, always drove large vintage cars, and always appeared in time to save the hitchhiking heroine. But from the time it was part of the nation-building project to its current navel-gazing stage, Hindi cinema’s great wrestling match has been with the portrayal of the good/bad Muslim. Few movies have escaped falling into this steely trap, despite hugely influential stars in Bollywood being Muslim.
In advertising, these epic struggles are avoided by neatly avoiding Muslim characters. It is unimaginable that the character who is refreshed by a cup of coffee, buys a new car, insurance or diamond jewellery is anyone other than Rahul Malhotra. He cannot be Rafique, for instance. And this is taken for granted. Subaltern historian MSS Pandian points wryly to the hole you can fall in while trying to portray minorities. “When the government tried to do those national integration ads, it created new problems. How do you show a Muslim? The ads dressed the Muslim man in a fez. But Muslims in India have never worn a fez.”
Policing — official, moral and otherwise — depends largely on what looks ‘normal’. Nithin Manayath, a college lecturer in Bengaluru, talks of being accosted on the street by the police every time security is tightened. His straggly beard and long, narrow kurta has made him suspect in recent times. Last year, human rights activists and liberal circles were outraged when Muslim boys arrested as suspects for a series of blasts were paraded by the police with the kuffiyeh — Arab headgear — over their faces.
RULE 3: All Indians are fair, except when they don’t try
In the last few months, a photoshopped image of Barack Obama in a parodied Fair and Lovely ad became a popular internet meme. The milky white Obama was disorienting. While colour discrimination has been periodically debated in Indian media, the debates are getting quieter. “What about Bipasha? What about Konkona?” comes the quick response if one asks where the dark actors are. Actor Nandita Das says that 30 movies down the line, people still clumsily attempt to compliment her by saying, “I told my niece that she can also do movies. Doesn’t matter that she is dark.” Das says she has rarely been discussed in an article without a phrase addressing her colour.
Dusky is the word of choice, because dark would be pejorative. (It is similar to the American fashion business calling women curvy when they want to say fat. To have a sense of who has been called curvy lately, look up Jessica Alba.) Das is one of the few women in Bollywood who can actually be called dark. For the most part, any heroine darker than a hospital bed is called dusky. In recent times, Chitrangda Singh, Mugdha Godse, Deepika Padukone, Sonali Kulkarni have all been called dusky by the media, in gushing self-congratulatory appreciation of the sultry beauties ‘breaking conventions.’ A comparison to Smita Patil is also inevitable in most cases. If these pale girls are set up as the dark outsiders, where does it leave a young Indian girl whose inky black skin is a real and vital part of her, not a disease to be cured? She has no chance in the movies.
Baradwaj Rangan, film critic for the New Indian Express, points out, “Actors like Seema Biswas are always on the fringes simply because of their colouring. I am not saying that when I go to see a big Karan Johar film I want to see ordinary looking people. Bring on the beautiful people! But in movies where there is no such requirement, can’t we have ordinary people? That Prachi Desai who plays Farhan Akthar’s wife in Rock On!! — it is assumed that someone who looks like her would live in a penthouse. All fair people are rich and all dark people are only servants.” Desai brings up Saat Phere, the hit television show whose protagonist Saloni’s fatal flaw is that she is dark. “The idea that there is a story because she is dark is very strange in a country full of dark people,” he points out.
Ask Prahlad Kakkar a quiz question: If there are two young men of equally good looks and one is dark, the other fair, which would be picked for an ad? “The fair one for sure,” he says frankly. “I often fight with clients if I think one is a better performer, but clients are very open about not wanting to take what is seen as a risk.”
Filmmaker Paromita Vohra says it is common to hear loud discussions in the television and film world where the kaali is rejected as not heroine material. But she points to a strange twist to the colour prejudice, where dark can be acceptable if coded ‘exotic’. “Suddenly dark-skinned is being discussed as ethnic chic. So you hear about a dark, pretty girl as having a Mexican or Latin American look. Not that she is Telugu and looks Telugu.”
The fact is that in the wide spectrum of shades Indians are made in, only a tiny segment appears in popular culture as Indian. The arrival of the dark person always signals someone oppressed or villainish. The fact that the fair and green-eyed Aditya Pancholi is playing Ravan in the new Ramayan by Mani Ratnam is food for much thought. You could be comforted that, for a change, Ravan is not being played by someone dark. Or you could worry that with even the space for evil ceded to the fair, we may not see dark people on screen at all.
Rangan talks of how the obsession with fairness is played out even in contemporary Tamil cinema. “Tamil cinema sells a particular dream where someone like Ravi Krishna in 7G Rainbow Colony or Dhanush in Kadhal Kondein can have the fair, tall, thin and toned heroine.” Ravi Krishna and Dhanush are heroes who made their debuts as the unimpressive, socially awkward loser. They are dark, ravaged, hungry-looking young men. It is assumed that the male viewer would identify completely with them and applaud when they aspire for fair, strapping north Indian trophies.
Rajiv Menon’s film Kandukonden Kandukonden, a Tamil adaptation of Sense and Sensibility, starred Aishwarya Rai and Tabu. Ironically, the very first dialogue in the film is an exasperated off-screen voice cursing all Hindi film heroines who come to work in Tamil cinema. In 2009, even that fragment of exasperation is gone. South Indian cinema now strongly associates gloss, glamour and high production values with the acquisition of fair north Indian heroines for their casts.
Outside of cinema, the fairness obsession leads to some misadventures. Journalist P Sainath has some biting stories about urban scribes venturing into the hinterland. “Television journalists drive into a village and see a dark, shirtless man and assume he is the quote from the poor they are looking for. If you drive into the centre of a village, you are likely to encounter the upper castes, not the dalits consigned to the periphery of the village. But just because the man is dark, they miss the fact that he is the Thakur.”
Where there is an anxiety, there is money to be made. Or is it the other way round? In Jharkhand, among Adivasi communities, the desire for fairness is wide-spread, feeding India’s huge (Rs 950 crore) fairness creams market. This market has been growing at 15 to 20 percent per year. A major earner for FMCG companies, fairness creams are always looking for new segments. Men and older women are the newest baits, who have got their own ‘speciali sed’ fairness cream in the last few years.
RULE 4: All Indians live in cities and are rich
The world of Indians in popular culture is highly aspirational. From the breakfast counters of advertising land’s imagined kitchens to the models walking down streets with French loaves sticking attractively out of shopping bags, much of Indian advertising is hungry for a global romance.
In the last decade, this has meant that the poor and the rural have been completely sidelined in popular culture. Airbrushed by a class allergic to remembering we are still a poor nation. Nandita Das says, “People constantly ask me, why do you always play village women? As if all rural characters are the same. Nine out of 10 Hindi movies are set in south Mumbai, and we are supposed to find a world of difference there, but a story set in rural Rajasthan is the same as one in rural Andhra Pradesh.”
It is true over the last decade, the poor have only appeared before us in extremely troubling ways. As street people banging on car windows made of special glass, as women in haats (local markets) longing for the soft hands of the woman customer who uses hand-cream, the outsiders who makes us value our strange pleasures more through their envious gaze.
One of the most troubling ads in recent times was a State Bank of India (SBI) debit card campaign run in 2006. The print and television ads were both shot in documentary style. The television ad had a series of black and white sequences where a man is shown doing backbreaking, manual labour. Beautifully shot, it makes you wince first in sympathy and then gasp, when in the final shot the text explains this is Bholu — the pickpocket now forced into hard labour because people have stopped carrying cash. The utter crassness of the ad created by Mudra was only matched by the complaint that led to the ad being pulled off air. The Advertising Standards Council of India held up a complaint “that the ad by implication tends to incite people to commit crime by conveying that the advantage of being a pickpocket far outweighs the hardships of physical work.”
RULE 5: Indians look exactly like Caucasians
Many of our products and music videos today are given an instant ‘international’ look with ads featuring models from South Africa and East Europe. Over the last decade, in fact, our celebrities are being slowly transmuted into white people. Our own models and actors are being coloured, moulded, depilated and smoothed into the closest simulacrum of white people that can be created. Hence Dhoom 2, Tashan and the phenomena called Katrina Kaif. It is a mutation that other countries with complicated colonial histories have also participated in.
To see the extremely troubling direction in which India can go, one needs only to look at Brazil. According to cultural historians such as Mary del Priore, co-author of The History of Private Life in Brazil, Brazil has ‘upgraded to international standards of beauty’ in the last three decades. The bottom-heavy, guitar-shaped figure that was widely admired in its culture has been abandoned in favour of supermodel Gisele Bundchen, a tall, slender blonde whose racial heritage is shared by less than 10 per cent of her nation. Today, anorexia deaths and the world’s highest consumption of diet pills coexist in Brazil with the 8 percent of its 185 million people who are malnutritioned. After the US, home to 5,000 registered cosmetic surgeons, Brazil comes in second, with around 4,000.
Plastic surgery, coloured contact lenses, hair extensions and dye are common practice, proudly flaunted as status symbols. “In Brazil, nobody wants to be black because the mass media equates black with poor and stupid,” Cristina Rodrigues, a black cultural activist, told a magazine. The same magazine reports that the chief of an Indian tribe in the Amazon is also reported to have had plastic surgery because, “I was finding myself ugly and I wanted to be good-looking again.”
Turning once more to America, earlier this year, Chris Rock, the standup comedian with the sharpest, most unfettered commentary on race, was in the news for his documentary Good Hair. In this film Rock investigated the politics behind the African-American’s desire for soft, straight hair. Rock wanted to know why his daughter hated her hair. Why do African-American women support a $9 billion dollar industry which promises to change their hair? The timing for Rock’s documentary was perfect. A minor debate was already on about Michelle Obama, America’s newest fashion icon. What if she had had braids or weaves, a more obviously black look than the smooth coif she currently possessed?
Writers such as Bell Hooks wrote decades ago about the world of black women in which the straightening of hair was an intimate ritual. Rock tells the obvious fact that black Americans desire a cultural standard of beauty that is more European than African. For us, a country just as gripped with anxiety and self-hatred, is it amusing that Rock’s investigation led him to India? Every year tonnes of Indian hair makes its way to America, where black women use it to make extensions to their own hair. The Tirupati temple is reported to earn between $2 and $4 million a year from the proceeds of the 25,000 heads that are shaved every day and the 450 tons of hair sold each year.
Across the world, hair is one of the first (and easiest) characteristics that is being corrected to meet a global aesthetic. It is a rule of thumb for young women wanting to go to Bollywood that they must straighten their hair. Television journalism is another and rather unexpected site for the hair iron.
Other changes are more subtle. Says Santosh Desai, “There is no space for the round-faced hero any more. No Rajesh Khanna or Arvind Swami. We are now even looking at the male body as a site of the erotic. The male torso in Bollywood was like a grassy lawn, animals could have grazed on a body like Anil Kapoor’s. Now the male body has hardened, been depilated. Post-Hrithik the gaze at the male body is almost like the one directed at the female body,” says he. Desai also compares the experience of Indian models with those of South East Asian models in ads. “They are Caucasianised during filming. There is a certain pallor that comes with colour correction, almost erasing the features to look more Caucasian.”
What explains India’s abject need to look Caucasian? Desai says, “Underconfidence is a simple explanation for a complex reality. I would say we are becoming more confident but there is an impatience to be seen as peers of the First World. We want it all corrected now. We want to drink wine and not be reminded of the poor. We are constantly evaluating ourselves through the eyes of the West. Why else would we want to win the Oscars? What do 100 retired Ameircans know about our cinematic conventions? When the 26/11 attacks happened, why were people constantly asking about the damage to Brand India?”
The panic desire for sameness breeds bigotry. And while some aspects of India’s diversity debate have come up occasionally in the last few decades, these debates are increasingly muted. Often, bigotry is now passed off as pragmatism. Vohra expresses great concern about this. “I think under the guise of pragmatism what is being promoted is unkindness and huge narrow- mindedness. With this, your ability to have empathy, to comprehend a set of experiences very different from yours reduces. It makes you regressive and politically stupid. At the other end, if you are not represented in mass media, if in your entire life no one who ever looks like you is seen on television, it could generate extreme anger.”
Thomas and her daughter Meenal’s predicament is, in a sense, something particular to north India, where fairness and caste and class have a kind of simple equation. If Meenal were growing up in other parts of India, her experiences might have been different. As Shashi Tharoor once pointed out in The Great Indian Novel, in south Indian families, siblings can look so wildly different from each other in colouring and features, it is impossible to imagine they came from the same womb.
