Food Security: Why Sonia’s Pet Project Is Pawar’s Pet Peev?

It is hard to liken Sharad Pawar to anything so slender and agile as a cat. Yet, in the manner in which the NCP leader and agriculture minister has been struggling to articulate his ‘conscientious objection’ to the Food Security Bill, he resembles nothing so much as the “cat i’ th’ adage” that Lady Macbeth alluded to. That cat, as is well-known, loved fish, but was afraid to get its paws wet in the water. It, therefore, lived, in Lady Macbeth’s colourful turn of phrase, like a “coward… letting ‘I dare not’ wait upon ‘I would’” – conflicted between a desire to act and an unwillingness to strike.

Likewise, with Pawar, there is something for which he yearns in the realm of power, in which proxy cause he repeatedly invokes his opposition to the Food Security Bill, the welfare measure that’s so dear to Sonia Gandhi’s heart. Yet, for all his valour as a Maratha strongman, he can’t seem to spit it out in full, and ends up waffling incoherently.

In Nagpur on Monday, Pawar returned to a drum that he’s been banging away at for a while now: the sheer unsustainability of “populist” schemes like the provision for food security and the NREGA rural employment guarantee programme.

Such schemes, he said, required serious re-consideration, particularly the proposal to provide foodgrain at concessional rates to 68 percent of the population. While he conceded that there was social merit in providing food subsidies to the very poor, and he approved of such welfare measures in principle, the wisdom of covering nearly 70 percent of the population was open to challenge, he added.

According to this report, Pawar said that the new food security scheme would require a subsidy of Rs 1.1 lakh crore to implement it. “This puts an unbearable strain on the already precarious financial situation and a huge burden on the Union budget,” he added.

In any case, Pawar pointed to a larger philosophical failing in extending the coverage of the food security provision to such a large section of the population. “If we project that nearly 70 percent of the population needs such dole, the question that would inevitably crop up is: what we have done in the past 65 years to alleviate poverty?” It reflected rather poorly on “our economic achievements”, he added.

Pawar makes a sound political argument when he reasons that the Congress, as the party that has been in power for much of these 65-plus years since independence (either by itself or as the head of a coalition), has much to answer for for the state of the nation if up to 70 percent of the population needs to be serviced by welfare measures with unsustainably high price tabs attached to them.

The Food Security Bill envisages provision of wheat at Rs 2 a kg (barely a tenth of the current procurement cost of Rs 18 a kg). In his recent speech before the National Development Council, Pawar pointed out that the economics of the programme were so skewed that a failure to secure a good price for marketable surplus of wheat would incentivise farmers to migrate to other crops, which would impair food security and compel India to import wheat.

As for NREGA, Pawar pointed to a regressive ‘unintended consequence’ of the rural employment guarantee scheme: an erosion in the “work culture” in rural areas. He claimed that given the current level of NREGA wages, labour productivity in the rural areas, raising which ought to have been the desired goal, was being negatively impacted. Agricultural wages had shot up because far fewer farmhands were available since, he said, “most men are simply enjoying the benefits and sitting idle.”

That narrative, painting a picture of rural agrarian life as idyllic, perhaps overstates the case, and possibly reflects in some measure Pawar’s defence of the interests of the landed gentry class. Even so, the contributory role that schemes like NREGA have played in the decline of agricultural labour productivity has been sufficiently well-established.

For all these reasons, Pawar reasoned, schemes like NREGA and the Food Security Bill required careful reconsideration, since unsustainable spending on such big-scale projects would prove ruinous, particularly given the country’s straitened fiscal situation.

It requires political fortitude in some measure for a regional leader with the backing of only a handful of MPs to target schemes that are, in a sense, Sonia Gandhi’s favoured ones. As Firstpost has noted earlier, the Food Security Bill is a political project intended to secure the UPA’s re-election (in much the same way that the NREGA greased the tracks for the return of the UPA in 2009), and for that reason, it has encountered little meaningful opposition within the Congress.

Yet, Pawar’s repeated but ineffectual protestations over the Food Security Bill—and his seeming unwillingness to escalate the battle—only resemble the exertions of the conflicted cat in the Lady Macbethian narrative. There may have been a time when Pawar would have been able to up his game, perhaps even dreamt of prime ministerial ambitions. But today, even he is aware of his powerlessness within the UPA — and is given to public airing of grievances merely to assure himself that he is still relevant.

