Showing posts sorted by relevance for query conflicts. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query conflicts. Sort by date Show all posts

Tuesday, April 02, 2013

The Shameful, Politically Incorrect Side Of Indian Ad Industry

You know what gets us going? What is the world weary Indian woman’s espresso, Deepak Chopra and pranayam rolled into one? It’s a packet of detergent. The killer one with jasmine fragrance or the other one that leaves the hubby gawking at his underwear like he’s spotted Lady Gaga in a tandoori chicken dress.

You can be in denial but you can’t hide from the great Indian advertising business. They know all your deep dark secrets. How you fancy not a man, but any man who wears deodorant. How, deep inside your hearts, you’re a Fair and Lovely ninja. How it’s not sex, but the sight of a bowl of grapes, chocolates or whatever condom makers fancy, that’s enough to make women sit alone at home and moan like its their favourite pastime. How the best thing that happened to you after Pink Floyd is a gaggle of girls cooing ‘Hi handsome, hi handsome, hi handsome’ (each with a baffling cadence resembling a shriek).

Strange, but true.

The world is up in arms against a JWT poster for Ford that went viral – one that shows  Silvio Berlusconi flashing a victory sign and a bunch of skimpily clad girls bound and gagged in the back of a car – and has accused the Indian advertising firms of being obnoxiously sexist.

The case, as an article on The New York Times points out, turns the spotlight on the conflicts that populate the Indian advertising industry today. It points a finger at enthusiastic young ad professionals going to great, shameful lengths to win awards. (The JWT ad was uploaded on a website and was an entry to some award). It explains how Indian ad professionals these days have little sense of political correctness.

The furor is not all misplaced maybe. NYT points out, how the ad, in the backdrop of the recent incidents of abuse against women in India, comes across as one that is of bad taste. It is sexist, it stereotypes the woman and is outright insulting.

What, however, is unfortunate is that it takes the image of a bunch of scantily clad women, bound and gagged, to wake up to the fact that Indian advertising’s  gender view is more than just a little skewed.

We obviously don’t froth at our mouths when in commercials after commercials, women (some of them, celebrities) are seen lighting up at the sight of XYZ washing powder the way Nigella does at the sight of a gorgeous piece of steak.

Now there is little that is wrong with washing clothes. However, to suggest that a woman would run to blow dry her hair and dance around lines of just-washed clothes, at the mere sight of a lemon perfumed washing powder and with no help from any narcotics, needs incredible amounts of imagination. Of a healthy kind I’m sure. Because look at how many people agree to it – first, all the bright minds in the agency who make the ad, then the visibly pleased manufacturers of the said powder, then the TV channel people who run the ads every 5 minutes and those thousands of women, and men, who sit through them patiently. Without complaints. Remember this gem of an advertisement that featured actors Salman Khan and Prachi Desai?

Just a month or so back, Indian women’s activists wrote a strong letter protesting the Harvard College Women’s Center’s announcement that they’ll suggest ways to tackle gender violence in India. No, they couldn’t lie down and take the symbolic assault of the West on the Indian’s woman’s sense of self and independence. Obviously, ads like these, which suggest Indian women are a bunch of pretty nutcases who can be manipulated with a bar of soap, aren’t that offensive. Or the world has stopped paying attention to TV.

According to NYT, the JWT case saw a big name in advertising step down, a team of ten people being shown the door. On the other hand, we all yawned and looked away when this enlightening ad of Merino Laminates surfaced on TV.

Angry young woman enters husband’s house seeking a divorce. And since husband knows the loony he was married to pretty well, he has done up his house with Merino Laminates. Woman gawks, swoons, drools over the wardrobe, caresses the kitchen cabinet, blushes at the sight of newly laminated drawers and changes her mind about the divorce.

Now there isn’t anything creepy about salivating over a kitchen table right? Obviously not. There isn’t anything vaguely disturbing about suggesting that women would walk out of a marriage over bad looking kitchens? Obviously not. For, there wasn’t as much as a ‘yuck’ over the said ad on even Twitter, forget firing people for making it.

Let’s look at the target audience here. People to have access to TVs, people who will spend on deodorants, will buy two hundred rupees a kilo washing powders, laminates to do up their homes etc. People, we can expect, who don’t struggle with money all that much, who have had decent access to education. Don’t know about the men, but women who don’t spend their evenings washing clothes of the joint family or sniffing out men wearing the right deo.

But who cares?

These are small casualties of watching the test match or the dance reality show. Not noxious enough to take up cudgels against. Only when, carried away by the tradition of vile stereotyping, someone does what the JWT guys did and the world takes notice, that we solemnly join the Indian-ads- suck chorus. Till the IPL match starts that is.