In the absence of a readymade role model, Thomas hoped that Meenal’s school would help with her crisis. “Little children ask Meenal, why are you so dark and your brothers so fair? That’s okay because they are just voicing prejudices which can be addressed. I wanted the school to start talking to the children, explaining that people and families come in all shapes and colours. But they have refused saying the children are too young for such conversations. But why should the children be protected from this as if Meenal’s skin colour is some dirty family secret?”
Meera Pillai, an education policy expert, talks of why India needs diversity education. “Let me compare this to the context of disability. It is idiotic to talk about inclusive education for a child with disabilities when the school system is not ready for such a child. Diversity education is something the government has to back with resources. I don’t think the situation in America is perfect and I’m sure a lot of people voted for Obama because of their complete disillusionment with Bush. But the old America would not have got Obama at all! For a few decades, multicultural education has been in full swing in America. At the risk of sounding clichéd or tokenistic, schools celebrate Hannukah and Kwanza, not just Christmas. Our government needs to talk about disability, homophobia, communalism — recognise it as an educational requirement, put money behind it. Otherwise where is the sense of self for a young Munda girl within a pan-Indian image?”
Vohra talks of earlier decades when India’s diversity was protected by what might now be seen as corny tropes: in the deliberate celebration of every festival, in pledging that all Indians are our brothers and sisters. “That is the difficulty of political correctness. There is always a tension between addressing our existing prejudices through political correctness and our desire to be irreverent and shirk political correctness. But that tension needs to be maintained so that we can keep fighting for politically correct ideas and oldfashioned ideals, without being suffocated by political correctness.”
In a country as complicated as ours, acceptance of difference ought to be the goal of our waking hours and dreams. Not dismissed as impossible. Not erased in image and sound. Into the realm of schmaltzy but charming ideals weighs in the genetic scientist Dr Majumdar who says, “It is the diversity which makes us beautiful. It would be so boring if we all looked alike.”
(Article Courtesy: Tehelka)
Monday, March 09, 2009
Socially Engaged Islam: A View From Kerala
By Nabi Arshad
Unlike much of the rest of India, Islamic organizations in Kerala are heavily involved in various forms social activism, not limiting themselves simply to religious education and preaching or to petitioning the government for sops. This is one of the major reasons for the remarkable social, economic and educational progress that Kerala’s Muslims, who account for around a fourth of the state’s population, have witnessed in recent decades. Among the major Islamic movements in Kerala is the Jamaat-e Islami (JI).
The Kerala JI’s headquarters are located at the Hira Centre, an imposing multi-storey building in the heart of Calicut (Kozhikode), a town which, for centuries, has been a major Muslim centre. Enter the building and the stark contrast with north Indian Muslim organizations—even with the JI’s units in the north—is immediately evident. The building is sparkling clean and well-maintained, and it has separate offices for its different wings, which are a staffed by team of professionally qualified activists (and not just maulanas).
The ‘Dialogue Centre’ is one of the Kerala JI’s major initiatives. Set up six years ago, it aims at promoting inter-community dialogue and understanding. Says Shaikh Muhammad Karakunnu, its Director, ‘In recent years in Kerala, particularly after 9/11, there has been a sudden surge in debates about Islam—mostly negative though—and so we felt it important to reach out to Hindus, Christians and others in the state to address their misunderstandings about our faith.
The Dialogue Centre seeks to do that by publishing literature and by organizing periodic seminars and public conventions, to which we also invite Hindu and Christian religious leaders as well as Marxists. We dialogue in a friendly way, not in the old-fashioned polemical manner, and do not limit ourselves simply to religious issues but also take up matters of common social concern, on which people of different faiths can work together.’
‘Dharma Dhara’ is the Kerala JI’s communications division. So far, it has produced some 50 CDs in Malayalam, mainly about Islam, but also on social issues and struggles for justice for marginalized groups. One of its most recent productions is a digitalized edition in Malayalam of Syed Abul Ala Maududi’s voluminous commentary on the Quran, Tahfim ul-Quran. It has also produced tapes and CDs containing Islamically-inspired feature films, dramas and songs, some by non-Muslim singers and actors, something quite inconceivable in the Urdu-Hindi belt.
Through its ‘Jana Sevanam’ wing the Kerala JI engages in small economic development projects for the poor and assisting people affected by natural calamities. In the wake of the deadly Tsunami which struck coastal India some years ago, it collected and disbursed more than three crore rupees to victims in Kerala and the Andaman Islands. Says T.K.Hussain, the head of the programme, ‘Jana Sevanam runs more than 300 small interest-free lending institutions to help poor families set up small scale industries and for loans for emergencies and for education. Taken together, every year then lend out more than five crore rupees, the money being collected from zakat funds and donations or sadqa.’
Jana Sevanam’s ‘Ideal Relief Wing’ has trained some 500 volunteers, including girls, to help in relief work, and its teams have worked in emergency situations not just in Kerala but in Kashmir, Bihar and Rajasthan as well. Recently, it sponsored the repair of two general wards in the Calicut government hospital. Activists associated with Jana Sevanam run six hospitals in Kerala, including a new three hundred-bed super-speciality medical centre, and also provide subsidized medical treatment, including to poor non-Muslim patients, through the Association of Ideal Medical Services, a network of Muslim and non-Muslim doctors in the state. Across Kerala JI activists run some 150 regular schools, mostly from kindergarten to the twelfth standard and affiliated to the Central Board of Secondary Education, in addition to some 200 part-time madrasas and a dozen or so Arabic Colleges for higher Islamic learning.
Established in 2003, ‘Solidarity’ is an organization led by youth activists of the Kerala JI. It has been involved in generating mass awareness on a range of social issues as well as leading and participating in social movements against anti-people government policies, fascism, imperialism, terrorism and environmental degradation. Says Solidarity’s Public Relations Secretary K.K.Basheer, ‘We now have a membership of some 4000, including some two hundred non-Muslims. Most are teachers, businessmen, doctors, but also fishermen, small farmers and labourers, between the age of 18 and 40. Members provide one per cent of their income to Solidarity’s bait ul-mal (treasury) to meet our expenses.
We work closely with non-Muslim groups in Kerala, particularly leftists, who are concerned about similar social causes. Some of our activists work with Adivasis in Wynad, on issues of empowerment, education and drug de-addiction. Some other activists helped out with the government’s Ambedkar Housing Scheme for Dalits. We’ve constructed some 500 houses for the poor, and plan to build a hundred homes for Adivasis soon.’ Over the years, ‘Solidarity’ has organized mass rallies across Kerala, to which it has invited such noted social activists as Medha Patkar, Arundhati Roy, Sandeep Pandey, Ram Puniyani, Suresh Khairnar, Iftikhar Gilani, Ajit Sahi, Yvonne Ridley, Claude Alvares and Kuldeep Nayyar.
‘Kerala is very different from north India,’ Basheer goes on, with evident pride. ‘People here, including Muslims, are much more socially aware and politically conscious. The contrast with north Indian Muslims is glaring. But the Solidarity experiment in Kerala has definitely had an impact on youth associated with the Jamaat-e Islami, some of who are now trying to get more socially involved as a result, moving beyond issues that are narrowly framed as specifically Islamic or Muslim.’ But this is not a phenomenon limited just to the JI. As Basheer adds, ‘Other Muslim groups in Kerala are also, like the Jamaat, increasingly working on social, economic and educational empowerment, and for communal harmony and against terrorism and fascism. These initiatives in Kerala, which, unfortunately, are hardly known elsewhere in India, can provide a powerful inspiration and example for Muslim activists in the rest of India to learn from.’
Unlike much of the rest of India, Islamic organizations in Kerala are heavily involved in various forms social activism, not limiting themselves simply to religious education and preaching or to petitioning the government for sops. This is one of the major reasons for the remarkable social, economic and educational progress that Kerala’s Muslims, who account for around a fourth of the state’s population, have witnessed in recent decades. Among the major Islamic movements in Kerala is the Jamaat-e Islami (JI).
The Kerala JI’s headquarters are located at the Hira Centre, an imposing multi-storey building in the heart of Calicut (Kozhikode), a town which, for centuries, has been a major Muslim centre. Enter the building and the stark contrast with north Indian Muslim organizations—even with the JI’s units in the north—is immediately evident. The building is sparkling clean and well-maintained, and it has separate offices for its different wings, which are a staffed by team of professionally qualified activists (and not just maulanas).
The ‘Dialogue Centre’ is one of the Kerala JI’s major initiatives. Set up six years ago, it aims at promoting inter-community dialogue and understanding. Says Shaikh Muhammad Karakunnu, its Director, ‘In recent years in Kerala, particularly after 9/11, there has been a sudden surge in debates about Islam—mostly negative though—and so we felt it important to reach out to Hindus, Christians and others in the state to address their misunderstandings about our faith.
The Dialogue Centre seeks to do that by publishing literature and by organizing periodic seminars and public conventions, to which we also invite Hindu and Christian religious leaders as well as Marxists. We dialogue in a friendly way, not in the old-fashioned polemical manner, and do not limit ourselves simply to religious issues but also take up matters of common social concern, on which people of different faiths can work together.’
‘Dharma Dhara’ is the Kerala JI’s communications division. So far, it has produced some 50 CDs in Malayalam, mainly about Islam, but also on social issues and struggles for justice for marginalized groups. One of its most recent productions is a digitalized edition in Malayalam of Syed Abul Ala Maududi’s voluminous commentary on the Quran, Tahfim ul-Quran. It has also produced tapes and CDs containing Islamically-inspired feature films, dramas and songs, some by non-Muslim singers and actors, something quite inconceivable in the Urdu-Hindi belt.
Through its ‘Jana Sevanam’ wing the Kerala JI engages in small economic development projects for the poor and assisting people affected by natural calamities. In the wake of the deadly Tsunami which struck coastal India some years ago, it collected and disbursed more than three crore rupees to victims in Kerala and the Andaman Islands. Says T.K.Hussain, the head of the programme, ‘Jana Sevanam runs more than 300 small interest-free lending institutions to help poor families set up small scale industries and for loans for emergencies and for education. Taken together, every year then lend out more than five crore rupees, the money being collected from zakat funds and donations or sadqa.’
Jana Sevanam’s ‘Ideal Relief Wing’ has trained some 500 volunteers, including girls, to help in relief work, and its teams have worked in emergency situations not just in Kerala but in Kashmir, Bihar and Rajasthan as well. Recently, it sponsored the repair of two general wards in the Calicut government hospital. Activists associated with Jana Sevanam run six hospitals in Kerala, including a new three hundred-bed super-speciality medical centre, and also provide subsidized medical treatment, including to poor non-Muslim patients, through the Association of Ideal Medical Services, a network of Muslim and non-Muslim doctors in the state. Across Kerala JI activists run some 150 regular schools, mostly from kindergarten to the twelfth standard and affiliated to the Central Board of Secondary Education, in addition to some 200 part-time madrasas and a dozen or so Arabic Colleges for higher Islamic learning.
Established in 2003, ‘Solidarity’ is an organization led by youth activists of the Kerala JI. It has been involved in generating mass awareness on a range of social issues as well as leading and participating in social movements against anti-people government policies, fascism, imperialism, terrorism and environmental degradation. Says Solidarity’s Public Relations Secretary K.K.Basheer, ‘We now have a membership of some 4000, including some two hundred non-Muslims. Most are teachers, businessmen, doctors, but also fishermen, small farmers and labourers, between the age of 18 and 40. Members provide one per cent of their income to Solidarity’s bait ul-mal (treasury) to meet our expenses.
We work closely with non-Muslim groups in Kerala, particularly leftists, who are concerned about similar social causes. Some of our activists work with Adivasis in Wynad, on issues of empowerment, education and drug de-addiction. Some other activists helped out with the government’s Ambedkar Housing Scheme for Dalits. We’ve constructed some 500 houses for the poor, and plan to build a hundred homes for Adivasis soon.’ Over the years, ‘Solidarity’ has organized mass rallies across Kerala, to which it has invited such noted social activists as Medha Patkar, Arundhati Roy, Sandeep Pandey, Ram Puniyani, Suresh Khairnar, Iftikhar Gilani, Ajit Sahi, Yvonne Ridley, Claude Alvares and Kuldeep Nayyar.
‘Kerala is very different from north India,’ Basheer goes on, with evident pride. ‘People here, including Muslims, are much more socially aware and politically conscious. The contrast with north Indian Muslims is glaring. But the Solidarity experiment in Kerala has definitely had an impact on youth associated with the Jamaat-e Islami, some of who are now trying to get more socially involved as a result, moving beyond issues that are narrowly framed as specifically Islamic or Muslim.’ But this is not a phenomenon limited just to the JI. As Basheer adds, ‘Other Muslim groups in Kerala are also, like the Jamaat, increasingly working on social, economic and educational empowerment, and for communal harmony and against terrorism and fascism. These initiatives in Kerala, which, unfortunately, are hardly known elsewhere in India, can provide a powerful inspiration and example for Muslim activists in the rest of India to learn from.’
