Rethinking Sustainable Solution To 'Rohingya Crisis' - Limits Of World Bank’s Proposal

Washington-based global lender the World Bank, through concessional lending arms, has gone to bat for Bangladesh to foster its development initiatives since 1972; committing more than $30 billion by backing priorities in economic, social and infrastructural development. 

Since 2018, this UN affiliated multilateral body, largest source of financial assistance to developing nations, has committed a total $590 million grant to support Bangladesh to confront the challenges posed by the influx of the forcibly displaced Rohingya. 

Recently, this bank has been extensively denounced both by policy wonks and mass people after its proposal, through "Refugee Policy Review Framework'' (RPRF), on Rohingya's integration in Bangladesh. How rational is this proposition of the World Bank? 

Four years ago, in late August 2017, "breaking-news" across the world were dominated by the massive influx of Rohingyas to Bangladesh, a result of military-backed bloody "clearance operation". A 444-page report of the UN's Independent Fact-Finding Commission substantiated that more than 7,25,000 Rohingya fled to Bangladesh after this deadly crackdown. 

The degree of atrocities of this "campaign of terror" embarked on by the military was so intense that the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights referred to it as "a textbook example of ethnic cleansing" whilst other investigators dubbed it as "genocide". In the first three weeks of August 2017, Bangladesh received more refugees than entire Europe did in 2016 during “Syrian crisis”. 

Since then, Bangladesh has been generously hosting more than 1.2 million Rohingyas as short-term guests ensuring "safe haven" on humanitarian grounds. Now, Cox's Bazar based 13 Kilometers long Kutupalong "mega-camp", the largest refugee settlement camp in the world, is the home to this beleaguered community. 

Rohingyas, living in Arakan for thousand years, have been actively involved in Burma's politics since independence. The recognition of Rohingya as Myanmar's citizens by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) resolves their identity crisis by providing a legal base. 

Besides, in the hearing of ICJ, Aung San Suu Kyi defined Rohingyas as Arakan’s Muslims. Myanmar signed two repatriation agreements with Bangladesh in 2018 and 2019 respectively giving consent to take back their citizens. Although these repatriation agreements were in vain due to reluctance of Myanmar, still these agreements are significant proof of Myanmar’s official stance on Rohingyas’ citizenship. 

Though there is no light at the end of the tunnel, still Arakan Rohingya Society for Peace and Human Rights, in response to the WB's framework, stated in point blank that they have no desire to receive Bangladeshi citizenship and would like to return to Myanmar. 

The WB has proposed to review the RPRF for 14 member states, currently hosting refugees, including Bangladesh, for gauging the effectiveness of the grants for the refugees and host communities under its "soft-loan window" International Development Assistance. This global framework, being reviewed triennially, undertaken in cooperation with UNHCR, suggests providing refugees the rights to procure land & property, choose place of residence & freedom of movement, have equal access to the nation's public service & the labor market etc. like the citizens of the host country. The WB offered $2 billion to Bangladesh, if it integrates Rohingya refugees with economic & social rights. 

The framework is germane for Bangladesh since this move will pave the way for the Rohingyas to become permanent citizens through integration into Bangladesh’s populace. Bangladesh reiterated its stance, by rejecting the proposal outright, stating that Rohingyas are not “refugees” rather “forcibly displaced persons” to whom Bangladesh extended temporary shelter.

The study "Impacts of the Rohingya Refugee Influx on Host Communities" conducted by the UNDP expounded how the overcrowding Rohingyas affected host communities. The major adverse impact includes price hike, increase of poverty, rise in housing cost, reduction in wage rate, deforestation, environmental casualty etc. 

Moreover, the rise of intragroup and intergroup conflicts in the Rohingya camps shrunk the space of coexistence between the host communities and refugees by recasting the social makeup. This month, August 2021, marks the fourth anniversary of the Rohingya exodus to Bangladesh, but a sustainable solution is yet to be found.

The 1951 Refugee Convention suggests three way-outs to the refugee crisis: integration; settlement to a third country; or repatriation. Approximately 166.65 million population of Bangladesh, 8th largest in the world, makes it one of the densely populated countries with 1,125 people in per sq. km. 