Wednesday, June 03, 2009

Rural distress, urban greed: Interview with Gandhian Anupam Mishra

By M H Ahssan

Gandhian and environmental activist Anupam Mishra has watched closely the ability of local communities to build and sustain ingenious systems for life-support and resource management. He has also watched the state usurping those resources. In this interview, he discusses what happens when, in the race to modernity, the autonomy and rights of the people are abandoned, the rights of ownership are vested only with the government or corporations, and all resources become capital to be exploited

Anupam Mishra, who has spent decades in the field of environment protection and water conservation, analyses the collapse of our water management systems, the growing rural-urban divide, and the failures of government policy on water. Winner of the Indira Gandhi National Environment Award, Mishra has been associated with the Gandhi Peace Foundation since its inception. He has authored two books on traditional water management and water harvesting systems in India, titled Aaj Bhi Khare Hain Talaab (Ponds are Still Relevant) and Rajasthan Ki Rajat Boonde (The Radiant Raindrops of Rajasthan). Here he talks about the relevance and need for a community-driven water management system.

You have spent so many years working on water management at the grassroots. What do you consider the most daunting problem in the water sector today?
Acute shortage of water is the most daunting problem facing both rural and urban populations today. Nature still gives us as much water as it always did, but in the last 10 years our water management system has collapsed. We have stopped collecting water.

In rural areas, traditional methods of collecting water in talaabs (reservoirs) could have helped the situation, but the problem has been compounded by the fact that today there is greater water usage. Therefore, greater demand for water. We have changed our cropping patterns and introduced crop varieties that require more water.

When urban areas first came up they were self-sufficient and able to meet their own water needs. It is said that Delhi once had 350 big talaabs and many smaller ones that recharged groundwater during the monsoons. There were also 17 streams in Delhi, all of which recharged the Yamuna. Today, these streams have become nullahs (drains).

The problem started when land began gaining importance over water. Waterbodies were filled up and replaced by housing complexes and shopping malls. Out of the 350 talaabs, we are left with only five or six today. Whatever little water we once got from surface runoff has gone. All the roads in urban areas are paved; we don’t even leave enough space around trees! As a result, groundwater recharge rates have dropped drastically.

Today, both urban and rural areas suffer water shortages. But if there is a water shortage in a metro like Delhi people can afford to buy water. If there is a shortage of water in rural areas, or if waterbodies become polluted because of industries, villagers have to travel 10-15 km from their villages to access water. Most of Delhi’s migrant population constitutes villagers from Bihar, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan who have been uprooted from their homes because of acute water shortages.

What should be the policy on water distribution in rural and urban areas?
Nature dictates such policies. Our lifestyles should be based on the amount of water we have. For example, because the Konkan belt is water-rich it can afford to grow rice. Similarly, water-stressed areas should grow jowar and bajra -- crops that are discarded these days as they are considered the poor man’s diet.

The Bhakra dam was built in the hope that it would change the face of agriculture in our country. But it will only last for around 100-200 years, after which it is bound to silt up. When that happens the people of the state will have to once again shift from growing rice and wheat to growing bajra and jowar.

Nature keeps sending us reminders that what we consider to be development may not after all be development in the real sense. For example, Mumbai was considered a developed city until rains lashed the city in July 2005. Before that happened, people were not even aware of a river named Mithi in Mumbai. Now that it has wreaked havoc in the city we all know about it.

Similarly, there were once around 17-18 streams in Delhi, something that no one knows about today. High-rise buildings and malls have taken their place. It will take something like the Mumbai floods to bring back the memory of these streams.

Technological advances made in the recent past only help us distribute water, not collect it. Water will always have to be collected traditionally. Even a city like Mumbai relies on talaabs to meet its water needs. These talaabs are not located within the city but in the surrounding areas. Had there been a few talaabs within the city much of the floodwaters would have drained into them.

We have very few options. Demand for water in a populous city will be greater, so more spaces should be left for groundwater recharge. If this space cannot be accommodated within the city then politicians must ensure that space is made available in the surrounding areas.

Are the poor being deprived of their water rights?
Government policies seem to suggest that only the poor pollute. Slum evictions at Yamuna Pushta were carried out with this as the reason. Documentaries on pollution in the Yamuna all carry vivid pictures of dhobis washing clothes by the river. But the dhobis are washing the clothes of the entire city! It is not just the poor dhobi who is polluting the Yamuna, it is the entire city. Water from affluent colonies like Vasant Vihar in Delhi is probably more polluted, if not treated, than water from slum areas. Although there are treatment plants in Delhi they either do not function at all or do not work to full capacity.

The slums at Yamuna Pushta are now being replaced by the Akshardham temple and the Commonwealth Sports Complex. These development projects will pollute the Yamuna far more than the slum-dwellers ever would have.

There is a growing trend towards drawing water from water-rich areas of the country and making money out of it. Tankers go into these areas, lure residents with monetary benefits, and install tubewells in their localities. The tanker operators get maximum benefit out of such ventures; the residents lose out on their water resources only after a while. All the tankers that operate in Delhi have their water sources in the surrounding areas.

What are the grassroots reactions to vested interests in the water sector?
Today the reaction is one of surrender, not resistance. For years now our agricultural policies have been such that farmers are encouraged to sell their agricultural land to industrialists. In rural areas that border cities, vast tracts of agricultural land are being sold for short-term economic gain. For example, areas around Delhi like Noida and Ghaziabad were once agricultural areas. Urban expansion has always taken place on agricultural land.