Thursday, February 26, 2009
NCP offers clock symbol to Chiru party
By M H Ahssan
In a move that may indicate changing equations at the Centre, the Nationalist Congress Party led by Union agriculture minister Sharad Pawar has offered its ‘clock’ symbol to the Prajarajyam Party of Chiranjeevi to contest the elections in Andhra Pradesh. If accepted by Prajarajyam, Pawar’s NCP will take on its UPA ally, the Congress, in the coming elections in the state.
NCP is a registered national party with the Election Commission of India and was allotted the ‘clock’ symbol way back in 2000 after its electoral performance in Maharashtra and Andaman and Nicobar Islands. Prajarajyam sources said the offer to lend its symbol to Chiranjeevi’s party was made by Y P Trivedi, NCP treasurer and close confidant of Pawar, when he met the Prajarajyam president here a few days ago.
The offer comes as a welcome relief for Prajarajyam as the Election Commission has rejected its plea for a common symbol on the ground that the new party does not meet the required criteria. “We are in the process of weighing the option of accepting NCP’s proposal,” A Prajarajyam Party senior leader said.
The sources added that Chiranjeevi is inclined to take up the ‘clock’ symbol. “His initial concern was whether by using the NCP symbol, would the party still be able to qualify for being recognised as a regional party by the EC for the next elections. After being told by EC that Prajarajyam will qualify provided it meets the criteria, the NCP offer is likely to be accepted,” the sources said.
NCP too stands to gain from the arrangement. “While the party’s stature as a national party will grow by the usage of the clock symbol in Andhra Pradesh, it is also seen as a direct challenge to Congress president Sonia Gandhi as the ‘clock’ would be pitted against the ‘hand’ symbol of the Congress. There is a clear message to the Congress that the NCP cannot be taken for granted by the Congress in the post-election scenario,” one leader said.
According to Prajarajyam sources, Chiranjeevi feels that lack of a common symbol might greatly mar the performance of the party in the elections. “Chiranjeevi has a huge following in rural areas and many of these voters are either illiterate or semiliterate and therefore, rely on the symbol to cast their votes. The lack of a common symbol is bound to confuse the rural voter,” the sources said. Hence, the likelihood of Prajarajyam taking up the NCP’s offer, they added.
In a move that may indicate changing equations at the Centre, the Nationalist Congress Party led by Union agriculture minister Sharad Pawar has offered its ‘clock’ symbol to the Prajarajyam Party of Chiranjeevi to contest the elections in Andhra Pradesh. If accepted by Prajarajyam, Pawar’s NCP will take on its UPA ally, the Congress, in the coming elections in the state.
NCP is a registered national party with the Election Commission of India and was allotted the ‘clock’ symbol way back in 2000 after its electoral performance in Maharashtra and Andaman and Nicobar Islands. Prajarajyam sources said the offer to lend its symbol to Chiranjeevi’s party was made by Y P Trivedi, NCP treasurer and close confidant of Pawar, when he met the Prajarajyam president here a few days ago.
The offer comes as a welcome relief for Prajarajyam as the Election Commission has rejected its plea for a common symbol on the ground that the new party does not meet the required criteria. “We are in the process of weighing the option of accepting NCP’s proposal,” A Prajarajyam Party senior leader said.
The sources added that Chiranjeevi is inclined to take up the ‘clock’ symbol. “His initial concern was whether by using the NCP symbol, would the party still be able to qualify for being recognised as a regional party by the EC for the next elections. After being told by EC that Prajarajyam will qualify provided it meets the criteria, the NCP offer is likely to be accepted,” the sources said.
NCP too stands to gain from the arrangement. “While the party’s stature as a national party will grow by the usage of the clock symbol in Andhra Pradesh, it is also seen as a direct challenge to Congress president Sonia Gandhi as the ‘clock’ would be pitted against the ‘hand’ symbol of the Congress. There is a clear message to the Congress that the NCP cannot be taken for granted by the Congress in the post-election scenario,” one leader said.
According to Prajarajyam sources, Chiranjeevi feels that lack of a common symbol might greatly mar the performance of the party in the elections. “Chiranjeevi has a huge following in rural areas and many of these voters are either illiterate or semiliterate and therefore, rely on the symbol to cast their votes. The lack of a common symbol is bound to confuse the rural voter,” the sources said. Hence, the likelihood of Prajarajyam taking up the NCP’s offer, they added.
Monday, February 16, 2009
War on terror needs a paradigm shift
By Javid Hassan
The ongoing National Campaign for Combating Terrorism (NCCT), which got under way in New Delhi on Feb. 3, will culminate in a seminar, ‘Aashirwad-the journey begins’, on March 6. The event has been marked by speeches, human chain, cultural programmes and calls to draw inspiration from the heroes of Indian history.
A dispassionate analysis of all the rhetorics and theatricals thrown into the anti-terrorism campaign makes it clear that those spearheading the campaign have missed what should have been the main point of the debate on the root cause of terrorism. Before we delve deeper into those aspects, it would be instructive to recap what has been said or done so far in order to realize the need for a paradigm shift.
The campaign got under way on February 3 in New Delhi with a `peace and harmony run'. More than 4,000 students from 78 colleges in Delhi and elsewhere have already registered for the run, which was flagged off by Vice Chancellor Deepak Pental of Delhi University. He observed that under the banner of NCCT, Delhi University Students’ Union (DUSU) will mobilize the youth by holding a series of functions during the month-long campaign.
Besides the peace run, DUSU has lined up various other events as part of the campaign against terrorism: a two-day bilingual theatre festival held on February 9; debating competition scheduled in Delhi on February 19; `Udgosh - Spice of India', a music festival on February 27 and `Aashirwad - the journey begins', a seminar on March 6 at the New Conference Hall.
The next phase of NCCT would involve Loyola College, Chennai, where similar competitions will be held to identify budding talents, who would then be grouped into an NGO dedicated to helping the victims of terror.
The organizers of the anti-terrorism campaign have exhorted the members of NCCT to imbibe human values that underpin responsible citizens. And the only way forward, we are told, is to educate ourselves about our country and its cultural roots underlying the greatness of the Indian nation.
In Karnataka, over 15,000 students from colleges in Dharwad constituted a human chain as part of the campaign against terrorism on Feb.3. The initiative for this came from the department of higher education in Bangalore for launching a State-wide drive aimed at mobilising the youth in the fight against terrorism. The campaign, according to government officials, is deemed necessary in view of the surge in terrorist activities involving students and youths in India in general and Karnataka in particular.
Leaving aside these platitudes, it is instructive to examine the root cause of terrorism on the basis of realities on the ground. In the case of the Nanded bomb blast, for example, the motive, according to accused, Bhanurao Vithalrao Choudhary, was to target a mosque in Aurangabad. He also identified Himanshu who told them they needed to fight Muslim terror by carrying out terror strikes in the country. However, the plan could not materialize, as the bomb that exploded by accident in Nanded was actually meant to destroy the Aurangabad mosque.
Choudhary pointed out that Himanshu was in a revengeful mood due to the fact that underworld don Dawood Ibrahim, who was responsible for the Gateway of India blast in 2003 which killed many, went away scot-free despite the massacre that he was involved in. Thus, Himanshu believed, it was necessary to target the Muslim population in the country to safeguard the interests of the Hindutva.
Elaborating on the theme, Aleem Faizee, social activist working for the Malegaon blast victims, observed during investigations that the police found a map with details of the Aurangabad mosque. They also came across fake beards and Muslim outfits as part of the grand design to plant bombs and shift the blame on Muslims.
Muslim extremists, too, have been crazed by the same spirit of revenge. This became clear during the statements made by some of the accused arrested in connection with the recent Delhi blasts. The gang leader, Riyaz Bhatkal, said during interrogation that the blasts were meant to avenge the Mecca Masjid blasts which, he believed, involved some Hindu outfits to pin the blame on Muslims.
Here it would not be out of place to cite the example of Andaman Islands, which has a mix of Hindus, Muslims and Christians. Yet, it has never experienced communal violence. The reason is that there are no political parties to fan the flames of ethnic, cultural or religious divide. This proves convincingly that political parties have their own agenda in creating by communal or religious tension by exploiting the youth or some unemployed people.
Other factors responsible for the wave of terrorist attacks in the country stem from the use of high technology, to which techno-savvy youth have access. For instance, US Internet search company Google Inc released recently a software programme that allows users of mobile phones and other wireless devices to automatically share their whereabouts with family and friends. Users in 27 countries can broadcast their location to others constantly, using Google Latitude. The controls also enable users to decide who receives the information or to go offline at any time.
In a blog announcing the launch of the new service, Google believes that with this new technology, it is not only possible to control exactly who gets to see your location, but also decide the location that they see. What is more, friends' whereabouts can be tracked on a Google map, either from a handset or from a personal computer.
However, Google has rendered this state-of-the-art technology inaccessible to terrorists through built-in checks and controls. On the other hand, there is mounting evidence that high-tech terrorists are relying increasingly on SIM cards to cover up their tracks during mobile calls from various destinations.
In one bizarre case involving an airport employee, the police discovered that he had procured 10 SIM cards by placing orders on his company’s letterhead and forging signatures of its executives. The other application of science and technology put the spotlight on Abdul Sattar, a technician who had earlier worked in Saudi Arabia as an air-conditioning timer expert. He used his expertise to set off blasts in Bangalore and Ahmedabad in July last year
These bomb blasts involving both Hindus and Muslims underline a common message. When people lack a focus in life, are not aware of the do’s and don’ts of successful living, have a weak moral foundation, lack the spirit of research and enquiry in the pursuit of their goal as a student, do not know how to overcome the challenges of life, they dissipate their energy in a wild goose chase. They behave like a stray bullet killing innocent people, destroying houses, causing avoidable damage, and playing havoc with society like a loose cannon.
The youth cannot be insulated from terrorism by issuing high-decibel calls in the name of patriotism or cultural heritage. Illustrious personalities, however great they might be, do not change the mindset of a people anywhere in the field unless the desire for change lingers within oneself. And the only way to bring about that change is to impress on a person the importance of taking care of the present.
This is the message that Socrates delivers to Dan Millman, the university student and gymnast, in the 2006 American movie, “Peaceful Warrior.” Dan, who dreams of becoming a national champion, is diverted from his main goal by his sexual exploits. Socrates, with whom Dan has a chance encounter, advises the latter to concentrate on his goal to the exclusion of other diversions. He also teaches him to focus on his journey in order to reach his destination. These valuable lesson change the course of his life leading him eventually to win the coveted championship award.
Media education can play that role in transforming students from non-entities into entities with a mission to succeed in their goal. Once they have a mission statement in life, they will not have time for eve-teasing or other non-academic pursuits like sending pink chaddies to Ram Sena leader Pramod Mutalik on Valentine Day as they did on Feb.14.
Nor will they fall into the hands of terrorists or indulge in violence, political or criminal activities due to their heightened awareness of crime and punishment. I was absolutely shocked to learn, in a letter to the editor, that some of our youths take the politicians to be their role models! What else can we expect from such a generation other than terrorism, hooliganism, ragging, assaults on teachers, cheating in exams, etc.
To sum up, the only way to wean the Indian youths away from the scourge of terrorism is to inspire them with a mission in life as student. Through media awareness programmes, they can be made to realize that they have no future unless they have a goal and become a shining star to win the attention of those who matter. Once their goal is defined, they will not fall by the wayside and become an unexploded landmine taking innocent lives.
The ongoing National Campaign for Combating Terrorism (NCCT), which got under way in New Delhi on Feb. 3, will culminate in a seminar, ‘Aashirwad-the journey begins’, on March 6. The event has been marked by speeches, human chain, cultural programmes and calls to draw inspiration from the heroes of Indian history.
A dispassionate analysis of all the rhetorics and theatricals thrown into the anti-terrorism campaign makes it clear that those spearheading the campaign have missed what should have been the main point of the debate on the root cause of terrorism. Before we delve deeper into those aspects, it would be instructive to recap what has been said or done so far in order to realize the need for a paradigm shift.
The campaign got under way on February 3 in New Delhi with a `peace and harmony run'. More than 4,000 students from 78 colleges in Delhi and elsewhere have already registered for the run, which was flagged off by Vice Chancellor Deepak Pental of Delhi University. He observed that under the banner of NCCT, Delhi University Students’ Union (DUSU) will mobilize the youth by holding a series of functions during the month-long campaign.