At a meeting in Nagpur on Monday, Pawar shared the dais with Nitin Gadkari, who was recently eased out as BJP president, but with whom the NCP shares, as Arvind Kejrial established, a cosy business relationship that transcends beyond notional political rivalries. That relationship also offers something of an exit clause for Pawar and the NCP – in case the arithmetic of the next Lok Sabha requires them to realign their political affiliations. Cats have nine lives; so too do political leaders who are politically nimble and agile.

Food Security Bill To Criminalize Opposition For GM Food

By Ranjit Devraj / Delhi

India's environmental and food security activists who have so far succeeded in stalling attempts to introduce genetically modified (GM) food crops into this largely farming country now find themselves up against a bill in parliament that could criminalize such opposition. 

The Biotechnology Regulatory Authority of India (BRAI) bill, introduced into parliament in April, provides for "single window clearance" for projects by biotechnology and agribusiness companies including those to bring GM food crops into this country, 70% of whose 1.1 billion people are involved in agricultural activities. 

Revealed: Why Indian Desi Food Is Delicious In The World?

Indian food, with its hodgepodge of ingredients and intoxicating aromas, is coveted around the world. The labor-intensive cuisine and its mix of spices is more often than not a revelation for those who sit down to eat it for the first time. 

Heavy doses of cardamom, cayenne, tamarind and other flavors can overwhelm an unfamiliar palate. Together, they help form the pillars of what tastes so good to so many people.

But behind the appeal of Indian food — what makes it so novel and so delicious — is also a stranger and subtler truth.

Zakat Firms Waste Money Meant For Poor Muslims - 2

By M H Ahssan / INN Bureau

The organisations/individuals involved in collection and distribution of Zakat or donations meant for poor Muslims apparently believes in show-off than extending real help to the beneficiaries. They take complete liberty in spending the Zakat and donation amounts as per their will.

For instance, in Ramzan of 2012, the rich and NRI Muslims contributed about Rs 1.27 crore to a prominent organisation towards Iftar food, Fidya and Fitra and Eid clothing for poor Muslims. Shockingly, the organisation has wasted a large amount in logistics and operations.

A Famished Franchise

What is a vote to a starving man? What does the world’s largest election mean to the world’s largest group of forsaken people? HNN finds out.

A VOTE IS often a product of mixed motives — the result of generations of unshakeable loyalty, or the last-minute epiphany of a frustrated finger hovering over multiple EVM buttons. A vote sometimes rewards jobs provided, children schooled, identities recognised. Other times, it punishes pleas unheard, bulbs unlit, bruised faiths. It is a bargaining chip that negotiates a better life for you.

But what if you were forgotten? Even in the shower of attention that elections bring, what if the convoy drove past your village for the nth time? What is a vote to you, if for the third time, a child in your family was dying of hunger, and you had no hospital to take her to, and no earnings to buy her food with? From places that governments have long ignored come shocking stories of the complete failure of government and unbelievable deprivation. Not a morsel to eat, not a drop safe to drink. What does the world’s biggest election mean to the largest group of forsaken people in that country? What is a vote to a starving man?

It takes a stinging swarm of mosquitoes to wake little Maya from her tired sleep. Immediately, she bursts into tears. She thrashes her bony legs; her ribs visible under her skin. There are angry rashes and bleeding sores all over her body. Exhausted from crying, Maya’s eyes shut again. The wailing is now soundless, the tears flow quietly.

Maya looks about one year old, but is actually three. “She doesn’t seem to grow,” says Rasali, her mother. “She hasn’t been able to walk or crawl and most of the time, just lies in an unconscious sleep.” Maya has Grade-4 malnutrition, the severest degree, which means that she has only a few months left to live. She is from Nichikhori village in Madhya Pradesh’s Sheopur district, where locals recognise villages not by name, but by the number of children that have starved to death there in the past few months. Nichikhori is known by the number 6. Not one of the children here who stare at us shyly from behind walls and trees looks well, let alone well-fed. Without exception, they are underweight and have distended abdomens, reed-thin limbs, bulging eyes. Almost all have had a sibling starve to death.

Every four minutes, a child is born dead in Madhya Pradesh. Of those that survive, over 14 per cent die before they turn six. In the seven months from July 2008 to January 2009, 676 children died here of malnourishment. That’s three a day. Empty kitchens, leafless trees and ration shops that are as barren as the landscape are visible proof that there is precious little to eat in northern MP. A chronic, pervasive hunger that lay hidden till a few years ago now screams for attention in newspaper headlines. It is not surprising that, in December 2008, the BJP’s Shivraj Singh Chauhan became Chief Minister against a poll promise of subsidised rice. With no actual food to be had, the mere hope of food is what people subsist on. Lok Sabha aspirants have realised that here, the promise of food security is a profitable one to make and a convenient one to break.