Who suffers and who gains as a result of this?
In the long-term it is the farmer who suffers because his livelihood is taken away. The industrialists and builders gain in the short-term. Builders can build high-rises but they do not have access to any permanent source of water supply. The water that is available today for a small rural population will have to meet the needs of an expanding urban population with a much greater demand for water. A time may come when this water may no longer be available to anyone. After all, water that has been harvested in rural areas cannot match urban greed.

Can you suggest ways to counter this?
The paradox of our times is that when the government tries to save the environment, it ends up plundering it. For example, all industrial units operating in Delhi were asked to close down and were relocated to the surrounding areas. These are areas where farmers have invested in their talaabs for years to meet the needs of the villages. When industries are relocated to these areas they draw water from the talaabs, thereby depleting and polluting the water resources.

The Tarun Bharat Sangh has done some very good work in rainwater harvesting in Alwar district, Rajasthan. But land in those areas is now being sold to upcoming industries. Soon the government will designate it an industrial area. We can already see evidence of this in Bhiwani (Alwar), where water that was harvested for use by the villagers will now be drawn by industrialists and housing complexes. There is no doubt that the relocation of industries in Delhi will improve Delhi’s environment, but what about the environment of the surrounding rural areas? A comprehensive policy must be evolved so that both urban and rural areas can co-exist in a healthy environment.

Is privatisation of water distribution systems an option?
The government seems to have become resigned to the view that the tasks it has been incapable of performing will be better performed by private institutions. A good example of this is the privatisation of Delhi’s bus fleet. The private buses that were introduced did not serve the people any better. If anything, commuters face harassment every time they board a bus. They have no option but to accept these buses as their only means of transportation.

If this incompetence and inefficiency is reflected in water supply, the situation will become worse. I do not feel confident that there will be no flaws or fallacies in water privatisation.

What according to you is the alternative to privatisation of water utilities?
There was a time in our country when the ability and sensibilities of the people served to build and furnish ingenious and pragmatic life-support systems and systems for resource management; the lives of the people were fully integrated in them. But with the passage of time, the state usurped their resources. In the race to modernity, the autonomy, self-reliance and rights of people were abandoned. Ownership of resources and the rights of ownership were vested only with the government, and all resources became capital to be exploited.

There is an example of the time when there was hardly any distance between state and society. The Chandel kings once ruled Bundelkhand (part of present Uttar Pradesh). From 219 AD-1105 AD, 22 generations of kings built 22 big talaabs. Jagatraj, son of King Chattrasal, heard about some buried treasure, which he got dug up. When his father learnt of this he was extremely annoyed. But the deed was already done. So the king decided to use the treasure to do good. He ordered his son to renovate the old talaabs built by the Chandel kings before him. Also, to build some new ones. It took 22 generations to use up all the treasure. These 22 talaabs in Bundelkhand are testimony to the good fortune of a society that used its fortune to make its people fortunate.

If the government today is incapable of managing the country’s water resources or distributing it efficiently, it will only be a matter of time before private companies claim their own stake in this market. After all, no society can function in a vacuum. But if governments can evolve an effective water management system by involving resident welfare associations and making bhagidari systems more meaningful, then the power to manage water may well remain in government hands. Should the government fail to do this, private companies will play their role in the water market, leading to serious conflicts in urban areas.

How can community participation help ensure an efficient water management system in the country?
Community participation is important not only to ensure efficient water distribution but also at the decision-making level. At this level it is the communities that know what their requirements are and what needs to be done.

There is an ancient story about four brothers -- Kuran, Buran, Sarman and Korai. They rose early to go to their fields to till the land. Kuran’s daughter would come with lunch in the afternoons. One day, on her way to the fields, the girl stumbled on a sharp stone. In pain and anger she hit her scythe against the stone. As soon as she did this, the stone turned to gold. The girl picked up the stone, rushed to the fields and told her family what had happened. Kuran knew that the news would soon reach the king and that the precious gold would be taken away from them. So he decided it would be better to go and tell the king the whole story. But the king did not take away the gold; instead he asked Kuran to invest it in doing good -- to build talaabs.

It’s difficult to say whether this is a true story or legend. But in the Patan region of Madhya Pradesh there are four big talaabs named after the four brothers. In 1907, experts visiting the region recorded the story from scores of people. An on-site inspection of the four big talaabs identified one named after Sarman. It was so huge that it had three different villages on its banks; the talaab linked all three villages. It is remembered as Sarman Sagar.

Because of local communities and their tradition of building talaabs and harvesting water, even today, low rainfall does not necessarily mean drought.

Monday, December 08, 2008

Time to Call It Quits?

By Sheena Shafia



Nobody gets married thinking they might get divorced. But when it does happen, how do you know it's really time?