Besides the peace run, DUSU has lined up various other events as part of the campaign against terrorism: a two-day bilingual theatre festival held on February 9; debating competition scheduled in Delhi on February 19; `Udgosh - Spice of India', a music festival on February 27 and `Aashirwad - the journey begins', a seminar on March 6 at the New Conference Hall.
The next phase of NCCT would involve Loyola College, Chennai, where similar competitions will be held to identify budding talents, who would then be grouped into an NGO dedicated to helping the victims of terror.
The organizers of the anti-terrorism campaign have exhorted the members of NCCT to imbibe human values that underpin responsible citizens. And the only way forward, we are told, is to educate ourselves about our country and its cultural roots underlying the greatness of the Indian nation.
In Karnataka, over 15,000 students from colleges in Dharwad constituted a human chain as part of the campaign against terrorism on Feb.3. The initiative for this came from the department of higher education in Bangalore for launching a State-wide drive aimed at mobilising the youth in the fight against terrorism. The campaign, according to government officials, is deemed necessary in view of the surge in terrorist activities involving students and youths in India in general and Karnataka in particular.
Leaving aside these platitudes, it is instructive to examine the root cause of terrorism on the basis of realities on the ground. In the case of the Nanded bomb blast, for example, the motive, according to accused, Bhanurao Vithalrao Choudhary, was to target a mosque in Aurangabad. He also identified Himanshu who told them they needed to fight Muslim terror by carrying out terror strikes in the country. However, the plan could not materialize, as the bomb that exploded by accident in Nanded was actually meant to destroy the Aurangabad mosque.
Choudhary pointed out that Himanshu was in a revengeful mood due to the fact that underworld don Dawood Ibrahim, who was responsible for the Gateway of India blast in 2003 which killed many, went away scot-free despite the massacre that he was involved in. Thus, Himanshu believed, it was necessary to target the Muslim population in the country to safeguard the interests of the Hindutva.
Elaborating on the theme, Aleem Faizee, social activist working for the Malegaon blast victims, observed during investigations that the police found a map with details of the Aurangabad mosque. They also came across fake beards and Muslim outfits as part of the grand design to plant bombs and shift the blame on Muslims.
Muslim extremists, too, have been crazed by the same spirit of revenge. This became clear during the statements made by some of the accused arrested in connection with the recent Delhi blasts. The gang leader, Riyaz Bhatkal, said during interrogation that the blasts were meant to avenge the Mecca Masjid blasts which, he believed, involved some Hindu outfits to pin the blame on Muslims.
Here it would not be out of place to cite the example of Andaman Islands, which has a mix of Hindus, Muslims and Christians. Yet, it has never experienced communal violence. The reason is that there are no political parties to fan the flames of ethnic, cultural or religious divide. This proves convincingly that political parties have their own agenda in creating by communal or religious tension by exploiting the youth or some unemployed people.
Other factors responsible for the wave of terrorist attacks in the country stem from the use of high technology, to which techno-savvy youth have access. For instance, US Internet search company Google Inc released recently a software programme that allows users of mobile phones and other wireless devices to automatically share their whereabouts with family and friends. Users in 27 countries can broadcast their location to others constantly, using Google Latitude. The controls also enable users to decide who receives the information or to go offline at any time.
In a blog announcing the launch of the new service, Google believes that with this new technology, it is not only possible to control exactly who gets to see your location, but also decide the location that they see. What is more, friends' whereabouts can be tracked on a Google map, either from a handset or from a personal computer.
However, Google has rendered this state-of-the-art technology inaccessible to terrorists through built-in checks and controls. On the other hand, there is mounting evidence that high-tech terrorists are relying increasingly on SIM cards to cover up their tracks during mobile calls from various destinations.
In one bizarre case involving an airport employee, the police discovered that he had procured 10 SIM cards by placing orders on his company’s letterhead and forging signatures of its executives. The other application of science and technology put the spotlight on Abdul Sattar, a technician who had earlier worked in Saudi Arabia as an air-conditioning timer expert. He used his expertise to set off blasts in Bangalore and Ahmedabad in July last year
These bomb blasts involving both Hindus and Muslims underline a common message. When people lack a focus in life, are not aware of the do’s and don’ts of successful living, have a weak moral foundation, lack the spirit of research and enquiry in the pursuit of their goal as a student, do not know how to overcome the challenges of life, they dissipate their energy in a wild goose chase. They behave like a stray bullet killing innocent people, destroying houses, causing avoidable damage, and playing havoc with society like a loose cannon.
The youth cannot be insulated from terrorism by issuing high-decibel calls in the name of patriotism or cultural heritage. Illustrious personalities, however great they might be, do not change the mindset of a people anywhere in the field unless the desire for change lingers within oneself. And the only way to bring about that change is to impress on a person the importance of taking care of the present.
This is the message that Socrates delivers to Dan Millman, the university student and gymnast, in the 2006 American movie, “Peaceful Warrior.” Dan, who dreams of becoming a national champion, is diverted from his main goal by his sexual exploits. Socrates, with whom Dan has a chance encounter, advises the latter to concentrate on his goal to the exclusion of other diversions. He also teaches him to focus on his journey in order to reach his destination. These valuable lesson change the course of his life leading him eventually to win the coveted championship award.
Media education can play that role in transforming students from non-entities into entities with a mission to succeed in their goal. Once they have a mission statement in life, they will not have time for eve-teasing or other non-academic pursuits like sending pink chaddies to Ram Sena leader Pramod Mutalik on Valentine Day as they did on Feb.14.
Nor will they fall into the hands of terrorists or indulge in violence, political or criminal activities due to their heightened awareness of crime and punishment. I was absolutely shocked to learn, in a letter to the editor, that some of our youths take the politicians to be their role models! What else can we expect from such a generation other than terrorism, hooliganism, ragging, assaults on teachers, cheating in exams, etc.
To sum up, the only way to wean the Indian youths away from the scourge of terrorism is to inspire them with a mission in life as student. Through media awareness programmes, they can be made to realize that they have no future unless they have a goal and become a shining star to win the attention of those who matter. Once their goal is defined, they will not fall by the wayside and become an unexploded landmine taking innocent lives.
War on terror needs a paradigm shift
By Javid Hassan
The ongoing National Campaign for Combating Terrorism (NCCT), which got under way in New Delhi on Feb. 3, will culminate in a seminar, ‘Aashirwad-the journey begins’, on March 6. The event has been marked by speeches, human chain, cultural programmes and calls to draw inspiration from the heroes of Indian history.
A dispassionate analysis of all the rhetorics and theatricals thrown into the anti-terrorism campaign makes it clear that those spearheading the campaign have missed what should have been the main point of the debate on the root cause of terrorism. Before we delve deeper into those aspects, it would be instructive to recap what has been said or done so far in order to realize the need for a paradigm shift.
The campaign got under way on February 3 in New Delhi with a `peace and harmony run'. More than 4,000 students from 78 colleges in Delhi and elsewhere have already registered for the run, which was flagged off by Vice Chancellor Deepak Pental of Delhi University. He observed that under the banner of NCCT, Delhi University Students’ Union (DUSU) will mobilize the youth by holding a series of functions during the month-long campaign.
Besides the peace run, DUSU has lined up various other events as part of the campaign against terrorism: a two-day bilingual theatre festival held on February 9; debating competition scheduled in Delhi on February 19; `Udgosh - Spice of India', a music festival on February 27 and `Aashirwad - the journey begins', a seminar on March 6 at the New Conference Hall.
The next phase of NCCT would involve Loyola College, Chennai, where similar competitions will be held to identify budding talents, who would then be grouped into an NGO dedicated to helping the victims of terror.
The organizers of the anti-terrorism campaign have exhorted the members of NCCT to imbibe human values that underpin responsible citizens. And the only way forward, we are told, is to educate ourselves about our country and its cultural roots underlying the greatness of the Indian nation.
In Karnataka, over 15,000 students from colleges in Dharwad constituted a human chain as part of the campaign against terrorism on Feb.3. The initiative for this came from the department of higher education in Bangalore for launching a State-wide drive aimed at mobilising the youth in the fight against terrorism. The campaign, according to government officials, is deemed necessary in view of the surge in terrorist activities involving students and youths in India in general and Karnataka in particular.
Leaving aside these platitudes, it is instructive to examine the root cause of terrorism on the basis of realities on the ground. In the case of the Nanded bomb blast, for example, the motive, according to accused, Bhanurao Vithalrao Choudhary, was to target a mosque in Aurangabad. He also identified Himanshu who told them they needed to fight Muslim terror by carrying out terror strikes in the country. However, the plan could not materialize, as the bomb that exploded by accident in Nanded was actually meant to destroy the Aurangabad mosque.
Choudhary pointed out that Himanshu was in a revengeful mood due to the fact that underworld don Dawood Ibrahim, who was responsible for the Gateway of India blast in 2003 which killed many, went away scot-free despite the massacre that he was involved in. Thus, Himanshu believed, it was necessary to target the Muslim population in the country to safeguard the interests of the Hindutva.
Elaborating on the theme, Aleem Faizee, social activist working for the Malegaon blast victims, observed during investigations that the police found a map with details of the Aurangabad mosque. They also came across fake beards and Muslim outfits as part of the grand design to plant bombs and shift the blame on Muslims.
Muslim extremists, too, have been crazed by the same spirit of revenge. This became clear during the statements made by some of the accused arrested in connection with the recent Delhi blasts. The gang leader, Riyaz Bhatkal, said during interrogation that the blasts were meant to avenge the Mecca Masjid blasts which, he believed, involved some Hindu outfits to pin the blame on Muslims.
Here it would not be out of place to cite the example of Andaman Islands, which has a mix of Hindus, Muslims and Christians. Yet, it has never experienced communal violence. The reason is that there are no political parties to fan the flames of ethnic, cultural or religious divide. This proves convincingly that political parties have their own agenda in creating by communal or religious tension by exploiting the youth or some unemployed people.
Other factors responsible for the wave of terrorist attacks in the country stem from the use of high technology, to which techno-savvy youth have access. For instance, US Internet search company Google Inc released recently a software programme that allows users of mobile phones and other wireless devices to automatically share their whereabouts with family and friends. Users in 27 countries can broadcast their location to others constantly, using Google Latitude. The controls also enable users to decide who receives the information or to go offline at any time.
In a blog announcing the launch of the new service, Google believes that with this new technology, it is not only possible to control exactly who gets to see your location, but also decide the location that they see. What is more, friends' whereabouts can be tracked on a Google map, either from a handset or from a personal computer.
However, Google has rendered this state-of-the-art technology inaccessible to terrorists through built-in checks and controls. On the other hand, there is mounting evidence that high-tech terrorists are relying increasingly on SIM cards to cover up their tracks during mobile calls from various destinations.
In one bizarre case involving an airport employee, the police discovered that he had procured 10 SIM cards by placing orders on his company’s letterhead and forging signatures of its executives. The other application of science and technology put the spotlight on Abdul Sattar, a technician who had earlier worked in Saudi Arabia as an air-conditioning timer expert. He used his expertise to set off blasts in Bangalore and Ahmedabad in July last year
These bomb blasts involving both Hindus and Muslims underline a common message. When people lack a focus in life, are not aware of the do’s and don’ts of successful living, have a weak moral foundation, lack the spirit of research and enquiry in the pursuit of their goal as a student, do not know how to overcome the challenges of life, they dissipate their energy in a wild goose chase. They behave like a stray bullet killing innocent people, destroying houses, causing avoidable damage, and playing havoc with society like a loose cannon.
The youth cannot be insulated from terrorism by issuing high-decibel calls in the name of patriotism or cultural heritage. Illustrious personalities, however great they might be, do not change the mindset of a people anywhere in the field unless the desire for change lingers within oneself. And the only way to bring about that change is to impress on a person the importance of taking care of the present.
This is the message that Socrates delivers to Dan Millman, the university student and gymnast, in the 2006 American movie, “Peaceful Warrior.” Dan, who dreams of becoming a national champion, is diverted from his main goal by his sexual exploits. Socrates, with whom Dan has a chance encounter, advises the latter to concentrate on his goal to the exclusion of other diversions. He also teaches him to focus on his journey in order to reach his destination. These valuable lesson change the course of his life leading him eventually to win the coveted championship award.
Media education can play that role in transforming students from non-entities into entities with a mission to succeed in their goal. Once they have a mission statement in life, they will not have time for eve-teasing or other non-academic pursuits like sending pink chaddies to Ram Sena leader Pramod Mutalik on Valentine Day as they did on Feb.14.