RN Rawat, a Congress MLA from Shivpuri is contesting the Morena Lok Sabha seat, with “eradicating starvation deaths” as his primary agenda. When asked why he did not raise the issue in the years he was an MLA, Rawat says, “I may be raising this just before elections, but someone has to do it sometime.” The MP administration denied reports of malnutrition until 2007, when a wave of hungerrelated deaths brought criticism from across the world. Today, Central and state governments recognise the problem, but underplay its scale. Nutrition and Rehabilitation Centres (NRCs) were started to treat malnourished children in remote villages, but they admit only severely malnourished children, who are already too sick to respond to treatment. The other hungry children are left to the Centre’s anganwadis, which are supposed to provide a daily meal to children under six. In Shivpuri district, however, women say these meals come only once a week.

“Why do these people depend on the government for everything?” asks Ganesh Singh, the BJP parliamentarian from Satna, who is contesting the seat again this year. “The government helps those who help themselves,” he declares.

In Singh’s constituency, long years of drought have forced many families to mortgage their land to moneylenders for food. Non-agricultural jobs are scarce and pay poorly. Entire villages bear insurmountable debts but still have no food. It is at this point that people look to the government. And when even children die of starvation, it is usually a sign of the most abysmal hunger.

Hari Singh, a labourer in Sheopur, lost his one-year-old son three weeks ago. “Sonu was always very weak,” says Singh. “When he was just over 14 months, he suddenly got boils all over his body and his skin started peeling. He became sookha (dry). He couldn’t even digest breast milk and then got diarrhoea. Towards the end, a rotting smell came from his body. That’s when I knew it was over.” The experience left Hari blaming himself. But what it reveals is an absolute breakdown of government welfare schemes.

IF THERE is food from anywhere, the child is sure to be fed. Universally, parents feed their child first,” says Sachin Jain, a member of the Right to Food campaign in Madhya Pradesh. “If children are starving, it means the entire community is on the brink.”

Starvation deaths are often downplayed by governments as transient aberrations, ones that might merit a cure but never prevention; aberrations that can be dealt with after they occur. The Mizoram government, for instance, has camouflaged chronic hunger among its other anti-famine measures. The state witnesses a unique phenomenon called mautam, literally, ‘bamboo death’. Every 48 years, a particular species of tropical bamboo flowers. A temporary surfeit of rich bamboo seeds leads to an explosion in the population of rats, which soon overrun paddy fields, causing a famine. The last famine was in 1959, and it took on political colour as it became the genesis for the militant Mizoram National Famine Front.

Since late 2004, Mizoram has been going through another devastating famine. There are clear manifestations of the onset of famine in eight districts. It seems bizarre that an entire people live perennially on the verge of starvation, but mautam remains a non-issue this election. CL Ruala, the Congress candidate says that the famine does not feature in the party manifesto because its repercussions are limited. C Rokhuma, founder of the Anti-Famine Campaign Organization, believes that Mizoram is a victim of politicised and badly tackled hunger. “The 2007 mautam was manipulated by politicians,” he says. “They let people starve and then brought rice for them from outside, so as to be seen as solving their problem.”

The snag in approaching hunger as a famine-like phenomenon is that the solution is often short-sighted. The Central government accumulates an emergency stock of food grains by buying directly from farmers, a cache meant for famine relief. It has been hoarding this for so long that it now has four times the required stock. As development economist Jean Dréze puts it, if these sacks of grain were lined up in a row, that array of futile, wasted food would stretch for more than a million kilometres, to the moon and back. Grotesquely, though India has the largest unused stocks of food in the world, it also has more people suffering from hunger than any other country.

ALOOK AT the states that have lost the most people to starvation — Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand, Rajasthan, Mizoram and Orissa — reveals a more silent and misunderstood killer: chronic hunger, the kind that is caused by an utter disability to buy any food. With no land to grow food on and no earnings to buy even subsidised food, families grow hungrier by the generation.

Kalahandi in Orissa has become an icon of Indian poverty. Visited repeatedly by Congress bigwigs and development journalists, the district still remains an unfortunate, living stereotype. A ricesurplus district, yet a district with one of the highest mortality rates (140 per thousand) in the country. The poorest state, yet one voting for 27 crorepati candidates, seven of them from the hungriest Kalahandi-Bolangir-Koraput region.