Getting married was a life altering decision and now you're wondering if it's time to change the course of your life all over again. How do you know if your relationship has reached its end? When is it really the right time for you to part ways? Unfortunately, there is no formula or perfect guide to let you know that. However, every marriage has ups and downs. It's up to you alone to decide whether this is just a crack in your marriage that needs some work or if your marriage has been broken apart completely.



Unless you were in an abusive relationship or subject to an extra marital affair, taking the steps towards a divorce require much soul searching. It's a decision that is not made overnight and you will probably spend endless nights tossing in bed. Wondering whether the emotional distance between you and your spouse is just a temporary road block is very natural. Your mind is torn between staying and parting; your heart is leaning towards the door.



Ask yourself the key questions

Do I miss him? Take a week off. Visit your friends or parents. Does it feel like a burden off your shoulders when you spend time alone? Or do you end up missing him? Do you call him often? How much do you both share about the week upon your return? Does your spouse seem delighted to have you back? Are you relieved or suffocated to come home?



Do I like her? Love comes after like. You have to like the person's basic character to stay married. And happily married at that. Sometimes we are so blinded by the physical chemistry initially that we think we like the person; only to discover later that their personality is so very different from ours.



Do we fight too much? Fighting and arguing are part of every healthy relationship. But so is making up, forgiving and forgetting. If your marriage sees only the former with frustration building up every day, it may come out in a huge explosion of anger suddenly. Besides, what are the disagreements about? Are they about life's fundamentals that you cannot see eye to eye about, or are they about trivial things like leaving the room messy?



Has she moved on? Different stages and circumstances in life make people change. New careers, children or spiritual maturity change the way we think or behave. Some couples go through these transitions harmoniously while others have a tough time seeing through change. In a marriage where one spouse has new goals for life, the other may feel left behind or even left out. Has your spouse moved onto a different phase or become a different person? Can you accept the change? Or are you honestly willing to modify your lifestyle and goals to meet his/hers?



Can we communicate? Surmounting the mountains of marriage requires verbal and non verbal communication. Are the two of you able to communicate to resolve conflicts? Do you share your dreams and goals with each other? Is there an emotional distance due to lack of communication? Can that be changed or is the void too deep already?



Is there chemistry? Being physically attracted to your partner is as important as intellectually. When was the last time the two of you had sex? Are you fantasising of other people or feeling sexually attracted to someone else you know? Do you look forward to spending time alone with your spouse?



Friends and family have your best interest in mind, and they will offer support and advice; sometimes even unsolicited. But they should only help you to think through things and should not be your decision makers. So do not let your near and dear ones sway you in either direction. Let them help you weigh the pros and cons of your relationship. They are outside the actual situation and can think more rationally. They often show you matters in a different prospective. All that said, discussing the matter with too many people is only inviting trouble. Unwanted gossip and rumours could spring up making things awkward for your spouse. Keep your counsel of advisors to a minimum.



There is no right or wrong in relationships and so many variables in a marriage. A divorced person could be happier than one in a sour marriage. Ending a marriage is not easy and needs to be given due thought, time and consideration. Sometimes it is our best interest to call it quits if the relationship is bringing nothing but unhappiness. Whether it is time to call it quits, is solely upon each individual.

Saturday, August 22, 2015

The Lost Tribe: The 'Sentinelese' Of Indian Ocean Islands

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INNLIVE EXCLUSIVE STORY
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By M H AHSSAN | INNLIVE

From the sky it appears to be an idyllic island with amazing beaches and a dense forest, but tourists or fishermen don’t dare to step foot on this outcrop in the Indian Ocean due to its inhabitants’ fearsome reputation.

Visitors who venture onto or too close to North Sentinel Island risk being attacked by members of a mysterious tribe who have rejected modern civilisation and prefer to have zero contact with the outside world.

Wednesday, December 10, 2008

Analyzing The Words ‘Kafir’ And ‘Kufr’

By M H Ahssan

According to Marxism, as it is generally interpreted, human society is divided into basically two classes-the working class and the bourgeoisie. The word ‘bourgeoisie’ is of French origin. In the beginning it denoted the middle classes, but later, when it was employed as a key term in Marxist discourse, it came to be seen in a derogatory sense. Consequently, in Marxist analysis the bourgeoisie came to be regarded as the source of all social ills, while the working class was considered to be the epitome of virtue.

Somewhat the same thing has happened with the term kafir. In the beginning, the term simply meant what its dictionary meaning denotes-’one who denies’. However, later it came to be used and seen in a derogatory sense, and today this latter sense in which the term is generally understood is the source of much conflict between Muslims and others.

Let me cite an instance to illustrate the possible consequences of the wrong use of the term kafir. The noted poet Muhammad Iqbal penned a Persian couplet in which he mentioned his Hindu Pandit origins, referring to himself as a brahmanzada or ‘descendant of a Brahmin’. Now, the term brahmanzada is not seen as offensive by anyone. But suppose it was replaced by the term kafirzada or ‘descendant of a kafir’, lovers of Iqbal’s poetry would react in horror. This is because the term kafir has come to be widely perceived and used in a very derogatory sense.