This small country, 92nd in terms of land size, with a total landmass of 147,570 sq. km, slightly smaller than the US Iowa state, is hosting 1.2 million Rohingyas which is higher than the total population of Bhutan. No country in the world is bearing the burden of so many refugees as by overpopulated Bangladesh. Bangladesh, with an unemployment rate of 5.30%, exports approximately 60,000 workers abroad every year which indicates the country's inability to create employment and struggle to generate employment for its gargantuan unemployed youths. 

This attracts pointed attention towards inadequate demand of labor in Bangladesh. So, the possibility of integrating the Rohingya into the local community is nipped in the bud. As the number of Rohingya refugee is gigantic, more than a million in Bangladesh and some more are living in 19 other countries and no country has shown interest in receiving them, the option to settle them to a third country seems impassable in foreseeable future. The only way out to Rohingya crisis lies in safe repatriation to Myanmar. 

As the Rohingyas also want to return to Myanmar, integration into Bangladesh, following WB's recommendations, is like denial of their fundamental & human rights. Some local experts believe that integration may lead to a new “Palestine Crisis” by jeopardizing the sovereignty of Bangladesh and endangering the geo-political stability of South Asia. 

This kind of proposal from responsible global leaders like WB will motivate Myanmar to slacken the repatriation process by increasing complexities to this multifaced dilemma. Instead of suggesting such impracticable proposal, WB could create pressure on Myanmar to comply with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted in 1948 by the UN. It could offer financial incentives to Myanmar for expediting the repatriation in internationally monitored safe zones. Some international organizations are planning long-term programs for this “short-term emergency crisis” which will just linger the repatriation process. 

Bangladesh is trying its level best to ensure decent arrangements for Rohingyas with its limited financial strengths. Despite not being a signatory of 1951 refugee convention, Bangladesh complies with its conditions, i.e., not forcing any Rohingya to go back to Myanmar. 

Accepting WB’s proposal will add fuel to the fire by acting as a pull factor for other Rohingyas, around six lacs, to come to Bangladesh from restive Myanmar. Bangladesh has to bring substantial changes in its policy if it agrees to accept the framework, a complex & time-consuming process which will intensifies the misery. Safe & dignified repatriation of Rohingyas to Myanmar is the only sustainable solution to come to an end to their plight. Bangladesh needs more support from international communities to resolve this crisis. 

The country may expect that the world communities will consider all the relevant issues including socio-economic conditions of Bangladesh before making any recommendations to resolve the protracted Rohingya refugee crisis by bringing light of hope to put an end to their struggling present. #KhabarLive #hydnews 

(About the Author: Kazi Mohammad Jamshed, a strategic affair and foreign policy analyst, working as a lecturer at department of International Business, University of Dhaka. He can be reached at kazi.duib@gmail.com)

How 'Buy Now, Pay Later' Option On Ecommerce Lead To Rise In Consumer Debts?

Consumer credit is rising. Given the enormous liquidity being pumped into the system, consumer credit and debt is headed for disaster.

But it should be highlighted that economic euphoria may be taking over the market right now, driving up demand. However, given the public’s crippled financial capacity owing to pandemic-related health costs or rising crude or gasoline prices, it is reasonable to expect debts to continue to climb indefinitely.

In light of easy credit, the “Buy now, pay later” concept has swept the credit business. While it is undeniable that such choices are rising in favour, several analysts have warned of increased default risks in the future. This is owing to the lack of credit checks and the “opaque” debt reporting mechanism currently being used.

The BNPL system does not scrutinise consumer credit histories. This mechanism can cause lenders to undervalue borrowers’ debt levels when evaluating fresh loan applications. This implies that the system is based on a frail monitoring mechanism that might cause a massive credit bubble. Consumers are also at risk of accruing greater credit card debt. In order to pay off past “buy now, pay later” (BNPL) obligations, a consumer may overspend, resulting in new credit card debt.

The BNPL system is strongly integrated into the economy as BNPL service providers frequently partner with retailers, both online and offline. This allows users to pay in future instalments.

This payment option is gaining appeal among younger investors due to the economy’s flexible lending policy. In response to the growing demand for BNPL services, more businesses have begun offering them.

That digital payment companies like Square are buying Australia’s “buy now pay later” supplier Afterpay for $29 billion shows how popular BNPL services are becoming.