When the residents of Pengdusi village in Kalahandi are asked what they do for a living, one man bursts out laughing, “We’re boatmakers, fishermen or farmers. At least until we become patients.” In September 2007, 16 people died of diarrhoea here in just 15 days, most of them adults. No one was taken to the hospital because it is 45km away, and there was no bus, no ambulance, and no road. “If you fell sick in this village, you died,” says 30-year-old Madan Nayak, who lost his wife and, one day later, his one-month-old daughter. Diarrhoea is the most common symptom of hunger death — a body’s final rejection of any food or water, an inability to digest anything because of being unfed for too long. Even today, the Primary Health sub-Centre set up 5km from the village following media and NGO pressure, lies locked, with no doctor or health worker appointed. Two years after people died of neglect, no lessons have been learnt.

Yet, instead of despondence, there is still talk of political change. “We all campaigned for Pushpendra Singh of the BJD in the 2004 assembly elections, because we thought he would help us get our BPL cards,” says Haladar Majhi, “But after he won, when we went to remind him of his promise, he asked us who we were.” This year, the popular parliamentary candidate seems to be the Congress’ Bhakta Charan Das, the first politician to visit the village at its worst time in 2007. “He came on a motorcycle, with a doctor riding pillion,” says Haladar, “He ensured that the road is paved. He responds to us, at least for now.”

NEARBY, PREDOMINANTLY tribal Kashipur has been facing the wrath of failed crops. Everyone seems to be at work in lush paddy fields for most of the day, but in their homes, there is commonly just half a pot of dilute rice gruel for a family of five for three days. It is a simple difference between the haves and the have nots. In the last 50 years in Orissa, big farmers have been buying fertile land and cheap labour for throwaway prices. Adivasis work for foodgrains on lands they once owned. When there is no harvest in the rainy season between May and October, they find themselves jobless and too poor to buy even the Rs 2 rice from ration shops. Those with a few acres of land manage for a month or two before hunger strikes them too. Everyone seems to have an NREGA card, but instead of a guaranteed 100 days a year, people in Kashipur get an average of 20 days’ work. Most of that is unpaid.

The staple diet is mango kernels, which lie drying in front of every house. They will be ground and eaten, even though it was these very poisonous fungus- ridden kernels that caused rampant diarrhoea a year ago. “We know this isn’t very good for us,” admits Kaluna, who now raises four children belonging to her sister who died of starvation last year in Kashipur. “But there’s not enough farm produce,” she says. “We need something to quieten the growling stomach.”

The still-robust will to vote among the most neglected is striking. “In the absence of food, land, work, and good health, my vote is the only privilege I have left,” says the 67-year-old Dhiru Kaka, who lost his son, daughter-in-law and wife to starvation last year in Kashipur, Orissa. Playing with his voter ID card is his 2-year-old grandson, the only family he has left. When Dhiru Kaka made the trip to the polling booth on April 16, it was to cast his vote for the 17th time. “At least for a few months after the election, the winning politician will bring us food,” he says, hugging his grandson. “That is the best we can ever expect.”

The 'Secret' Of Making Crispiest 'Tofu' For Your Live Dishes

One of the questions I get asked a lot is how I get my tofu so crispy. No, you don’t have to deep-fry it to get it that way. You actually don’t have to fry the tofu at all though I do love it that way. 

Nothing makes me happier than biting into a piece of tofu with a beautiful golden-brown crispy coating and hearing that distinctive “crunch” that says it’s perfectly cooked. Even as a kid, I preferred crispy, crunchy foods. Keep your ice cream, I wanted chips.

Equation Proves Sonia’s Food Security Bill Is A Big Hoax

By Ashok Avasthi / News Delhi

Sonia Gandhi’s Food Security Bill (FSB), everyone acknowledges, is a political signal from the Congress to the electorate on the eve of elections. That it will damage the fiscal situation and also give inflation another push is something most economists accept. We are, of course, talking of economists who go beyond the moral argument which holds that when it’s a question of feeding the poor, the budget can go take a walk.

However, it’s now time to look even at the moral arguments closely. And expose the Congress party’s claims that this bill is the answer to the problems of eliminating malnutrition and hunger.