The general usage of the terms kafir and momin (’believers’) by Muslims causes a great deal of anguish for many non-Muslims. So much so that some extremists opposed to Muslims and Islam have even demanded that the word kafir should be expunged from the Islamic lexicon, claiming that till this is done Muslims and non-Muslims can never live in amity with each other.

In actual fact, the misuse of the word kafir is not something that only extremists in other communities are vehemently opposed to. To be honest, it has become a major problem for many Muslims themselves. In today’s age, Muslims and non-Muslims live and work together, and in this context many educated Muslims feel that they cannot properly adjust to a pluralistic situation while continuing to uphold traditional understandings of the term kafir. Consciously or otherwise, many of them feel that many aspects of the sort of Islam that they have been reared on have lost their relevance in today’s age. They have no idea how they can live respectably in society today if they continue to cling to this sort of Islam.

I know of a certain very well-educated Muslim man who lives in Delhi, and who often meets me. He says that although he was born in a Muslim family he has lost faith in Islam. Democracy, he tells me, is his religion, not Islam, because, according to him, Islam sharply divides humankind into momins and kafirs, while democracy regards all human beings as equal [....]

So, as I just mentioned, this issue has become a very real and serious one for many Muslims today. It is imperative, therefore, to seriously address it. This is essential in order to answer the questions people are asking about the contemporary relevance of Islam as well as to help create a climate wherein Muslims and others can live together amicably.

If the issue is studied carefully and deeply, it emerges that the entire question is based on gross misunderstanding. In the general Muslim understanding, the term kafir is seen as synonymous with non-Muslim. Consequently, most Muslims think that anyone who is not a Muslim is a kafir. However, this is a completely wrong notion. The word kafir is not synonymous with non-Muslim.

According to the shariah, the role of true Muslims is that of dais or those who invite others to the path of God. The status of non-Muslims, therefore, is that of madu, or those who are to be invited to God’s path. This relationship between dai and madu, between true Muslims and others, necessarily demands that true Muslims, as dais, must constantly seek to maintain good and friendly relations with people of other faiths. It is said that a shopkeeper must always be customer-friendly. Likewise, a true Muslim must always be madu-friendly.

A true dai must be inspired by a genuine sense of concern, love and welfare for the madu. If that is really the case, the dai would never tolerate using any term that might stir hatred in the heart of the madu. In addition, a true dai can never have hatred in his own heart for the madu.

The ancient Aryan invaders of India referred to the indigenous people of the country as Mlecchas. Likewise, medieval Christian scholars referred to Muslims as ‘infidels’. Both terms were used in a derogatory sense, and those whom these terms were used to refer to obviously did not approve of them. The proper way in such cases is to use terms that do not have this derogatory implication. Unfortunately, the Muslim scholars have not adopted a proper approach in this regard. In their writings and their translations of the Quran they have indiscriminately used the term kafir to mean ‘infidels’. In the Indian context, this has led to much misunderstanding and conflict between Hindus and Muslims. And because the term kafir has been used by the ulema in this sense it has created a particular sort of mind-set among Muslims generally, as is reflected in the writings and speeches of many Muslim scholars. It has played a major role in fashioning an entirely negative approach in the Muslim community in general towards people of other faiths. It has built up a pronounced sense of ‘Muslims versus Others’, ‘We versus Them’, which is very unfortunate and lamentable.

My own reading of the Quran leads me to believe that when it says, ‘Say, ‘You who deny the Truth [...]‘ (Quran, 109:1), using the term kafirun for this, it refers only to the Qureish of Mecca of the Prophet’s time who, despite the Prophet having provided them all proof of his divine mission, rejected and opposed him. It was then that God declared that they had become kafirs or deniers of the truth in His eyes. Nowhere else in the Quran has any other group been declared in such clear and specific terms as kafir. This way of addressing people does not, I believe, apply to other non-Muslims, who should be addressed as human beings, rather than as kafirs.

More on the Term Kafir
As I indicated earlier, the Arabic word kufr means ‘denial’, and the related term kafir denotes ‘one who denies’, that is ‘one who refuses to accept’. Thus, the word kafir denotes an individual character rather than being a label for a specific community or race. In many English translations of the Quran, the word has been translated as ‘unbelievers’, but this, I feel, is wrong. An unbeliever is someone who does not believe, but a kafir is a person who refuses to believe despite all the proofs of God having been presented to him in an appropriate way.

In the early part of the Prophet’s mission, as evidenced in the initial verses of the Quran, the people he addressed were not referred to as kafirs, but, rather, as people. For instance, addressing the Prophet the Quran says, ‘O Messenger, deliver whatever has been sent down to you by your Lord. If you do not do so, you will not have conveyed His message. God will defend you from mankind (al-nas). For God does not guide those who deny truth.’ (Quran: 5:67). In this verse, God says that He would protect the Prophet from ‘mankind’ (al-nas), and does not use the word al-kuffar or kafirs. There are numerous such verses in the Quran that indicate the use of the general word insan (’people’) or related words to refer to all human communities [...]