But what will cause future increases in consumer debt? As a first point, the sector’s debt performance reporting is “obscure” and the debt monitoring mechanism is non-existent due to the absence of background credit checks Worse, many of these service providers do not report usage to credit bureaus, thus complicating the matter. Notably, BNPL debt is rarely visible on borrowers’ credit files. Growth in consumer debt can cause havoc on the economy as a result of this.

Desperate to avoid bankruptcy, these organisations providing BNPL services do not evaluate users’ creditworthiness or financial standing.

For big-ticket items like electronics, furniture and appliances, instalment plans or classic “BNPL” services were previously employed just for big-ticket items. This is because the latest “buy now, pay later” programme is aimed at younger, tech-savvy consumers.

More loathsome and uneventful sweets than credit cards and ordinary instalment loans make the whole plan even more nefarious and unpleasant. It has low or no interest rate, no late fee, and huge loan limitations that these technological apps offer as sweeteners. It also doesn’t require any credit checks. Deduced from the foregoing, this is clearly a formula for economic doom.

Also, organisations that provide such services do not have to bear the weight of the consequences. Consumers who don’t read the terms of borrowing could be negatively affected by this plan.

Rescheduling payments or being charged more owing to inadequate information are examples of potential costs. However, such borrowing might lead to an endless debt cycle. Without timely payment, Bnpl users may find themselves in danger. With credit cards and other strange methods of debt financing, many BNPL customers will be forced into a vicious cycle of debt.

Because of the pandemic, online purchasing has increased dramatically, leading to an increase in non-performing loans. Analysts warn that the rise in such services is related to the convenience of application and low cost of borrowing, in addition to lenient credit policies.

Because the system relies on a fragile monitoring mechanism, its failure might imply economic disaster. An economic bubble is becoming more likely as new platforms like Phonepay enter the market. As a result, authorities must take control of the situation. #livehyd #LiveHyd

‍‍‍‍‍Are Telugu States Usher 'Privileges To Brahmins' Under 'Upper Caste Politics' Influence?

The Telugu States (https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Telugu_states) govts know that while Brahmins (https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brahmin#:~:text=Brahmin%20(%2F%CB%88br%C9%91%CB%90,of%20sacred%20learning%20across%20generations) are electorally insignificant, they can influence others.

Telugu state governments in south India, representing both sides of the Hindutva divide, have strengthened their outreach programmes for Brahmins, in order to remain politically relevant among the community and counter opposition parties’ attempts to woo them.

In the Telugu-speaking non-BJP-ruled states of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, the Brahmin population is negligible and their mandate politically insignificant. But none of these states’ governments have taken their eyes off this influential community, frequently unveiling schemes to incentivise education and employment, or to perpetuate ‘their’ Vedic culture.

Of course, the benefactors of these initiatives must show proof of caste — that they are Brahmins by birth — as most of them are from the economically weaker sections.

In Andhra, the Brahmins have always thrown in their lot with the Reddy community since a fight with the erstwhile Chandrababu Naidu government. But are they happy with Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy, particularly when the opposition BJP tomtoms itself to be the “protector of Hindu dharma?”

Meanwhile, Telangana Chief Minister K. Chandrashekar Rao publicly lives the life of a ‘devout Hindu’. And while there’s hardly any representation of Brahmins in his government, he continues to put them on a pedestal — now and then, he gets vocal in his demand for a Bharat Ratna for former prime minister P.V. Narasimha Rao, who hailed from the community.

Intellectuals, however, point out it is farcical to base policy outreach on the feudal concept that Brahmins are powerful.

The Andhra government’s Vedic education scheme for Brahmins has come in for particular criticism. Political scientist Pratap Bhanu Mehta wrote (https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/brahmin-welfare-schemes-social-justice-7495186/) that the state cannot provide support to a profession whose eligibility is determined by birth. If Vedic studies are good for Brahmins, they should be good for all, he argued.

Both the Andhra Pradesh and Telangana governments have designated Brahmin welfare departments — set up in 2014 and 2017 respectively — and portals, which describe the community as ‘brilliant’ and ‘big’ thinkers.

The Telangana Brahmin Samkshema Parishad — the government body working for the upliftment of the community — says on its website (https://brahminparishad.telangana.gov.in/FirstPage.do) that BRAHMIN stands for “Broad and Brilliant in Thinking; Righteous and Religious in Livelihood, Adroit and Adventurous in Personality, Honesty and Humanity in Quality, Modesty and Morality in Character, Innovation and Industry in Performance and Nobility and Novelty in approach”.