India Needs: Amul II; A National Grid To Fix Food Inflation

By Shankkar Aiyar (Guest Writer)

Inflationary elation followed by deflationary dejection. The Rajan Effect has run through its first lap. India’s hope brigade completed another expectations cycle—price inflation deflated hope inflation.

Rising inflation is the reflection of an institutional crisis in the manner in which India manages the demand side and the supply side of the economy; how the government manages its income and its expenditure; how the government enables availability and affordability.

History Is Proof 'Hindus Never Had Any Beef With Beef'

Professor Kancha Ilaiah burst into popular consciousness with his bestseller Why I Am Not a Hindu—A Sudra Critique of Hindutva Philosophy, Culture and Political Economy.

The director of the Centre for the Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy at Maulana Azad National Urdu University—a prominent central university in Hyderabad—Ilaiah peels away the layers of meanings shrouding the ban imposed on cattle slaughter in some Indian states.

Exclusive: Are You A Salt Junkie? Avoid To Save Your Life!

The more salt we eat, the more we crave it. This vicious cycle is the chief cause of hypertension and cardiovascular disease.

Spanish gourmet chef Ferran Adria, who revolutionised haute cuisine with the iconic El Bulli restaurant, once said, “Salt is the only product that transforms gastronomy.” In Tamil, there’s a proverb ‘uppilla pandam kuppayile’, meaning, ‘a dish without salt is rubbish’. 

Telangana Flavour To Food Biz

Now the Telangana flocked to food industry too. The food entrepreneur has displayed several telangana food delicacies in her showroom meant only for telanganites. 

Tucked away in a nondescript lane near Indira Park, Pramada’s sweets and snacks shop would have remained known only to a select few, had it not been for the recent ‘T’ movement. With the three-week old agitation instilling among the people of Telangana a renewed sense of pride for the region, this shop selling traditional Telangana food, has found more patrons than it ever expected. 
    
In an effort to abandon everything from ‘Andhra’, scores of Telanganaites now land at Pramada’s in LIC Colony opposite Indira Park each day where everything from the raw material to the people working there are from Telangana. Not surprising then that regulars at the store, where she makes and sells these quintessential Telangana delicacies, say that every bite of Pramada’s snacks make them feel closer home and truly fill in that “missing (Telangana) taste in life” (the tag line of the store). They, however, add that over the last few weeks, this shop has turned into more than just a food stall. 
    
Such talk about Pramada’s ‘silently’ helping the political cause brings its owner, R Pramada Reddy, great joy. However, the 47-year-old from Khammam district admits that she had no such thought when she started off this snack venture nine years ago, which coincided (though not by design) with the launch of TRS. “My friends used to eat at various places and come and tell me how none of it tasted like home-cooked food. They coaxed me to get into this,” says Reddy who has been receiving more customers ever since the ‘T’ agitation picked up in the last three weeks. 
    
“There has been a significant rise in the number of orders I get. A lot more people have also been asking for bigger parcels to send abroad,” she says, adding that the NRI Telangana community has in the last few weeks ordered snacks in kilos. 
    
The patronage is not without reason. She explains how Telangana food can be easily differentiated from Andhra food. “The latter is more about chillies and no masala. Ours has both in equal proportions,” she says. The ‘chakka garelu’ (a snack item) for instance, she explains, tastes very different if bought from an Andhra shop. “We use spring onions and lot of coriander to make it that gives it a distinct taste,” she explains. Even the pickles at her store, customers claim, have a very ‘Telangana flavour’. “It is not as hot as Andhra pickles, and the taste of the masala used is distinct. You will not get the same thing anywhere else,” said B Reddy, a regular at the shop. 
    
Some of her exclusive Telangana products are the ‘sakinalu’ (another spicy snack made especially for Sankranti and weddings) or the ‘madugulu’ (a sweet) or even the ‘keema karijelu’ (a non-veg sweet). 
    
“In case of Andhra pickles, the oil is not boiled, in our pickles that is a must. It gives the pickle a very different taste,” said Vijaya Reddy, one of Pramada’s oldest customers.” With the ‘T’ movement gaining ground, Pramada’s patrons are sure that the shop will get only bigger by the day.

Fastfood Gaint McDonald’s Admits What’s Inside Their So-Called 'Burgers'?

By SALEHA HASEEB | INNLIVE

After years of speculation and unconfirmed claims, McDonald’s has finally admitted what’s really inside their burgers.

You have probably heard the rumors about what the most popular fast food chain puts in their food – from the pink slime to mechanically separated meat, everything we have heard of has been disgusting.