It was only after thirteen years of the Prophet’s struggling to present the Qureish of Mecca of his time all the required proofs of his mission while addressing them as ‘people’ that, after they deliberately denied him, the above-mentioned Quranic commandment ‘Say, ‘You who deny the Truth [...]‘ (Quran, 109:1) was revealed. And that too was an announcement from God Himself, and it was not the Prophet’s own statement.

The Difference Between Deeds and the Doer
Elsewhere in the Quran the words kufr and kafir have been employed in the sense of referring to certain deeds or acts that are tantamount to kufr, and the person who does this is a kafir in God’s eyes. However, other than with regard to the Qureish of Mecca, and that too only after the Prophet’s mission among them for thirteen long years which they rejected, there is no specific declaration in the Quran labeling any particular community as kafir. From this it appears that while a dai or an Islamic scholar can point out that a particular deed amounts to kufr he does not have the right to declare any particular community as kafirs. As I mentioned above, the word kafir relates to a certain set of actions, and is not the name of or label for any community.

This point can be further clarified with the help of a hadith report attributed to the Prophet which talks about the sin of a Muslim deliberately abandoning his regular prayers and linking it with kufr. In this context, it is acceptable for someone to appeal to Muslims in general to regularly pray and also tell them about the grave implications of abandoning regular worship. But it would be totally incorrect if he were to prepare a list of Muslims in his area who do not regularly worship and then specifically name them as having turned kafirs for this sin.

In exactly the same way, a true Muslim who calls people to the path of God can, on the basis of Quranic teachings, point out the actions which lead people to be seen as kafirs in the eyes of God. But he would be exceeding his boundaries if he were to address non-Muslim individuals and communities by name and declare that so-and-so non-Muslims are kafirs.

Hence, on the matter of kufr and kafir it is crucial to make a distinction between an act or deed of kufr and the person who commits that act or deed. It is only God’s prerogative to make a specific declaration in this regard, and that He has done just once, with regard to the Qureish deniers and opponents of the Prophet in Mecca to whom the Prophet had provided complete proofs of God’s revelation. With regard to the rest of humanity, God will decide Himself, and this would be made known in the Hereafter. Hence, the task of a true Muslim is simply to invite others to the path of God, and not to declare people to be kafirs.

Consequently, in my opinion, from the Islamic point of view the status of non-Muslim communities all over the world, including of the Hindus of India, is simply that of being human beings (insan). None of these communities can be branded as kafirs, because as of yet the essential conditions that characterized thirteen years of the Prophet’s preaching in Mecca among the Qureish have not been fulfilled, only after which the Qureish were declared as kafirs. Likewise, it is incorrect to term them as ‘deniers’ (munkir).

I believe that the many of the conflicts and complaints that characterize relations between Muslims and non-Muslims are essentially communal and economic. These are, at root, conflicts about worldly or material interests. These cannot be considered to be religious as such. Muslims must take the initiative to desist from these conflicts over worldly or material interests and focus all their intention on their real mission, which is to invite people to the path of surrender to God.

Investigating Kufr
When can it be established with regard to a particular person that he has become a ‘denier’ (munkir)? The Quran supplies an answer to this. The revelation of the Quran started in 610 C.E. in Mecca, and through the Quran the Prophet invited the Meccans to the path of worship of the one God. In this period, he never referred to his fellow Meccans as kafirs. Instead, as I mentioned before, he referred to them as ‘human beings’ or by similar terms, such as ‘Qureish’ or ‘my community’. He conveyed to them God’s message while considering them part of his own community (qaum). This, therefore, shows that the words kafir and kufr relate to a particular attribute and not to an entire community as such.

In his mission to invite the people of Mecca to God’s path, the Prophet was filled with a sense of deep concern for the welfare of those he was addressing, and even though they heaped all sorts of oppression on him he always beseeched God to guide them. And the Prophet continued to do this steadfastly throughout the thirteen long years after receiving his prophethood in Mecca. Even after that he did not refer to these people as kafirs on his own. It was only later that God revealed this commandment ‘Say, ‘You who deny the Truth [...]‘ (Quran, 109:1). From this it appears that only after these thirteen years of the Prophet’s dedicated mission in Mecca that God declared those whom he had addressed but who had rejected him as ‘deniers’, and it was then that God revealed this commandment. It is thus impermissible to declare anyone to be a ‘denier’ or kafir without having engaged in this sort of dedicated, sustained mission as the Prophet did in Mecca. To repeat what I have written earlier, it was only after thirteen years of the Prophet’s mission in Mecca that God declared certain people or be kafirs or deniers, and for ordinary Muslims like us to do so even a hundred and thirteen years of preaching work will not be adequate.