Andhra Pradesh’s site (http://www.andhrabrahmin.ap.gov.in/bwc/aboutus.aspx) defines the community as “Big Thinking, Resource Leveraging, Attitude (positive), Hard Work, Modesty, Integrity and Neo Thinking”.

Both state governments offer financial assistance for higher education, entrepreneurship, skill development, coaching for competitive exams — primarily for the economically weaker groups within the community.

Such schemes, however, are not exclusive to the Brahmin community in the states. There are designated departments working for backward communities, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, offering almost similar financial assistance to promote empowerment.

There is not a single Brahmin minister in KCR’s cabinet, nor in Jagan’s, except Deputy Speaker Kona Raghupathi. There are only a handful of Brahmin legislators in both states, which reflects the fact that Telangana has less than 3 per cent Brahmin voters while Andhra has 5 per cent. But Brahmins are important to both the CMs, say analysts.

There are also financial assistance schemes to promote ‘Vedic culture’ and ‘Vedic education’ in the community. The Telangana Brahmin Parishad offers a scheme named ‘Vedahitha — Vedic Students’, which pays each Brahmin student a sustenance grant of Rs 3 lakh after the successful competition of ‘Smarta’ studies and Rs 5 lakh after finishing ‘Agama, Kramantha and Ganantha’ studies.

A similar scheme in Andhra pays as high as Rs 36,000 annually for a period of six years.

In Telangana, the government bears 75 per cent cost of construction of ‘Brahmin Sadans’ at district and mandal levels under its ‘Brahmin Sadan Scheme’.

Andhra’s ‘Vasishta Scheme’ provides coaching for competitive exams such as the civil services, paying candidates’ boarding and lodging charges.

One of the eligibility criteria for all these schemes is that the beneficiary and the parents should be Brahmins.

From 2015 to 2019, mostly under Chandrababu Naidu, Andhra spent Rs 216 crore on welfare schemes for the community.

The Andhra government also offers financial assistance for funeral expenses of a deceased from a Brahmin family, if the family cannot afford it.

Political analyst Telakapalli Ravi told #KhabarLive, “Considering our society, Brahmins still play a major role in public opinion. They hold influential positions. Though their economic and political power may not be much, several government advisers belong to the community, and there are bureaucrats in top positions.”

Ravi added that chief priest of the famous Tirumala Temple, A.V. Ramana Deekshitulu, had a certain amount of influence in former CM Chandrababu Naidu’s government.

But that does not mean there are no poor Brahmins, he pointed out.

In Telangana, KCR’s most recent sop to Brahmins was the year-long Narasimha Rao birth centenary celebrations he announced in 2020. A statue of the former PM was erected in Hyderabad in June, which the CM himself inaugurated. The ruling Telangana Rashtra Samithi, in the graduates MLC polls, named his granddaughter a candidate, and she ended up winning.

“KCR does not give the community much power but keeps them on a pedestal, conveys that he is respecting them,” Ravi said.

Prof. Kodandaram Reddy, founder of political party Telangana Jana Samithi, said the community is present mostly in urban pockets.

Brahmin voters dominates 12 urban assembly constituencies in the state out of the total 119, according to Telangana BJP leader Ramchander Rao.

Compared to Andhra Pradesh, the Brahmin community in Telangana was not initially influential due to the zamindar (landlord) culture and the Nizam rule. But things changed and certain sub-castes from the Brahmin community such as ‘Karnam’ took over maintaining village records and looked after revenue, Kodandaram Reddy said.

Meanwhile, political analyst Pratap Bhanu Mehta said that secularism and social justice have become “farcical ideas” in these states. He opined that politics and public policy were being reduced to “jati-based” mobilisation in the most absurd way.

“Can you think of anything more grotesque than the idea that in the 21st century the state provides support to a profession whose eligibility is determined by birth? If Vedic education is unalloyed good, why should it not be open to all, subject to conduct rules? How can the state discriminate and confine it to Brahmins identified by birth? This cannot pass any constitutional smell test,” he wrote.

“…this is exactly the perversion of social justice discourse that was set in motion post-Mandal where the question of deeply entrenched historical discrimination was confused with backwardness and poverty in general,” Mehta added.

Other analysts say the state governments continue to keep Brahmins in good humour because of their ‘reverential position’ in society, despite the negligible vote bank.