Nor will they fall into the hands of terrorists or indulge in violence, political or criminal activities due to their heightened awareness of crime and punishment. I was absolutely shocked to learn, in a letter to the editor, that some of our youths take the politicians to be their role models! What else can we expect from such a generation other than terrorism, hooliganism, ragging, assaults on teachers, cheating in exams, etc.
To sum up, the only way to wean the Indian youths away from the scourge of terrorism is to inspire them with a mission in life as student. Through media awareness programmes, they can be made to realize that they have no future unless they have a goal and become a shining star to win the attention of those who matter. Once their goal is defined, they will not fall by the wayside and become an unexploded landmine taking innocent lives.
The ongoing National Campaign for Combating Terrorism (NCCT), which got under way in New Delhi on Feb. 3, will culminate in a seminar, ‘Aashirwad-the journey begins’, on March 6. The event has been marked by speeches, human chain, cultural programmes and calls to draw inspiration from the heroes of Indian history.
A dispassionate analysis of all the rhetorics and theatricals thrown into the anti-terrorism campaign makes it clear that those spearheading the campaign have missed what should have been the main point of the debate on the root cause of terrorism. Before we delve deeper into those aspects, it would be instructive to recap what has been said or done so far in order to realize the need for a paradigm shift.
The campaign got under way on February 3 in New Delhi with a `peace and harmony run'. More than 4,000 students from 78 colleges in Delhi and elsewhere have already registered for the run, which was flagged off by Vice Chancellor Deepak Pental of Delhi University. He observed that under the banner of NCCT, Delhi University Students’ Union (DUSU) will mobilize the youth by holding a series of functions during the month-long campaign.
Besides the peace run, DUSU has lined up various other events as part of the campaign against terrorism: a two-day bilingual theatre festival held on February 9; debating competition scheduled in Delhi on February 19; `Udgosh - Spice of India', a music festival on February 27 and `Aashirwad - the journey begins', a seminar on March 6 at the New Conference Hall.
The next phase of NCCT would involve Loyola College, Chennai, where similar competitions will be held to identify budding talents, who would then be grouped into an NGO dedicated to helping the victims of terror.
The organizers of the anti-terrorism campaign have exhorted the members of NCCT to imbibe human values that underpin responsible citizens. And the only way forward, we are told, is to educate ourselves about our country and its cultural roots underlying the greatness of the Indian nation.
In Karnataka, over 15,000 students from colleges in Dharwad constituted a human chain as part of the campaign against terrorism on Feb.3. The initiative for this came from the department of higher education in Bangalore for launching a State-wide drive aimed at mobilising the youth in the fight against terrorism. The campaign, according to government officials, is deemed necessary in view of the surge in terrorist activities involving students and youths in India in general and Karnataka in particular.
Leaving aside these platitudes, it is instructive to examine the root cause of terrorism on the basis of realities on the ground. In the case of the Nanded bomb blast, for example, the motive, according to accused, Bhanurao Vithalrao Choudhary, was to target a mosque in Aurangabad. He also identified Himanshu who told them they needed to fight Muslim terror by carrying out terror strikes in the country. However, the plan could not materialize, as the bomb that exploded by accident in Nanded was actually meant to destroy the Aurangabad mosque.
Choudhary pointed out that Himanshu was in a revengeful mood due to the fact that underworld don Dawood Ibrahim, who was responsible for the Gateway of India blast in 2003 which killed many, went away scot-free despite the massacre that he was involved in. Thus, Himanshu believed, it was necessary to target the Muslim population in the country to safeguard the interests of the Hindutva.
Elaborating on the theme, Aleem Faizee, social activist working for the Malegaon blast victims, observed during investigations that the police found a map with details of the Aurangabad mosque. They also came across fake beards and Muslim outfits as part of the grand design to plant bombs and shift the blame on Muslims.
Muslim extremists, too, have been crazed by the same spirit of revenge. This became clear during the statements made by some of the accused arrested in connection with the recent Delhi blasts. The gang leader, Riyaz Bhatkal, said during interrogation that the blasts were meant to avenge the Mecca Masjid blasts which, he believed, involved some Hindu outfits to pin the blame on Muslims.
Here it would not be out of place to cite the example of Andaman Islands, which has a mix of Hindus, Muslims and Christians. Yet, it has never experienced communal violence. The reason is that there are no political parties to fan the flames of ethnic, cultural or religious divide. This proves convincingly that political parties have their own agenda in creating by communal or religious tension by exploiting the youth or some unemployed people.
Other factors responsible for the wave of terrorist attacks in the country stem from the use of high technology, to which techno-savvy youth have access. For instance, US Internet search company Google Inc released recently a software programme that allows users of mobile phones and other wireless devices to automatically share their whereabouts with family and friends. Users in 27 countries can broadcast their location to others constantly, using Google Latitude. The controls also enable users to decide who receives the information or to go offline at any time.
In a blog announcing the launch of the new service, Google believes that with this new technology, it is not only possible to control exactly who gets to see your location, but also decide the location that they see. What is more, friends' whereabouts can be tracked on a Google map, either from a handset or from a personal computer.
However, Google has rendered this state-of-the-art technology inaccessible to terrorists through built-in checks and controls. On the other hand, there is mounting evidence that high-tech terrorists are relying increasingly on SIM cards to cover up their tracks during mobile calls from various destinations.
In one bizarre case involving an airport employee, the police discovered that he had procured 10 SIM cards by placing orders on his company’s letterhead and forging signatures of its executives. The other application of science and technology put the spotlight on Abdul Sattar, a technician who had earlier worked in Saudi Arabia as an air-conditioning timer expert. He used his expertise to set off blasts in Bangalore and Ahmedabad in July last year
These bomb blasts involving both Hindus and Muslims underline a common message. When people lack a focus in life, are not aware of the do’s and don’ts of successful living, have a weak moral foundation, lack the spirit of research and enquiry in the pursuit of their goal as a student, do not know how to overcome the challenges of life, they dissipate their energy in a wild goose chase. They behave like a stray bullet killing innocent people, destroying houses, causing avoidable damage, and playing havoc with society like a loose cannon.
The youth cannot be insulated from terrorism by issuing high-decibel calls in the name of patriotism or cultural heritage. Illustrious personalities, however great they might be, do not change the mindset of a people anywhere in the field unless the desire for change lingers within oneself. And the only way to bring about that change is to impress on a person the importance of taking care of the present.
This is the message that Socrates delivers to Dan Millman, the university student and gymnast, in the 2006 American movie, “Peaceful Warrior.” Dan, who dreams of becoming a national champion, is diverted from his main goal by his sexual exploits. Socrates, with whom Dan has a chance encounter, advises the latter to concentrate on his goal to the exclusion of other diversions. He also teaches him to focus on his journey in order to reach his destination. These valuable lesson change the course of his life leading him eventually to win the coveted championship award.
Media education can play that role in transforming students from non-entities into entities with a mission to succeed in their goal. Once they have a mission statement in life, they will not have time for eve-teasing or other non-academic pursuits like sending pink chaddies to Ram Sena leader Pramod Mutalik on Valentine Day as they did on Feb.14.
Nor will they fall into the hands of terrorists or indulge in violence, political or criminal activities due to their heightened awareness of crime and punishment. I was absolutely shocked to learn, in a letter to the editor, that some of our youths take the politicians to be their role models! What else can we expect from such a generation other than terrorism, hooliganism, ragging, assaults on teachers, cheating in exams, etc.
To sum up, the only way to wean the Indian youths away from the scourge of terrorism is to inspire them with a mission in life as student. Through media awareness programmes, they can be made to realize that they have no future unless they have a goal and become a shining star to win the attention of those who matter. Once their goal is defined, they will not fall by the wayside and become an unexploded landmine taking innocent lives.
War on terror needs a paradigm shift
By Javid Hassan
The ongoing National Campaign for Combating Terrorism (NCCT), which got under way in New Delhi on Feb. 3, will culminate in a seminar, ‘Aashirwad-the journey begins’, on March 6. The event has been marked by speeches, human chain, cultural programmes and calls to draw inspiration from the heroes of Indian history.
A dispassionate analysis of all the rhetorics and theatricals thrown into the anti-terrorism campaign makes it clear that those spearheading the campaign have missed what should have been the main point of the debate on the root cause of terrorism. Before we delve deeper into those aspects, it would be instructive to recap what has been said or done so far in order to realize the need for a paradigm shift.
The campaign got under way on February 3 in New Delhi with a `peace and harmony run'. More than 4,000 students from 78 colleges in Delhi and elsewhere have already registered for the run, which was flagged off by Vice Chancellor Deepak Pental of Delhi University. He observed that under the banner of NCCT, Delhi University Students’ Union (DUSU) will mobilize the youth by holding a series of functions during the month-long campaign.
Besides the peace run, DUSU has lined up various other events as part of the campaign against terrorism: a two-day bilingual theatre festival held on February 9; debating competition scheduled in Delhi on February 19; `Udgosh - Spice of India', a music festival on February 27 and `Aashirwad - the journey begins', a seminar on March 6 at the New Conference Hall.
The next phase of NCCT would involve Loyola College, Chennai, where similar competitions will be held to identify budding talents, who would then be grouped into an NGO dedicated to helping the victims of terror.
The organizers of the anti-terrorism campaign have exhorted the members of NCCT to imbibe human values that underpin responsible citizens. And the only way forward, we are told, is to educate ourselves about our country and its cultural roots underlying the greatness of the Indian nation.
In Karnataka, over 15,000 students from colleges in Dharwad constituted a human chain as part of the campaign against terrorism on Feb.3. The initiative for this came from the department of higher education in Bangalore for launching a State-wide drive aimed at mobilising the youth in the fight against terrorism. The campaign, according to government officials, is deemed necessary in view of the surge in terrorist activities involving students and youths in India in general and Karnataka in particular.
Leaving aside these platitudes, it is instructive to examine the root cause of terrorism on the basis of realities on the ground. In the case of the Nanded bomb blast, for example, the motive, according to accused, Bhanurao Vithalrao Choudhary, was to target a mosque in Aurangabad. He also identified Himanshu who told them they needed to fight Muslim terror by carrying out terror strikes in the country. However, the plan could not materialize, as the bomb that exploded by accident in Nanded was actually meant to destroy the Aurangabad mosque.
Choudhary pointed out that Himanshu was in a revengeful mood due to the fact that underworld don Dawood Ibrahim, who was responsible for the Gateway of India blast in 2003 which killed many, went away scot-free despite the massacre that he was involved in. Thus, Himanshu believed, it was necessary to target the Muslim population in the country to safeguard the interests of the Hindutva.
Elaborating on the theme, Aleem Faizee, social activist working for the Malegaon blast victims, observed during investigations that the police found a map with details of the Aurangabad mosque. They also came across fake beards and Muslim outfits as part of the grand design to plant bombs and shift the blame on Muslims.
Muslim extremists, too, have been crazed by the same spirit of revenge. This became clear during the statements made by some of the accused arrested in connection with the recent Delhi blasts. The gang leader, Riyaz Bhatkal, said during interrogation that the blasts were meant to avenge the Mecca Masjid blasts which, he believed, involved some Hindu outfits to pin the blame on Muslims.
Here it would not be out of place to cite the example of Andaman Islands, which has a mix of Hindus, Muslims and Christians. Yet, it has never experienced communal violence. The reason is that there are no political parties to fan the flames of ethnic, cultural or religious divide. This proves convincingly that political parties have their own agenda in creating by communal or religious tension by exploiting the youth or some unemployed people.
Other factors responsible for the wave of terrorist attacks in the country stem from the use of high technology, to which techno-savvy youth have access. For instance, US Internet search company Google Inc released recently a software programme that allows users of mobile phones and other wireless devices to automatically share their whereabouts with family and friends. Users in 27 countries can broadcast their location to others constantly, using Google Latitude. The controls also enable users to decide who receives the information or to go offline at any time.
In a blog announcing the launch of the new service, Google believes that with this new technology, it is not only possible to control exactly who gets to see your location, but also decide the location that they see. What is more, friends' whereabouts can be tracked on a Google map, either from a handset or from a personal computer.
However, Google has rendered this state-of-the-art technology inaccessible to terrorists through built-in checks and controls. On the other hand, there is mounting evidence that high-tech terrorists are relying increasingly on SIM cards to cover up their tracks during mobile calls from various destinations.