In some Quranic verses revealed while the Prophet was in Mecca there are certain references to non-Muslims living outside Arabia. For instance, the Quran mentions the Romans, who were Christians, over whom the Persians had secured a temporary victory. But here it refers to them as Romans, not as kafirs. Likewise, the Quran refers to the non-Muslim ruler of Yemen, Abraha, but it does not label him as a kafir ruler. In contrast, the Quran uses the terms kafir and kufr with regard to the Qureish of Mecca who denied the Prophet. It did not refer to all non-Muslims as kafirs. For instance, when the Prophet migrated to Medina, he did not refer to the people of Medina as kafirs, but, rather, as ‘people’. There were several non-Muslim tribes living around Medina at that time, but they, too, were not referred to as kafirs by the Prophet. Instead, he referred to them by their usual names, such as Ahl-e Saqif (’the people of Saqif’), Ahl-e Najran (’the people of Najran’), Ahl-e Bahrain (’the people of Bahrain’), and so on.

In the same way, in the early Islamic period, soon after the Prophet’s demise when the Arab Muslims spread out of Arabia into other countries, they referred to the non-Muslim communities they encountered there by their own names, not as kafirs. For example, they called the Christians of Syria as ‘Christians’ (Masihi), the Jews of Palestine as ‘Jews’ (Yahud), the Magians of Iran as ‘Magians’ (Majus), the Buddhists of Afghanistan as ‘Buddhists’ (Bodh or Boza), and so on.

Likewise, when the first Muslims landed in India they did the same. They referred to the non-Muslims of India as ‘Hindus’, which is the Arab way of pronouncing the word ‘Sindhu’. One of the earliest Arab Muslim chroniclers of India, Abu al-Rehan al-Biruni, author of the well-known Kitab ul-Hind (’Book of India’), referred to the non-Muslims of India as ‘Hindus’, not as kafirs.

Some Historical Instances
As I have repeatedly mentioned above, the form of address contained in the Quran ‘Say, ‘You who deny the Truth [...]‘ (Quran, 109:1) applies only to those Meccans who denied the Prophet even after he preached among them for thirteen years and provided them with all the necessary proofs. The Quran does not address anyone else in this specific manner besides these people of Mecca of the Prophet’s time. After the Prophet’s conquest of Mecca, several Arab tribes sent delegations to meet him. For instance, some people came to meet him from Yemen. He addressed them as ‘people of Yemen’ (Ahl-e Yaman), not as ‘kafirs from Yemen’. Similarly, the Prophet sent letters to the rulers of various lands near Arabia, inviting them to the path of God. He did not refer to them in these letters as kafirs [....]

To reiterate what I have said above, the investigation of kufr with regard to a particular person can happen only after all the necessary proofs of the faith have been presented before him, and the model of setting out the proofs (itmam-e hujjat) is just one-that is, the thirteen year preaching mission of the Prophet in Mecca. Further, even after one has properly and adequately set out the proofs of the faith it is only for God to specify, if He wishes, a particular person to be a kafir or ‘denier’ of the Truth. We cannot do this ourselves.

Heated Polemics
When the British ruled India, Muslim and Hindu preachers engaged in heated public polemical debates (munazara). This took the place of what rightly belonged to dawah or inviting, with love and concern, people to the path of God. These debates contributed in a major way to the rapid worsening of Hindu-Muslim relations across the country.

This is not the Islamic way of approaching others. The true Islamic way is through addressing others by being inspired by a spirit of love, compassion and concern for their welfare, even despite their opposition. On the other hand, polemical debates aim at defeating and demeaning others. Instead of love and understanding, they produce only more hate and conflict, thereby creating even more problems.

The Notion of Dar ud-Dawah (’The Abode of Inviting People to the Path of God’)

The terms dar ul-kufr (’the abode of infidelity’) and bilad al-kuffar (’the land of the infidels’) are not found in the Quran. They are a later invention which emerged after the demise of the Prophet and date to the Abbasid period. They were not in use among Muslims before this. In my opinion these terms are not proper. Lands other than those that can, if at all, be called ‘Islamic’ countries, must be seen and termed as dar ud-dawah abodes of inviting others to the path of God, and these include even those countries that some Muslims might regard as opposed to them.

In the Quran, God addresses the Prophet and instructs him thus:

‘This is a blessed Book which We have revealed, confirming what came before it, so that you may warn the ‘Ummal-Quraa [Mother of Cities] and the people around it’ (Quran, 6:92).

The term ‘Ummal-Quraa in this verse refers to Mecca. When this verse was revealed, Mecca was in the control of non-Muslims, so much so that they had installed numerous idols inside the Kaaba. Yet, despite this, the Quran did not refer to the Mecca of this period as dar ul-kufr, but, rather, as ‘Ummal-Quraa or ‘Mother of Cities’, and asked the Prophet to engage in the work of dawah there. From this one can infer that all places that are under the control of non-Muslims can be considered as dar ud-dawah, thus indicating to Muslims their duty of dawah or inviting to God’s path the people of these lands. To refer to them with terms such as dar ul-kufr or bilad al-kuffar is not proper.