Independent activist Sky Baba said: “Decades-old feudal systems believed if Brahmins were in an authoritative position, everything would automatically be in place. These governments are still following that sentiment.”

But think of the regression this represents in politics. Recognising caste to overcome discrimination was one thing. But entrenching it as a compulsory identity, certified by the state, and reproducing birth-based entitlements are a perversion of social justice.

Politics and public policy is being reduced to jati-based mobilisation in the most absurd way. Dalits were poor on account of their caste, which is why caste was recognised.

Now the state wants to ensure that all who are poor are permanently stamped with their caste by an official seal. The free for all that is ensuing for reconfiguring caste-based benefits, the demands of local domicile reservation, are signs of pessimism about the economy.

Much heat will be generated about how to distribute the current and shrinking pie of jobs and resources along jati lines. But no one is getting seriously upset about the fact that the pie is not growing as fast as we need it to.

The benefits for Brahmins may seem like a reductio ad absurdum of our politics, a little farce. But behind it is a great tragedy, of a nation with diminishing prospects for everyone, encouraging them to reach into the narrowest-minded conceptions of identity and calling it social justice. #KhabarLive #hydnews

‍‍Telecom Department flags unauthorized sale of Mobile Signal Boosters in India by e-commerce firms, writes to Customs Department

Considering unauthorized mobile signal repeaters & walkie-talkies as a security threat, DoT asks Customs dept to sought strict implementation of import rule and DoT flags unauthorized sale of Mobile Signal Booster by e-commerce firms.

The Department of Telecom (DoT) wrote to the Customs department flagging unauthorized sales of Mobile Signal Boosters by e-commerce firms and sought strict implementation of import rules to curb such practices.

Mobile Signal Boosters are considered the major reason for call drops and India had already banned them. But through e-Commerce, many types of Mobile Signal Boosters, specially imported from China, have found their way into India, for the past so many years.

The telecom department in a letter to the Chief Commissioner of Customs and Central Board of Indirect Taxes and Customs (CBIC) chairman said that it has come to its notice and has also been reported by the Intelligence Bureau about certain models of walkie-talkie sets available for sale on some e-commerce platforms without any compliance to the regulatory requirement of the department. The mobile signal booster and walkie-talkie sets fall under the category of transmission apparatus incorporating reception apparatus which are not permitted to be imported without a license.

The wireless technology monitoring group of the DoT brought down 140 illegal mobile signal boosters during a week-long raid in the state capital.

“While the department is continuing to take appropriate action in this regard in cases of violation, but to restrict the inflow of such unauthorized wireless equipment including mobile signal booster/ repeater in the country, it is requested to strictly enforce the provisions enshrined in the import policy of DGFT in this regard,” the letter said.

Recently, the wireless technology monitoring group of the DoT brought down 140 illegal mobile signal boosters during a week-long raid in the state capital. The raids were conducted in several parts of Hyderabad, including Jubilee Hills, Madhapur, Banjara Hills, Khairatabad, Rajendernagar, Kukatpally, Begumpet and Basheerbagh areas. Last year, DoT officials seized and removed around 400 illegal mobile signal boosters, resulting in call drops.

The unauthorized mobile signal repeaters and walkie-talkies can help anti-social elements set up illegal communication infrastructure. Most people also use this equipment to boost mobile signals in their premises which adversely impacts telecom networks in surrounding areas resulting in call drops, poor call quality, etc. Most of this equipment are illegally imported from China, Taiwan, South Korea, Singapore, and Malaysia.

“Further, notice has also been served to various e-commerce platforms to refrain themselves from selling/ facilitating the selling of unauthorized wireless equipment including signal repeaters/ boosters. Few of such e-commerce platforms have complied with the instructions.

However, such unauthorized wireless equipment including mobile signal repeaters/ boosters are still available for sale on some of the e-commerce platforms and in the grey market,” the letter said. #KhabarLive #hydnews 

‍'Yeh Dosti Hun Nahi Chodenge....' - Virat Kohli, Ravi Shastri And India-England Test Series

Indian cricket team captain Virat Kohli and coach Ravi Shastri might have more answering to do now that the fifth Test of India’s tour of England has been rendered redundant, and the IPL’s early participation may have been compromised.