Swiggy simply delivered on its promise and rode out the food tech storm in India

The sunny side appears up again in the Indian food tech sector.

After a year of layoffs, downsizing, and even shuttering of businesses, food tech startups are back to receiving funding and planning expansions. On May 19, FoodPanda’s parent company Delivery Hero raised $431.45 million. On May 30, Bengaluru-based Swiggy raised $80 million from South African firm Naspers in a Series-E round.

With this, the amount that Swiggy has raised since its launch in 2014 has touched $155 million, while its larger rival Zomato has raised $243 million over nine years, according to data on Crunchbase.

As India Battles Pakistan In The World Cup 2015, 'Robin Hood Army', First Set Up In Delhi, Debuts In Karachi

India's Robin Hood Army, a group of volunteers who head out in green t-shirts every Sunday to distribute food, clothes and blankets among the homeless across seven cities in the country, has chosen the day of the India-Pakistan World Cup match to spread its wings in the rival country.

"I keep reminding my Indian counterparts that even the Robin Hood Army is rooting for green! But on a serious note, it is just an exciting time for the Pak-India relationship and while we might be playing against each other on one platform, we stand together on another," Sarah Afridi, who is spearheading the project in Karachi told INNLIVE.

Pakistan Is 'Under Fire' For Sending 'Beef Masala' To Nepal, Citizens Demands 'Apology' For Blundering

A day after INNLIVE broke the story about Pakistan sending food packets containing ‘beef masala’ to earthquake-hit Nepal as part of its aid package, Islamabad tried hard to save face amid severe criticism on the social media (@inn_live #BeefRelief). 

Initially, the Pakistan government sought to pass the buck and said its Air Force was responsible for distributing the food packets, and hence the government wasn’t at fault. 

Chhattisgarh's Experiment With Modi's 'Cash Transfers' For 'Food Rations' Has Been Turned Aa A Sheer Disaster!

By MITHILESH MISHRA | INNLIVE

During a pilot project in direct benefits transfers, a fifth of the beneficiary households never received any money, and among those who did 70% got it after much delay.

Chhattisgarh has been lauded for the reforms initiated in 2004 in the public distribution system to ensure that subsidised foodgrains meant for the poor actually reached them. Over the last decade, the state’s network of food ration shops expanded to reach 85% of the population. It became the first state to implement a food security law in 2012 and was highlighted in numerous studies as a model state for the public distribution system.

'Heritage Fresh' Targets A Whopping Turnover of 1k Crores

SPONSORED: Heritage’s milk products have market presence in Andhra Pradesh,Telangana, Karnataka, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Maharastra, Odisha and Delhi and its retail stores across Bangalore, Chennai and Hyderabad. Integrated agri operations are in Chittoor and Medak Districts and these are backbone to retail operations and the state of art Bakery division at Uppal, Hyderabad, Telangana.

From dairy, agri and bakery to a chain of 80 food and grocery retail stores, the Heritage Group has diversified business operations. Jagdish Krishnan, COO, Heritage Retail and Bakery Divisions, talks about their food and grocery retail arm Heritage Fresh and it’s strong brand positioning and ongoing expansion, with INNLIVE. Here are the edited excerpts:

'Masterchef Kitchen Ke Superstars' Marries Chitrahaar And Sob Stories

I’ve said it before and I’ll say it again. I love Masterchef. I also used to love Chitrahaar. Back-to-back film songs for 30 minutes.  And finally there’s a show which has married the two concepts. Who would have thought?

The news season of Masterchef India, now rechristened for some reason as Masterchef Kitchen Ke Superstar (maybe because the producers have decided to set expectations after realising that none of these people will ever be a famous chef with his own show or restaurant), is less cooking contest and more Chitrahaar. I kid you not.

The first episode that I had the pleasure of seeing, and which I am getting a very strong feeling might just end up being my last, was the qualification round  in my hometown Calcutta. As we all know Calcutta is known for its food and kaalchar. Sadly, since this series obviously has no interest in focusing on food, we got to see very little of Calcutta cooking.

So what did I get to see? The judges have been revamped. Out with the old and in with the tested. So while the show has retained the hairless pretty boy chef Vikas Khanna and Punjab da Puttar Chef Kunal, they’ve also got on board Sanjeev Kapoor.  Who obviously didn’t manage to convince Masterchef to shift loyalties from Star to Food Food. I’m hoping he at least gets to to plug his own food channel during this series. And like all Hindi film villains, Vikas Khanna and Kunal Kapoor, go by their first names. Chef Vikas and Chef Kunal.