In one bizarre case involving an airport employee, the police discovered that he had procured 10 SIM cards by placing orders on his company’s letterhead and forging signatures of its executives. The other application of science and technology put the spotlight on Abdul Sattar, a technician who had earlier worked in Saudi Arabia as an air-conditioning timer expert. He used his expertise to set off blasts in Bangalore and Ahmedabad in July last year
These bomb blasts involving both Hindus and Muslims underline a common message. When people lack a focus in life, are not aware of the do’s and don’ts of successful living, have a weak moral foundation, lack the spirit of research and enquiry in the pursuit of their goal as a student, do not know how to overcome the challenges of life, they dissipate their energy in a wild goose chase. They behave like a stray bullet killing innocent people, destroying houses, causing avoidable damage, and playing havoc with society like a loose cannon.
The youth cannot be insulated from terrorism by issuing high-decibel calls in the name of patriotism or cultural heritage. Illustrious personalities, however great they might be, do not change the mindset of a people anywhere in the field unless the desire for change lingers within oneself. And the only way to bring about that change is to impress on a person the importance of taking care of the present.
This is the message that Socrates delivers to Dan Millman, the university student and gymnast, in the 2006 American movie, “Peaceful Warrior.” Dan, who dreams of becoming a national champion, is diverted from his main goal by his sexual exploits. Socrates, with whom Dan has a chance encounter, advises the latter to concentrate on his goal to the exclusion of other diversions. He also teaches him to focus on his journey in order to reach his destination. These valuable lesson change the course of his life leading him eventually to win the coveted championship award.
Media education can play that role in transforming students from non-entities into entities with a mission to succeed in their goal. Once they have a mission statement in life, they will not have time for eve-teasing or other non-academic pursuits like sending pink chaddies to Ram Sena leader Pramod Mutalik on Valentine Day as they did on Feb.14.
Nor will they fall into the hands of terrorists or indulge in violence, political or criminal activities due to their heightened awareness of crime and punishment. I was absolutely shocked to learn, in a letter to the editor, that some of our youths take the politicians to be their role models! What else can we expect from such a generation other than terrorism, hooliganism, ragging, assaults on teachers, cheating in exams, etc.
To sum up, the only way to wean the Indian youths away from the scourge of terrorism is to inspire them with a mission in life as student. Through media awareness programmes, they can be made to realize that they have no future unless they have a goal and become a shining star to win the attention of those who matter. Once their goal is defined, they will not fall by the wayside and become an unexploded landmine taking innocent lives.
The ongoing National Campaign for Combating Terrorism (NCCT), which got under way in New Delhi on Feb. 3, will culminate in a seminar, ‘Aashirwad-the journey begins’, on March 6. The event has been marked by speeches, human chain, cultural programmes and calls to draw inspiration from the heroes of Indian history.
A dispassionate analysis of all the rhetorics and theatricals thrown into the anti-terrorism campaign makes it clear that those spearheading the campaign have missed what should have been the main point of the debate on the root cause of terrorism. Before we delve deeper into those aspects, it would be instructive to recap what has been said or done so far in order to realize the need for a paradigm shift.
The campaign got under way on February 3 in New Delhi with a `peace and harmony run'. More than 4,000 students from 78 colleges in Delhi and elsewhere have already registered for the run, which was flagged off by Vice Chancellor Deepak Pental of Delhi University. He observed that under the banner of NCCT, Delhi University Students’ Union (DUSU) will mobilize the youth by holding a series of functions during the month-long campaign.
Besides the peace run, DUSU has lined up various other events as part of the campaign against terrorism: a two-day bilingual theatre festival held on February 9; debating competition scheduled in Delhi on February 19; `Udgosh - Spice of India', a music festival on February 27 and `Aashirwad - the journey begins', a seminar on March 6 at the New Conference Hall.
The next phase of NCCT would involve Loyola College, Chennai, where similar competitions will be held to identify budding talents, who would then be grouped into an NGO dedicated to helping the victims of terror.
The organizers of the anti-terrorism campaign have exhorted the members of NCCT to imbibe human values that underpin responsible citizens. And the only way forward, we are told, is to educate ourselves about our country and its cultural roots underlying the greatness of the Indian nation.
In Karnataka, over 15,000 students from colleges in Dharwad constituted a human chain as part of the campaign against terrorism on Feb.3. The initiative for this came from the department of higher education in Bangalore for launching a State-wide drive aimed at mobilising the youth in the fight against terrorism. The campaign, according to government officials, is deemed necessary in view of the surge in terrorist activities involving students and youths in India in general and Karnataka in particular.
Leaving aside these platitudes, it is instructive to examine the root cause of terrorism on the basis of realities on the ground. In the case of the Nanded bomb blast, for example, the motive, according to accused, Bhanurao Vithalrao Choudhary, was to target a mosque in Aurangabad. He also identified Himanshu who told them they needed to fight Muslim terror by carrying out terror strikes in the country. However, the plan could not materialize, as the bomb that exploded by accident in Nanded was actually meant to destroy the Aurangabad mosque.
Choudhary pointed out that Himanshu was in a revengeful mood due to the fact that underworld don Dawood Ibrahim, who was responsible for the Gateway of India blast in 2003 which killed many, went away scot-free despite the massacre that he was involved in. Thus, Himanshu believed, it was necessary to target the Muslim population in the country to safeguard the interests of the Hindutva.
Elaborating on the theme, Aleem Faizee, social activist working for the Malegaon blast victims, observed during investigations that the police found a map with details of the Aurangabad mosque. They also came across fake beards and Muslim outfits as part of the grand design to plant bombs and shift the blame on Muslims.
Muslim extremists, too, have been crazed by the same spirit of revenge. This became clear during the statements made by some of the accused arrested in connection with the recent Delhi blasts. The gang leader, Riyaz Bhatkal, said during interrogation that the blasts were meant to avenge the Mecca Masjid blasts which, he believed, involved some Hindu outfits to pin the blame on Muslims.
Here it would not be out of place to cite the example of Andaman Islands, which has a mix of Hindus, Muslims and Christians. Yet, it has never experienced communal violence. The reason is that there are no political parties to fan the flames of ethnic, cultural or religious divide. This proves convincingly that political parties have their own agenda in creating by communal or religious tension by exploiting the youth or some unemployed people.
Other factors responsible for the wave of terrorist attacks in the country stem from the use of high technology, to which techno-savvy youth have access. For instance, US Internet search company Google Inc released recently a software programme that allows users of mobile phones and other wireless devices to automatically share their whereabouts with family and friends. Users in 27 countries can broadcast their location to others constantly, using Google Latitude. The controls also enable users to decide who receives the information or to go offline at any time.
In a blog announcing the launch of the new service, Google believes that with this new technology, it is not only possible to control exactly who gets to see your location, but also decide the location that they see. What is more, friends' whereabouts can be tracked on a Google map, either from a handset or from a personal computer.
However, Google has rendered this state-of-the-art technology inaccessible to terrorists through built-in checks and controls. On the other hand, there is mounting evidence that high-tech terrorists are relying increasingly on SIM cards to cover up their tracks during mobile calls from various destinations.
In one bizarre case involving an airport employee, the police discovered that he had procured 10 SIM cards by placing orders on his company’s letterhead and forging signatures of its executives. The other application of science and technology put the spotlight on Abdul Sattar, a technician who had earlier worked in Saudi Arabia as an air-conditioning timer expert. He used his expertise to set off blasts in Bangalore and Ahmedabad in July last year
These bomb blasts involving both Hindus and Muslims underline a common message. When people lack a focus in life, are not aware of the do’s and don’ts of successful living, have a weak moral foundation, lack the spirit of research and enquiry in the pursuit of their goal as a student, do not know how to overcome the challenges of life, they dissipate their energy in a wild goose chase. They behave like a stray bullet killing innocent people, destroying houses, causing avoidable damage, and playing havoc with society like a loose cannon.
The youth cannot be insulated from terrorism by issuing high-decibel calls in the name of patriotism or cultural heritage. Illustrious personalities, however great they might be, do not change the mindset of a people anywhere in the field unless the desire for change lingers within oneself. And the only way to bring about that change is to impress on a person the importance of taking care of the present.
This is the message that Socrates delivers to Dan Millman, the university student and gymnast, in the 2006 American movie, “Peaceful Warrior.” Dan, who dreams of becoming a national champion, is diverted from his main goal by his sexual exploits. Socrates, with whom Dan has a chance encounter, advises the latter to concentrate on his goal to the exclusion of other diversions. He also teaches him to focus on his journey in order to reach his destination. These valuable lesson change the course of his life leading him eventually to win the coveted championship award.
Media education can play that role in transforming students from non-entities into entities with a mission to succeed in their goal. Once they have a mission statement in life, they will not have time for eve-teasing or other non-academic pursuits like sending pink chaddies to Ram Sena leader Pramod Mutalik on Valentine Day as they did on Feb.14.
Nor will they fall into the hands of terrorists or indulge in violence, political or criminal activities due to their heightened awareness of crime and punishment. I was absolutely shocked to learn, in a letter to the editor, that some of our youths take the politicians to be their role models! What else can we expect from such a generation other than terrorism, hooliganism, ragging, assaults on teachers, cheating in exams, etc.
To sum up, the only way to wean the Indian youths away from the scourge of terrorism is to inspire them with a mission in life as student. Through media awareness programmes, they can be made to realize that they have no future unless they have a goal and become a shining star to win the attention of those who matter. Once their goal is defined, they will not fall by the wayside and become an unexploded landmine taking innocent lives.
War on terror needs a paradigm shift
By Javid Hassan
The ongoing National Campaign for Combating Terrorism (NCCT), which got under way in New Delhi on Feb. 3, will culminate in a seminar, ‘Aashirwad-the journey begins’, on March 6. The event has been marked by speeches, human chain, cultural programmes and calls to draw inspiration from the heroes of Indian history.
A dispassionate analysis of all the rhetorics and theatricals thrown into the anti-terrorism campaign makes it clear that those spearheading the campaign have missed what should have been the main point of the debate on the root cause of terrorism. Before we delve deeper into those aspects, it would be instructive to recap what has been said or done so far in order to realize the need for a paradigm shift.
The campaign got under way on February 3 in New Delhi with a `peace and harmony run'. More than 4,000 students from 78 colleges in Delhi and elsewhere have already registered for the run, which was flagged off by Vice Chancellor Deepak Pental of Delhi University. He observed that under the banner of NCCT, Delhi University Students’ Union (DUSU) will mobilize the youth by holding a series of functions during the month-long campaign.
Besides the peace run, DUSU has lined up various other events as part of the campaign against terrorism: a two-day bilingual theatre festival held on February 9; debating competition scheduled in Delhi on February 19; `Udgosh - Spice of India', a music festival on February 27 and `Aashirwad - the journey begins', a seminar on March 6 at the New Conference Hall.
The next phase of NCCT would involve Loyola College, Chennai, where similar competitions will be held to identify budding talents, who would then be grouped into an NGO dedicated to helping the victims of terror.
The organizers of the anti-terrorism campaign have exhorted the members of NCCT to imbibe human values that underpin responsible citizens. And the only way forward, we are told, is to educate ourselves about our country and its cultural roots underlying the greatness of the Indian nation.
In Karnataka, over 15,000 students from colleges in Dharwad constituted a human chain as part of the campaign against terrorism on Feb.3. The initiative for this came from the department of higher education in Bangalore for launching a State-wide drive aimed at mobilising the youth in the fight against terrorism. The campaign, according to government officials, is deemed necessary in view of the surge in terrorist activities involving students and youths in India in general and Karnataka in particular.
Leaving aside these platitudes, it is instructive to examine the root cause of terrorism on the basis of realities on the ground. In the case of the Nanded bomb blast, for example, the motive, according to accused, Bhanurao Vithalrao Choudhary, was to target a mosque in Aurangabad. He also identified Himanshu who told them they needed to fight Muslim terror by carrying out terror strikes in the country. However, the plan could not materialize, as the bomb that exploded by accident in Nanded was actually meant to destroy the Aurangabad mosque.
Choudhary pointed out that Himanshu was in a revengeful mood due to the fact that underworld don Dawood Ibrahim, who was responsible for the Gateway of India blast in 2003 which killed many, went away scot-free despite the massacre that he was involved in. Thus, Himanshu believed, it was necessary to target the Muslim population in the country to safeguard the interests of the Hindutva.
Elaborating on the theme, Aleem Faizee, social activist working for the Malegaon blast victims, observed during investigations that the police found a map with details of the Aurangabad mosque. They also came across fake beards and Muslim outfits as part of the grand design to plant bombs and shift the blame on Muslims.
Muslim extremists, too, have been crazed by the same spirit of revenge. This became clear during the statements made by some of the accused arrested in connection with the recent Delhi blasts. The gang leader, Riyaz Bhatkal, said during interrogation that the blasts were meant to avenge the Mecca Masjid blasts which, he believed, involved some Hindu outfits to pin the blame on Muslims.