After Covid Gaffe on the event of The coach’s book launch, the Team India is drawing comparisons with the Australians from two years ago, when they partied on the England pitch after getting ahead in the Ashes only to have to settle for a humbling draw in the end. After all it is hard to imagine any international sports team with a tour in the balance whose coach decides to launch his book overseas.

Three Tests down after that fateful misadventure at the World Test Championship final, Kohli and his team were yet to establish themselves convincingly as “the team to beat” as the Indian captain declared at Shastri’s book launch.

The eventual result in favour of the visitors on the final day of the fourth Test only reaffirmed that fact, as India had to dig themselves out of a hole and not without substantial help from the wobbly hosts. Few teams could have got a reprieve, let alone a jail-free card, after being twice bowled out for less than 100, had they been playing against a stronger, more consistent team than England.

It is something of a feat that India under Kohli have pulled off what the team under Kapil Dev did, winning two Tests in a series in England. Overall India were favourites but not outright winners, which says something given how low England have been on the Test charts.

The fact remains that the trophy cupboard has been empty since 2013 despite the familiar and repetitive backslapping between coach and captain. No amount of touting wins by the coach (which seems his most effusive role to date) is going to change that. Not unless India have a trump up their sleeve for the Twenty20 World Cup which is expected to be Team Shastri’s last hurrah.

For now all the bluster has led to massive embarrassment and worse, a potential series hanging in the balance, as Shastri and the rest of the support staff remain quarantined because of a positive Covid test which has overshadowed the fourth Test and cast a huge cloud of doubt over the possibility of the fifth.

There have been a fluster of discussions between the ECB and BCCI over the awkward timing of the fifth Test, which now threatens to compromise the IPL interests of the latter, and over the impossibility of moving the IPL back so close to the T20 World Cup.

It was the ECB who came out with the statement first, which might lead to some clarification and correction from the BCCI, who have been opposed to the ECB’s demand that India forfeit the match:

“Following ongoing conversations with the BCCI, the ECB can confirm that the fifth Test between England and India Men due to start today at Emirates Old Trafford will be cancelled. Due to fears of a further increase in the number of COVID cases inside the camp, India are regrettably unable to field a team.”

Reportedly the ECB changed the wording of this statement, adding the word “regrettably”. The mean of forfeiture also disappeared in a matter of minutes from the public eye, suggesting that backdoor negotiations were still happening at the late hour - with India unwilling to cede their advantage and England wanting to hold India accountable.

Rajiv Shukla was first to speak on behalf of the BCCI, to suggest that despite the ECB claiming to release the statement after discussion with the BCCI, “the match was only called off. The match was not forfeited.” That still seems like a bone of contention, with the ECB not alluding to the result since taking the forfeit statement off the table.

It only highlights how the situation has quickly spiralled from a coach’s breach to several considerations about the match to now boards playing tug of war at the negotiating table, undoubtedly with some give and take before deciding what the final result of the series will be.

Once again it will be a game decided by the boards and not by the play on the field, in what should have been a straightforward decision with pre-laid contingencies.

If this was not a bad enough reflection, intentions on all sides were plainly evident as the ECB wanted India to forfeit the match if any of the players tested positive ahead of the Test, while India felt they would rather call off the match (without forfeiture) for fear that positive results here would impact foreign participation and timely preparation for the imminent second leg of the IPL.

It is not an everyday occurrence that on the eve of an important Test match that could possibly decide the series result, that the head coach of the visiting team decides to launch his book.

Ravi Shastri should thank his stars that it was a relatively modest affair. India’s position in the fourth Test looked like it would force Kohli to eat humble pie, before another horrendous England collapse on the final day made India’s win easier.

Flabbergasted was not the word as a muted launch was planned for Ravi Shastri’s book on the eve of the Oval Test, particularly since India had been blowing hot and cold through the first three Tests, coming into the contest with an emphatic win at Lord’s but succumbing to the understaffed hosts almost immediately to even the scales.

One does not have to leaf back very far into history to see that the Indian captain is standing on fragile ground. While his captaincy future might not be in immediate doubt, his words at the end of the World Test Championship have the potential to come back to haunt him.

Having lost rather poorly in the end to a determined New Zealand team in Southampton, Kohli was visibly miffed. In a familiar sermon of heads will roll, he seemed to suggest that there were too many tourists on the trip, and players who lacked intent and had it made it to the team despite his own exhortations for accountability.

It would have been a scathing but true indictment if the captain had been at the helm of more than one shoddy performance without a team of his choice at his disposal.