So aside from the usual bright and slightly garish sets and the chefs dressed in bandhgalas and shirts with waistcoats and plunging necklines all in vivid colours, we were also introduced to Calcutta.

Which is when the bizarreness began. In trooped a couple who were dressed as if they just walked out of Charulata.  The couple – Prantik Sen and his wife – narrated their love story to the three wise chefs, who nodded, murmured, tut-tuted. We and everyone who’d tuned in, including their own families, got to know that they’d been seeing each other for 7 years and Prantik’s family had never accepted his wife into the fold. Such was the sadness of their lives that they’d dressed up like they were in a pantomime and decided to wash their very depressing linen on national TV. What had they both cooked? Who cares? We weren’t shown it. Instead a song from Ishaqzaade (what? No Rabindrasangeet?) played and they were handed two aprons and asked to put them on each other – like jaymalas (Sanjeev Kapoor’s words, not mine) or wedding garlands. Even I can’t make this stuff up.

Next up, we got to see vox pops of various contestants who were hell-bent on showing us just how dumb the people of Calcutta are. So contestants were asked questions ranging from What Is India’s National Dish, to How many eggs are in eggless cake? To what is chicken kadai? And how much dum is in dum alu? Mamata Banerjee should round up all those who appeared on the telly and displayed their single digit IQ, and lock them up in the empty Tata factory at Singur. And throw away the key. Immediately.

After this we at least got to see some food. Bad and strange looking food, but at least there were signs of cooking on a cooking contest. Doel Sarangi cooked what looked like very authentic steamed prawn and prawn head pakora. And was given an apron for her hard work. Then came Leela Das, a singer. She’d cooked butter fish which was instantly rejected.  Then someone with a slightly turdish Veg Sausage which was rejected as well.

All along there was the continuous Chitrahaar. The judges arrived at the qualification venue to Helen’s song, Piya tu ab to aaja. And then the contestants were asked to vote on who’s the handsomest of the three judges. Because after all, that’s what’s of import in a cooking show.

We then got to see a segment where all the contestants said “I Love You” to the judges. And if you hadn’t thrown up in your mouth just a little bit by then, the segment was set to a medley of songs from Maine Pyar Kiya to Dekha Hai Pehli Baar Saajan Kai Aankhon Mein Pyar. To take things a step further, there were clips of contestants calling the judges “gods” and doing arati of them to the tune of Om Jai Jagdish Hare. Very inspired.

Then a woman called Ishrat Ali appeared. Finally, after 20 minutes of songs and rubbish, we got to see a contestant and the food she’d cooked. But before that we were graced with a lecture on how being a housewife is the most important job in the world.

It’s also apparently a job which doesn’t allow you to cook pretty looking food because she’d made a horrible looking creamy goop of a dessert. But I think she got an apron as well. I don’t recall because my eyes were brimming with tears on hearing the speech on the wonders of being a housewife.  Calcutta seems to be full of star-crossed lovers and depressed people who can make you feel suicidal. It’s like being in a Murakami novel without the eloquence.

And a Murakami cooking novel set to Hindi music.

The programme ended with Shukran Allah from the Kareena-Saif starrer, Kurbaan. And I gave myself ten on ten because I realised that even if this show doesn’t make me a kitchen ka superstar, it can make me the next Antakshari queen.

India's Best Chlorovores, A Peep Into Their Lifestyle

By M H Ahssan / New Delhi

Chhatrashal Stadium in North-West Delhi is an unusually quiet place. It is also home to some of India's top wrestlers, most of who have been living and training here from the age of seven. 

Their day starts at five every morning. Bouts of grappling in the local akhara are followed by a breakfast of almonds and milk. (Almonds contain protein, fibre and vitamin E, a powerful antioxidant.

Now, Freedom From Diet Food

It is estimated that 95 per cent of those who lost weight on a diet, gained it back in no time. INN tells you why diet based on deprivation never works.

We know of people who lost weight and kept it permanently. Yet, we know of many more who went on a diet, lost weight and regained more than what they had started with, ending up depressed and frustrated. It is estimated that 95 per cent of all those who lost weight on a diet, gained it back. This is because most diets are based on deprivation. That is why they mostly fail — fail, not in losing weight but in keeping it that way. Why is it that despite knowing the basics we continue to fall off the wagon — eat wrong or overeat? Scientific findings from researches in psychology and marketing have provided some insights into eating behaviour. The identification of individual behaviours, perceptions and beliefs associated with eating is key to improving the efficacy of dietary treatment.