Here it would not be out of place to cite the example of Andaman Islands, which has a mix of Hindus, Muslims and Christians. Yet, it has never experienced communal violence. The reason is that there are no political parties to fan the flames of ethnic, cultural or religious divide. This proves convincingly that political parties have their own agenda in creating by communal or religious tension by exploiting the youth or some unemployed people.
Other factors responsible for the wave of terrorist attacks in the country stem from the use of high technology, to which techno-savvy youth have access. For instance, US Internet search company Google Inc released recently a software programme that allows users of mobile phones and other wireless devices to automatically share their whereabouts with family and friends. Users in 27 countries can broadcast their location to others constantly, using Google Latitude. The controls also enable users to decide who receives the information or to go offline at any time.
In a blog announcing the launch of the new service, Google believes that with this new technology, it is not only possible to control exactly who gets to see your location, but also decide the location that they see. What is more, friends' whereabouts can be tracked on a Google map, either from a handset or from a personal computer.
However, Google has rendered this state-of-the-art technology inaccessible to terrorists through built-in checks and controls. On the other hand, there is mounting evidence that high-tech terrorists are relying increasingly on SIM cards to cover up their tracks during mobile calls from various destinations.
In one bizarre case involving an airport employee, the police discovered that he had procured 10 SIM cards by placing orders on his company’s letterhead and forging signatures of its executives. The other application of science and technology put the spotlight on Abdul Sattar, a technician who had earlier worked in Saudi Arabia as an air-conditioning timer expert. He used his expertise to set off blasts in Bangalore and Ahmedabad in July last year
These bomb blasts involving both Hindus and Muslims underline a common message. When people lack a focus in life, are not aware of the do’s and don’ts of successful living, have a weak moral foundation, lack the spirit of research and enquiry in the pursuit of their goal as a student, do not know how to overcome the challenges of life, they dissipate their energy in a wild goose chase. They behave like a stray bullet killing innocent people, destroying houses, causing avoidable damage, and playing havoc with society like a loose cannon.
The youth cannot be insulated from terrorism by issuing high-decibel calls in the name of patriotism or cultural heritage. Illustrious personalities, however great they might be, do not change the mindset of a people anywhere in the field unless the desire for change lingers within oneself. And the only way to bring about that change is to impress on a person the importance of taking care of the present.
This is the message that Socrates delivers to Dan Millman, the university student and gymnast, in the 2006 American movie, “Peaceful Warrior.” Dan, who dreams of becoming a national champion, is diverted from his main goal by his sexual exploits. Socrates, with whom Dan has a chance encounter, advises the latter to concentrate on his goal to the exclusion of other diversions. He also teaches him to focus on his journey in order to reach his destination. These valuable lesson change the course of his life leading him eventually to win the coveted championship award.
Media education can play that role in transforming students from non-entities into entities with a mission to succeed in their goal. Once they have a mission statement in life, they will not have time for eve-teasing or other non-academic pursuits like sending pink chaddies to Ram Sena leader Pramod Mutalik on Valentine Day as they did on Feb.14.
Nor will they fall into the hands of terrorists or indulge in violence, political or criminal activities due to their heightened awareness of crime and punishment. I was absolutely shocked to learn, in a letter to the editor, that some of our youths take the politicians to be their role models! What else can we expect from such a generation other than terrorism, hooliganism, ragging, assaults on teachers, cheating in exams, etc.
To sum up, the only way to wean the Indian youths away from the scourge of terrorism is to inspire them with a mission in life as student. Through media awareness programmes, they can be made to realize that they have no future unless they have a goal and become a shining star to win the attention of those who matter. Once their goal is defined, they will not fall by the wayside and become an unexploded landmine taking innocent lives.
The ongoing National Campaign for Combating Terrorism (NCCT), which got under way in New Delhi on Feb. 3, will culminate in a seminar, ‘Aashirwad-the journey begins’, on March 6. The event has been marked by speeches, human chain, cultural programmes and calls to draw inspiration from the heroes of Indian history.
A dispassionate analysis of all the rhetorics and theatricals thrown into the anti-terrorism campaign makes it clear that those spearheading the campaign have missed what should have been the main point of the debate on the root cause of terrorism. Before we delve deeper into those aspects, it would be instructive to recap what has been said or done so far in order to realize the need for a paradigm shift.
The campaign got under way on February 3 in New Delhi with a `peace and harmony run'. More than 4,000 students from 78 colleges in Delhi and elsewhere have already registered for the run, which was flagged off by Vice Chancellor Deepak Pental of Delhi University. He observed that under the banner of NCCT, Delhi University Students’ Union (DUSU) will mobilize the youth by holding a series of functions during the month-long campaign.
Besides the peace run, DUSU has lined up various other events as part of the campaign against terrorism: a two-day bilingual theatre festival held on February 9; debating competition scheduled in Delhi on February 19; `Udgosh - Spice of India', a music festival on February 27 and `Aashirwad - the journey begins', a seminar on March 6 at the New Conference Hall.
The next phase of NCCT would involve Loyola College, Chennai, where similar competitions will be held to identify budding talents, who would then be grouped into an NGO dedicated to helping the victims of terror.
The organizers of the anti-terrorism campaign have exhorted the members of NCCT to imbibe human values that underpin responsible citizens. And the only way forward, we are told, is to educate ourselves about our country and its cultural roots underlying the greatness of the Indian nation.
In Karnataka, over 15,000 students from colleges in Dharwad constituted a human chain as part of the campaign against terrorism on Feb.3. The initiative for this came from the department of higher education in Bangalore for launching a State-wide drive aimed at mobilising the youth in the fight against terrorism. The campaign, according to government officials, is deemed necessary in view of the surge in terrorist activities involving students and youths in India in general and Karnataka in particular.
Leaving aside these platitudes, it is instructive to examine the root cause of terrorism on the basis of realities on the ground. In the case of the Nanded bomb blast, for example, the motive, according to accused, Bhanurao Vithalrao Choudhary, was to target a mosque in Aurangabad. He also identified Himanshu who told them they needed to fight Muslim terror by carrying out terror strikes in the country. However, the plan could not materialize, as the bomb that exploded by accident in Nanded was actually meant to destroy the Aurangabad mosque.
Choudhary pointed out that Himanshu was in a revengeful mood due to the fact that underworld don Dawood Ibrahim, who was responsible for the Gateway of India blast in 2003 which killed many, went away scot-free despite the massacre that he was involved in. Thus, Himanshu believed, it was necessary to target the Muslim population in the country to safeguard the interests of the Hindutva.
Elaborating on the theme, Aleem Faizee, social activist working for the Malegaon blast victims, observed during investigations that the police found a map with details of the Aurangabad mosque. They also came across fake beards and Muslim outfits as part of the grand design to plant bombs and shift the blame on Muslims.
Muslim extremists, too, have been crazed by the same spirit of revenge. This became clear during the statements made by some of the accused arrested in connection with the recent Delhi blasts. The gang leader, Riyaz Bhatkal, said during interrogation that the blasts were meant to avenge the Mecca Masjid blasts which, he believed, involved some Hindu outfits to pin the blame on Muslims.
Here it would not be out of place to cite the example of Andaman Islands, which has a mix of Hindus, Muslims and Christians. Yet, it has never experienced communal violence. The reason is that there are no political parties to fan the flames of ethnic, cultural or religious divide. This proves convincingly that political parties have their own agenda in creating by communal or religious tension by exploiting the youth or some unemployed people.
Other factors responsible for the wave of terrorist attacks in the country stem from the use of high technology, to which techno-savvy youth have access. For instance, US Internet search company Google Inc released recently a software programme that allows users of mobile phones and other wireless devices to automatically share their whereabouts with family and friends. Users in 27 countries can broadcast their location to others constantly, using Google Latitude. The controls also enable users to decide who receives the information or to go offline at any time.
In a blog announcing the launch of the new service, Google believes that with this new technology, it is not only possible to control exactly who gets to see your location, but also decide the location that they see. What is more, friends' whereabouts can be tracked on a Google map, either from a handset or from a personal computer.
However, Google has rendered this state-of-the-art technology inaccessible to terrorists through built-in checks and controls. On the other hand, there is mounting evidence that high-tech terrorists are relying increasingly on SIM cards to cover up their tracks during mobile calls from various destinations.
In one bizarre case involving an airport employee, the police discovered that he had procured 10 SIM cards by placing orders on his company’s letterhead and forging signatures of its executives. The other application of science and technology put the spotlight on Abdul Sattar, a technician who had earlier worked in Saudi Arabia as an air-conditioning timer expert. He used his expertise to set off blasts in Bangalore and Ahmedabad in July last year
These bomb blasts involving both Hindus and Muslims underline a common message. When people lack a focus in life, are not aware of the do’s and don’ts of successful living, have a weak moral foundation, lack the spirit of research and enquiry in the pursuit of their goal as a student, do not know how to overcome the challenges of life, they dissipate their energy in a wild goose chase. They behave like a stray bullet killing innocent people, destroying houses, causing avoidable damage, and playing havoc with society like a loose cannon.
The youth cannot be insulated from terrorism by issuing high-decibel calls in the name of patriotism or cultural heritage. Illustrious personalities, however great they might be, do not change the mindset of a people anywhere in the field unless the desire for change lingers within oneself. And the only way to bring about that change is to impress on a person the importance of taking care of the present.
This is the message that Socrates delivers to Dan Millman, the university student and gymnast, in the 2006 American movie, “Peaceful Warrior.” Dan, who dreams of becoming a national champion, is diverted from his main goal by his sexual exploits. Socrates, with whom Dan has a chance encounter, advises the latter to concentrate on his goal to the exclusion of other diversions. He also teaches him to focus on his journey in order to reach his destination. These valuable lesson change the course of his life leading him eventually to win the coveted championship award.
Media education can play that role in transforming students from non-entities into entities with a mission to succeed in their goal. Once they have a mission statement in life, they will not have time for eve-teasing or other non-academic pursuits like sending pink chaddies to Ram Sena leader Pramod Mutalik on Valentine Day as they did on Feb.14.
Nor will they fall into the hands of terrorists or indulge in violence, political or criminal activities due to their heightened awareness of crime and punishment. I was absolutely shocked to learn, in a letter to the editor, that some of our youths take the politicians to be their role models! What else can we expect from such a generation other than terrorism, hooliganism, ragging, assaults on teachers, cheating in exams, etc.
To sum up, the only way to wean the Indian youths away from the scourge of terrorism is to inspire them with a mission in life as student. Through media awareness programmes, they can be made to realize that they have no future unless they have a goal and become a shining star to win the attention of those who matter. Once their goal is defined, they will not fall by the wayside and become an unexploded landmine taking innocent lives.
Tuesday, December 30, 2008
Opinion: Coast To Coast
By C Uday Bhaskar
Securing our maritime borders must get priority
Mumbai derives its current name from the stone goddess Mumbadevi revered by the Koli fisher-folk, the earliest inhabitants of the region. The fortunes of this city have been inexorably linked with the Arabian Sea and it merits recall that the first Englishmen to set foot on the Portuguese hamlet were raiders who came by sea in 1626. Subsequently transferred to the English crown as a dowry gift, the first military fortification to ward off enemy raiders and pirate attacks dates back to 1682 when the British installed a coastal battery on the Middle Ground island.
In recent times, the vulnerability of Mumbai due to Maharashtra’s coastal expanse was revealed in 1993 when explosives were furtively landed on the Ratnagiri coast and the city experienced its first terrorist attack. The audacious terrorist attack last month has once again brought the vulnerability of India’s 7,600 km coastline into sharp and bloody focus and a slew of new policies have just been announced. Speaking in Parliament, the mint-fresh home minister P Chidambaram announced the setting up of a Coastal Command (CC) for the overall supervision and coordination of maritime and coastal security. While further organisational and funding details are yet to be announced, it is envisaged that the long coastline would be divided into Maritime Defence Zones (MDZ) along the western and eastern sea board, as also in the Andaman & Nicobar islands.
The inference is that the operational responsibility would be tasked to the navy, the coast guard and the marine police of each coastal state and that the new CC would introduce the much-needed inter-organisational synergy. Lack of synergy and internecine rivalry among various departments of the great Indian octopus — the government of India — remains the abiding Achilles heel that has bedevilled India’s chequered security experience. This is evident in the painful reconstruction of the tragic events that led to the 1962 debacle with China, the more recent 1999 Kargil war and now November 26. If the CC is to meaningfully discharge this onerous responsibility — protection of a 7,600 km coastline with limited fiscal and human resources —the devil in the details must be noted with objective candour.