A disgruntled, not to mention embarrassed Kohli, could not quite mirror the reactions of Kane Williamson, the New Zealand captain, in defeat. Instead of taking responsibility he virtually threw the team under the bus.

His statements in the immediate aftermath, which included the words, “Bring in the right people who have right mindset to perform,” must now make him look sheepish because by his own batting assessment on the England tour, he cannot be asking much of his team when as captain he has been quite unable to counter England’s charges with the ball.

Meanwhile his counterpart, England captain Joe Root, has been in impeccable form in both victory and defeat.

Contrary to Sourav Ganguly’s recent assertions that India are the better team by a mile, Virat Kohli’s team haven’t shown quite the impetus that should have put them in the driver’s seat much sooner.

Given that their last Test appearance was down under when Ajinkya Rahane led the team in the three remaining Tests to a phenomenal series victory after Kohli’s departure after the first Test in Adelaide (which incidentally India lost) the disgruntlement of a grumpy captain unwilling to accept defeat gracefully became all too apparent.

After all, Kohli and Shastri have had more than just a few run-ins when the Indian selectors were left red-faced, having picked squads for tours while coach and captain made their own calls, sometimes in obvious contradiction of the selectors’ assessment.

To somehow suggest that the team was thrown into disarray after his absence for a few easy riders, when the results were emphatic Down Under is something that will unfortunately go down in the tour diary.

It is true that Shastri took over as head coach at a turbulent time, when he was director of cricket and Duncan Fletcher was not having a good time as India coach.

But the shenanigans that followed in the falling out between Kohli and the subsequent coach he did not want, Anil Kumble, in an unfair one-year tenure for the leg spinner before Shastri’s surprisingly smooth reappointment by the Kapil Dev led Cricket Advisory Committee in 2019, showed that Shastri and Kohli had developed an all too comfortable relationship of bonhomie, allowing one to take a comfortable backseat while the other had unfettered reign, on and off the field.

Accountability too must then come from the top down.

Cricket fans were not willing to look past the obvious. In one of the more prominent instances, cricket aficionados were agreed that Shastri, as coach, should have had a more mentoring hand in how he handled Rishabh Pant.

Pant to his credit bounced back from being initially overlooked for the World Cup, then being asked to unfairly fill big boots in the semifinal. And did so again after being targeted by the coach when the going got tough for India Men, to transform himself into one of the chief architects of India’s success in Australia under Rahane - all under the tender age of 21.

For those who chose to paint lightly India’s victory down under, it could be argued that the challenge for Kohli has been fairly similar to that for Rahane. Although it is hard to fault Kohli who has been a prolific run getter in Test cricket, not to mention a champion for the five day format, his bat has been conspicuously silent when it came to the big hundreds. If intent and performance hold measure, Jimmy Anderson has painted the Indian captain in such humiliating light that it is hard to see how Kohli can lift his own profile without a captain’s knock to his name.

It bears repeating that England’s team is a visibly compromised one. Although they have creditably taken the challenge to their superior visitors, frankly speaking the situation has not changed much before or during the series, where the burden of run-getting remains with their captain, Joe Root, and of the bowling strike on James Anderson.

While others have played support to spoil India’s facile part, India will look back on this series, irrespective of the result of the fifth Test, and wonder why they were so inconsistent for a team that should have had a tighter leash on the game, given the strength in their batting and the genuine talent in their seam bowling, which has also come to their rescue with the bat on more than one occasion in the past year.

Excuses are often made in hindsight. India, who have more recently adopted the policy of next to no tour matches before Test series - call it the bane of the Indian Premier League era, pandemic notwithstanding - are often seen being bloated with praise by the likes of Ravi Shastri when the wins come, or being scathingly cut down by the likes of the coach, who targets one or two players - not unlike his stint in the commentary box where he is likely to return.

Given the imperative for India to re-establish their authority over the game, particularly after the humiliating climbdown from Lord’s and with results swinging wildly through the course of the series, the opportunistic manner of the coach’s book launch unfortunately only shows that Ravi Shastri timed this one wrong, and not for the first time in this rather cosy coach and captain relationship.

Winning for Virat Kohli has become more than a matter of prestige and pride. It is important for the outgoing coach to finish this relationship on a high to secure the captain’s consent in the choice of the next coach. After that acrimonious falling out with Kumble, Kohli too will be under scrutiny.