Before embarking on an altered lifestyle programme, it is important to know what you are going through. Body image and health are the two most compelling issues. Secondly, are you open to change? Finally, are you ready for what is called “mindful eating”? Awareness about your diet and principles of healthy eating is all that it takes to get where you want. But remember — set realistic goals.

Many of us would have indulged in mindless eating at some point in our lives. Eating without hunger because of external or environmental cues, simply for pleasure or for comfort, is something we all do, no matter how literate we are about diets and nutrition facts. External cues are often hidden and are known to influence our appetite and have very little to do with hunger. These include family, friends, packages and plates, names and numbers, labels and lights, colours and candles, shapes and smell, distractions and distances, cupboards and containers. Visual cues are very powerful drivers to eating and determine how much we eat. Most of us don’t stop eating even when we are full.

Understanding why you eat the way you do, you can eat a little less, healthier and enjoy a lot more. Here are some tips which can help keep you eat right:

Stop eating when you are “no longer hungry”, not when you are “full.” The adage that you must stop eating when you have still have hunger for one more chapati or until you are just 80 per cent full helps. Put your spoon or fork down between each bite. Ask yourself whether you are hungry or wanting to be full. The “not hungry” situation happens earlier and that’s when you stop.

Don’t eat with your eyes, eat according to your hunger. Take control of subtle influences in your environment that can persuade you to eat or overeat. Eat slowly and don’t worry about plate waste, think about your waist. The need to finish all that is on the plate from our childhood and the dislike of waste drives you to eating regardless of our hunger.

Learn to say “no” politely but firmly. Avoid the “just one more” request. If you don’t wish to eat, don’t succumb to pressure. You may request for an appropriate choice for yourself.

Pre-plate your food. According to research, people eat 14 per cent less when they take smaller amounts and then go back for seconds and thirds. Mostly people tend to eat less if they put everything on their plate like in a traditional thali or the Japanese “bento box” and are able to see how much they are going to eat. However, few people who like to be busy with food for longer should go in for smaller portions and go in for second and third servings.

Control your portions. Use smaller plates, bowls, spoons, cups and glasses. It helps create an illusion about the volume of food you eat. The larger the portion, the more you eat; the bigger the container, the more you pour. When eating out, if portions are large, don’t hesitate to ask the waiter to pack some of it before it reaches the table.

Eat slowly and make overeating difficult. It takes about 20 minutes before the brain gets the signal that the stomach is full, meaning that if you eat fast in less than 20 minutes, then the sensation that the belly is full will arrive too late.

Create distractions. When there is an urge to eat, distract yourself. Resist your urge to go to the fridge or the larder. Instead, step out or keep busy. Try water, fruit or a healthy snack.

Identify danger zones. Fix the food according to the atmosphere — after office, in the evening, late night or while watching television, chatting with a friend, studying, partying or dining at restaurants. Do not hesitate to seek professional help.

Plan your day and decide beforehand how much you will eat in each meal. Depending on where you are likely to be through the day, plan and allocate calorie allowance. When out shopping, ensure you carry some healthy snacks with you.

Make comfort foods more comforting. Try smaller portions of your favourite comfort foods or choose healthier options. Honey-coated nuts instead of biscuits is not such a “sacrifice.” Don’t keep unhealthy food in your room or home.

Follow a half-plate rule. At least half of your plate should be vegetables and fruits. Divide the rest in protein (low fat dairy, pulses, legumes) and starch (chapati, rice, bread or other cereals).

Do not use food as a punishment or reward. Healthy food should be fun and a way of life. Vary, innovate and create new recipes.

Beware of “smart marketing”. Many so-called “diet or health foods” may be giving you higher calories, fat or sugar than the regular ones. “Fat free/cholesterol free” may be loaded with trans fats or sugar.

Write a diary. It is one of the most powerful tools staring at you in the face like a mirror. So, next time you resolve to improve your diet, start by reaching out for a pen and a paper.

Moderation and balance. If you must have a food which is not so healthy, follow the principle of moderation by eating a fraction of what you would normally, rather than struggle with your willpower. If you have not been able to hold back and eaten excessively, then apply the principle of balance — a light meal. Use food trade-offs so that you can indulge sometimes.

A good diet should teach you to eat rather than avoid or deprive. The best diet is the one you don’t know you are on. “Diet” must be a way of life.