Currently four major central ministries have varying degrees of responsibility for the management and protection of India’s vast maritime assets. These are defence, home, finance and shipping. Intelligence inputs come from the cabinet secretariat that is notionally with the home ministry but managed by the national security adviser who is part of the Prime Minister’s Office. Individual coastal states are entrusted with local law and order and have their
own marine police units ostensibly buttressed by the central customs and revenue officials.
But most of them are decrepit and have little operational credibility against the likes of Dawood Ibrahim and Tiger Memon. If individual departments such as the ONGC are added to the list, then we have a merry medley of 14 individual egos and vastly different organisational cultures that have to be synergised.
Even under the most optimum circumstances, given the intrinsic bureaucratic caste-system that characterises the Indian octopus, it is evident that rather than seamless cohesion, what ensues more often than not is the equivalent of the right hand not knowing what the left is doing. Thus it is imperative that the proposed CC have a unified command structure wherein the assets of the principal maritime departments — viz the navy, coast guard, revenue/customs and the local marine police are pooled together for appropriate operational tasking. This will not be easy given the traditional insularity and the civilian-uniform divide that permeates the Indian system.
But other nations have been able to arrive at such organisational models that have been specifically evolved for coastal security. The French experience of having a National Maritime Prefect who is answerable to the prime minister merits consideration. The need to have a national maritime coordinator and a maritime commission has been mooted in the past — but in vain. Post the Mumbai tragedy, this structural void must be redressed quickly.
Innovative use of technology and human intelligence for coastal security warrants highest priority and piecemeal acquisitions by individual departments will be counterproductive. For instance, a virtual coastal fence (akin to the barbed-wire fence along the Indo-Pak land border) comprising static radar chains with a S-band radar, AIS (automatic identification system) centres supported by low-cost aerial surveillance and complemented by involving local fishermen communities is a case in point. The lateral induction of naval and coast guard personnel into the state marine police is long overdue. Coastal states would be well-advised to appoint individual maritime advisers.
It’s ironic that currently the only trained security professionals in the country — the apex of the armed forces — are not in the loop of higher defence and security management in India. This is a warped Nehruvian legacy further exacerbated by the civil service. The simmering discontent over the Sixth Pay Commission recommendations wherein the military has been placed at a rung below the police and the paramilitary is illustrative of this anomaly. If these disparities are not redressed with dispatch, the proposed CC will flounder and remain still-born like the post-Kargil policy recommendations that dealt with the same national security inadequacies.
Securing our maritime borders must get priority
Mumbai derives its current name from the stone goddess Mumbadevi revered by the Koli fisher-folk, the earliest inhabitants of the region. The fortunes of this city have been inexorably linked with the Arabian Sea and it merits recall that the first Englishmen to set foot on the Portuguese hamlet were raiders who came by sea in 1626. Subsequently transferred to the English crown as a dowry gift, the first military fortification to ward off enemy raiders and pirate attacks dates back to 1682 when the British installed a coastal battery on the Middle Ground island.
In recent times, the vulnerability of Mumbai due to Maharashtra’s coastal expanse was revealed in 1993 when explosives were furtively landed on the Ratnagiri coast and the city experienced its first terrorist attack. The audacious terrorist attack last month has once again brought the vulnerability of India’s 7,600 km coastline into sharp and bloody focus and a slew of new policies have just been announced. Speaking in Parliament, the mint-fresh home minister P Chidambaram announced the setting up of a Coastal Command (CC) for the overall supervision and coordination of maritime and coastal security. While further organisational and funding details are yet to be announced, it is envisaged that the long coastline would be divided into Maritime Defence Zones (MDZ) along the western and eastern sea board, as also in the Andaman & Nicobar islands.
The inference is that the operational responsibility would be tasked to the navy, the coast guard and the marine police of each coastal state and that the new CC would introduce the much-needed inter-organisational synergy. Lack of synergy and internecine rivalry among various departments of the great Indian octopus — the government of India — remains the abiding Achilles heel that has bedevilled India’s chequered security experience. This is evident in the painful reconstruction of the tragic events that led to the 1962 debacle with China, the more recent 1999 Kargil war and now November 26. If the CC is to meaningfully discharge this onerous responsibility — protection of a 7,600 km coastline with limited fiscal and human resources —the devil in the details must be noted with objective candour.
Currently four major central ministries have varying degrees of responsibility for the management and protection of India’s vast maritime assets. These are defence, home, finance and shipping. Intelligence inputs come from the cabinet secretariat that is notionally with the home ministry but managed by the national security adviser who is part of the Prime Minister’s Office. Individual coastal states are entrusted with local law and order and have their
own marine police units ostensibly buttressed by the central customs and revenue officials.
But most of them are decrepit and have little operational credibility against the likes of Dawood Ibrahim and Tiger Memon. If individual departments such as the ONGC are added to the list, then we have a merry medley of 14 individual egos and vastly different organisational cultures that have to be synergised.
Even under the most optimum circumstances, given the intrinsic bureaucratic caste-system that characterises the Indian octopus, it is evident that rather than seamless cohesion, what ensues more often than not is the equivalent of the right hand not knowing what the left is doing. Thus it is imperative that the proposed CC have a unified command structure wherein the assets of the principal maritime departments — viz the navy, coast guard, revenue/customs and the local marine police are pooled together for appropriate operational tasking. This will not be easy given the traditional insularity and the civilian-uniform divide that permeates the Indian system.
But other nations have been able to arrive at such organisational models that have been specifically evolved for coastal security. The French experience of having a National Maritime Prefect who is answerable to the prime minister merits consideration. The need to have a national maritime coordinator and a maritime commission has been mooted in the past — but in vain. Post the Mumbai tragedy, this structural void must be redressed quickly.
Innovative use of technology and human intelligence for coastal security warrants highest priority and piecemeal acquisitions by individual departments will be counterproductive. For instance, a virtual coastal fence (akin to the barbed-wire fence along the Indo-Pak land border) comprising static radar chains with a S-band radar, AIS (automatic identification system) centres supported by low-cost aerial surveillance and complemented by involving local fishermen communities is a case in point. The lateral induction of naval and coast guard personnel into the state marine police is long overdue. Coastal states would be well-advised to appoint individual maritime advisers.
It’s ironic that currently the only trained security professionals in the country — the apex of the armed forces — are not in the loop of higher defence and security management in India. This is a warped Nehruvian legacy further exacerbated by the civil service. The simmering discontent over the Sixth Pay Commission recommendations wherein the military has been placed at a rung below the police and the paramilitary is illustrative of this anomaly. If these disparities are not redressed with dispatch, the proposed CC will flounder and remain still-born like the post-Kargil policy recommendations that dealt with the same national security inadequacies.
Sunday, April 23, 2006
Kalapani jail is 100 years old
By M H AHSAN
Over 150 Indians who served various sentences in Kalapani jail during the British regime for defying the orders of the administration or rebelling against the system were invited to take part in the celebrations of the 100 years of the establishment of the Cellular Jail on March 10, 2006.
"From the unmatched sacrifices of our freedom fighters to the tyranny of our colonial rulers, from being a torture cell to a place of pilgrimage, this historical monument has come a long way since its establishment 100 years back as a penal settlement. Cellular Jail, stood mute witness to the tortures meted out to the freedom fighters, who were incarcerated in this jail," said a press handout given to mediapersons in Delhi.
It acquired the name, 'cellular' because it is entirely made up of individual cells for the solitary confinement of prisoners. It originally was a seven-pronged, puce-coloured building with a central tower and a massive structure comprising honeycomb like corridors. The building was subsequently damaged and presently only three out of seven prongs are intact. The jail, now a place of pilgrimage for all freedom-loving people, has been declared a national memorial.
Situated in Andaman, Kalapani punishment was meant to serve as a deterrent to Indian freedom fighters fighting against the British. Netaji Subash Chandra Bose hoisted the tri-colour near the cellular jail on December 30, 1943, and proclaimed independence from British rule.
It was the British-run Bengal government, and Governor General of India Lord Cornwallis, who conceived the idea of developing the Andaman Islands, in the Bay of Bengal, as a British colony in the 1700s.
Two officers – one of them was Lieutenant Archibald Blair (that's how Port Blair got its name) -- were sent to survey the area. A settlement was established on Chatham Island in a southeastern bay of the Great Andaman and was called Port Cornwallis (later its name was changed to Port Blair). There was much illness on the islands and the colony did not work out so the settlers were shipped back to the mainland.
The British government had too many prisoners on its hand, post the Mutiny of 1857 and the idea of establishing a settlement – this time a convict colony -- was revived. Some 200 prisoners were sent out initially to a jail, equipped with gallows, at Viper Island 15 minutes from Port Blair, and Kalapani was established.
The construction of Cellular Jail -- which got its name from the fact that it was made up of numerous individual cells it provided for prisoners destined for solitary confinement -- began in 1896 and was completed in 1906. The British authorities arrested hundreds of revolutionaries as more and more rebellions against the British surfaced across India. And hundreds of these prisoners were shipped out to Port Blair and were housed and ill-treated in this jail.
Veer Savarkar, many associates of Sardar Bhagat Singh, several revolutionaries of the Chittagong Revolt were some of the freedom-fighters who spent time at Cellular Jail.
The Andaman and Nicobar tourism authorities are commemorating the history of this jail with special ceremonies today.
Three surviving freedom-fighters -- Bimal Bhowmick, Kartik Sarkar and Adhir Nag -- were invited to Port Blair, as well as spouses, sons and daughters of deceased freedom fighters. There will be special functions to honour the heroes of 1857. Shubha Mudgal and Suresh Wadkar will participate in a special music programme Friday evening.
Kalapani jail is 100 years old
By M H AHSAN
Over 150 Indians who served various sentences in Kalapani jail during the British regime for defying the orders of the administration or rebelling against the system were invited to take part in the celebrations of the 100 years of the establishment of the Cellular Jail on March 10, 2006.
"From the unmatched sacrifices of our freedom fighters to the tyranny of our colonial rulers, from being a torture cell to a place of pilgrimage, this historical monument has come a long way since its establishment 100 years back as a penal settlement. Cellular Jail, stood mute witness to the tortures meted out to the freedom fighters, who were incarcerated in this jail," said a press handout given to mediapersons in Delhi.
It acquired the name, 'cellular' because it is entirely made up of individual cells for the solitary confinement of prisoners. It originally was a seven-pronged, puce-coloured building with a central tower and a massive structure comprising honeycomb like corridors. The building was subsequently damaged and presently only three out of seven prongs are intact. The jail, now a place of pilgrimage for all freedom-loving people, has been declared a national memorial.
Situated in Andaman, Kalapani punishment was meant to serve as a deterrent to Indian freedom fighters fighting against the British. Netaji Subash Chandra Bose hoisted the tri-colour near the cellular jail on December 30, 1943, and proclaimed independence from British rule.
It was the British-run Bengal government, and Governor General of India Lord Cornwallis, who conceived the idea of developing the Andaman Islands, in the Bay of Bengal, as a British colony in the 1700s.
Two officers – one of them was Lieutenant Archibald Blair (that's how Port Blair got its name) -- were sent to survey the area. A settlement was established on Chatham Island in a southeastern bay of the Great Andaman and was called Port Cornwallis (later its name was changed to Port Blair). There was much illness on the islands and the colony did not work out so the settlers were shipped back to the mainland.
The British government had too many prisoners on its hand, post the Mutiny of 1857 and the idea of establishing a settlement – this time a convict colony -- was revived. Some 200 prisoners were sent out initially to a jail, equipped with gallows, at Viper Island 15 minutes from Port Blair, and Kalapani was established.
The construction of Cellular Jail -- which got its name from the fact that it was made up of numerous individual cells it provided for prisoners destined for solitary confinement -- began in 1896 and was completed in 1906. The British authorities arrested hundreds of revolutionaries as more and more rebellions against the British surfaced across India. And hundreds of these prisoners were shipped out to Port Blair and were housed and ill-treated in this jail.
Veer Savarkar, many associates of Sardar Bhagat Singh, several revolutionaries of the Chittagong Revolt were some of the freedom-fighters who spent time at Cellular Jail.
The Andaman and Nicobar tourism authorities are commemorating the history of this jail with special ceremonies today.
Three surviving freedom-fighters -- Bimal Bhowmick, Kartik Sarkar and Adhir Nag -- were invited to Port Blair, as well as spouses, sons and daughters of deceased freedom fighters. There will be special functions to honour the heroes of 1857. Shubha Mudgal and Suresh Wadkar will participate in a special music programme Friday evening.
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