Shastri’s exit might make life easier for many. After all, it was Shastri who took to social media to lament before the series how Bharat Arun, the bowling coach, had to serve isolation time as per UK health protocols after coming into contact with throwdown specialist-cum-masseur, Dayanand Garani:

“My right hand back in the house. Looking fitter and stronger after being in isolation for 10 days even though testing negative all the way. Bloody frustrating these isolation rules. 2 jabs of the vaccine has to be trusted.”

With a blasé, ignorant attitude like that, coming as it does from the head coach whose vaccination certainly didn’t spare him the embarrassment of covid at an inconvenient juncture putting the team and the series in peril, is it surprising that India find themselves in this late and rather needless off-field turmoil?

Fortunately, the second leg of the truncated Indian Premier League is not too far off, and even with the possibility of prolonged player quarantine as a result of this mishap, all shall soon be a thing of the past. #KhabarLive #hydnews

‍Where Is The 'Water Treatment Plant' At Twin Reservoirs For Hyderabad?

The long-awaited water treatment plant to Hyderabad city is still on papers after 10-years. The government apathy towards implementation is very poor. Though the Hyderabad Metropolitan Water Supply and Sewerage Board (HMWS&SB) designed the project, it is yet to see the light of the day.

Callousness of civic authorities is not only causing huge losses to the exchequer, but also is depriving its denizens of their rightful amount of drinking water for long. Construction of a 90-million gallons per day (MGD) water treatment plant (WTP) at Osmansagar and Himayatsagar lakes proposed 10 years ago is still lying on paper, as authorities seem to be insensitive to the basic needs of people.  

If the water treatment plant had been constructed, it would have catered to the drinking water needs of 10 lakh people and avoided inundation at low-lying areas along the Musi during October last year and for the last three months this year. Though the Hyderabad Metropolitan Water Supply and Sewerage Board (HMWS&SB) designed the project, it is yet to see the light of the day.

According to highly placed sources, after the 1908 flash floods caused massive losses of lives and properties, the civic authorities were forced to initiate flood control measures. Renowned civil engineer Sir Mokshagundam Visvesvaraya suggested constructions of two storage reservoirs on Musi named as Osmansagar and on Esi, its tributary, as Himayatsagar.

As the population of the then Hyderabad started increasing, the said flood control storage reservoirs were converted as drinking water supply sources and supply began from Osmansagar in 1920 (construction began in 1912 and completed in 1920) and from Himayatsagar in 1927 by gravity. The water treatment plants constructed at Asifnagar and Mir Alam till date have been treating 40 MGD water which are being supplied in the city.  

A decade ago, the twin reservoirs reached their dead storage levels and the water board officials, in order maintain the full tank levels, proposed to construct a 90 MGD water treatment plant linking Osmansagar and Himayatsagar and draw water through gravity from KP Laxmidevipally reservoir as a part of Palamuru-Rangareddy lift irrigation project.  If the project was executed, it would have treated water and supplied to about 10 lakh consumers at Rs. 10 per kilolitre since it could have avoided the electricity and other charges unlike drawing water from hundreds of kilometres from the Krishna and the Godavari river basins apart from avoiding flash floods.

A senior HMWSSB official said the city could have avoided not only flash floods along Musi but also would have catered to the drinking water needs of 10 lakh families at a very cheaper price if the 90 MGD water treatment plant was constructed. He said currently the water treatment plants at Asifnagar and Mir Alam could not treat beyond 20 MGD as they were constructed during early 1900's and the excess floodwater from the upstream areas were left into the Musi by lifting the gates of twin reservoirs which has been inundating hundreds of colonies in the downstream damaging properties and claiming lives. "City has to live with the flash floods in the coming years and construction of a 90 MGD water treatment plant would be a great help as it could save the city from submergence and cater to its drinking water needs,” the official added.

Apart from the twin reservoirs, Manjira Phase I and II, Singur (Manjira phase-III and IV), Krishna Phase-I, II, III and Godavari Phase-I have been serving the drinking water needs of the city.  As of now, the total installed capacity for Hyderabad drinking water supply is 602 MGD.

At present, a total of 430 MGD is being supplied in the service area of HMWS&SB which is extended beyond the GHMC limits up to the outer ring road (ORR). #KhabarLive #hydnews

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