Madrasas And Sectarian Conflict

By M H Ahssan

Among the various internal challenges facing madrasas today is the pressing problem of sectarianism and sectarian conflict. Some people claim that in the last ten or fifteen years there has been a decline in the sectarianism actively promoted by madrasas. God knows better, but I feel that if indeed this is so, it is still not very significant. A glance at the sort of literature being churned out by madrasas and a general survey of the mentality of madrasa students and graduates of madrasas make this claim appear doubtful.

The problem of sectarianism among Muslims, including within the madrasa system, is, of course, centuries old. But in present times it is no longer restricted to ideological debates in scholarly circles. It has now taken the form of organised communalism, undermining all efforts to promote Muslim unity and making a complete mockery of the notion of Islamic brotherhood. The manifold problems facing the Muslim ummah today cannot be addressed and effectively solved until the idea of Islamic brotherhood and unity, which every Muslim holds dear, is actually put into practice. Sectarianism and sectarian conflict are the single biggest hurdle in this path, and, unfortunately, our madrasas are playing the leading role in keeping these alive and further exacerbating them.

It would not be an exaggeration to say that nine-tenths of the literature produced by our traditional madrasas and the speeches of their ulema are devoted simply to instigating ideological war against other Muslim sects in order to further boost sectarianism. These self-styled ‘devoted followers’ of God are forever on the look out for ideological enemies, not missing a single opportunity to whip up hatred against them. Many madrasa magazines survive mainly on drumming up opposition to other Muslim sects. Some such magazines are devoted entirely to this cause, which they regard as ‘noble’. The most saddening and unfortunate aspect of this entire situation is that most supporters of every Muslim group and sect have been made to believe that they are literally at war with the followers of other sects. They are made to imagine that the beliefs, interpretations and the reputation and respect of the founders of their own sects are all under threat from others. To protect all these, they believe, they must leave no stone unturned, and because they believe that they are in a state of war with other Muslim sects they think that for them every means is permissible.

Shockingly, all this continues unchecked, even in a country like India, where Muslims are an increasingly beleaguered minority, where their very existence and identity are under grave threat, and where Hindu extremists have now started demanding that the government take over the madrasas. What is even more distressing is that these madrasas depend on funds provided by the public, and most members of the public do not approve of these sorts of activities that promote hatred and conflict. Instead, they are simply concerned that in the prevailing anti-Muslim and increasingly irreligious climate the community’s future should be provided with proper Islamic education. It must be forgotten that the conditions of education and literacy among the Indian Muslims continue to remain pathetic. The money provided by the community should be spent on addressing these fundamental problems instead of on instigating hatred against other sects. After all, if a person is left completely illiterate, uneducated and pathetically poor the chances of his or her abandoning religion altogether are even greater.

Causes of Sectarian Strife in the Madrasas
As I mentioned earlier, sectarian differences among Muslims are not a new thing. Nor is it limited just to India or the Indian sub-continent. But it is a fact that intra-Muslim sectarian conflict has assumed a far more menacing form in India and, particularly, Pakistan, than elsewhere, and is now even more severe than in the past. Today, in our part of the world it has taken the form of a distinct social phenomenon.

What are the causes for this? Without identifying the causes, the problem cannot be solved or, at least, reduced in severity. In my view, this mounting intra-Muslim sectarian strife promoted by the madrasas in South Asia has three major causes: (a)The syllabus and methods of education used in the madrasas (b) Blind faith, personality worship (shaksiyat parasti) and the resultant emotional extremism and (c) The quest for power and wealth, whether out of greed or compulsion.

Much has already been written about the drawbacks in the curriculum and teaching methods used in the madrasas. Unfortunately, these have been devised so as to discourage the students from thinking for themselves, and, instead, to fit them into a particular sectarian mould. Subjects such as Hadith, jurisprudence, Quranic commentary and allied disciplines are all taught from this sectarian perspective. Examination questions also reflect this. This is why the mentality of the madrasa students is so heavily shaped by sectarian concerns and understandings. Consequently, their identity is primarily defined by their being Hanafi, Shafi, Ahl-e Hadith, Deobandi, Barelvi scholars, and only then as Muslim scholars.

The second major cause for sectarian strife in the madrasas is personality worship. Personality worship is a characteristic of the majority of those who are associated with madrasas, whether as managers, teachers or students. The tradition of teaching religious commandments and perspectives directly from the primary sources of Islam—the Quran and Hadith—came to an end a very long time ago. Now, all these things are taught through reference to the writings of certain individuals belonging to one or the other particular sect. The views of these individuals are now regarded as the means to understanding what Islam is all about, and are even considered as the criterion and source of such understanding. Earlier, the views of individuals were judged according to certain external standards provided by the scriptures, but now these views have become the standard, to back up which, suitable evidence is sought to be marshalled from different sources. Naturally, this also assists and promotes a sectarian mentality.

Every sect now has its ‘holy’ personages, and all of these have their own views, which the followers of their respective sects seek to defend at all costs. They refuse to accept the fact that an intellectual critique of a person’s views and arguments is certainly not tantamount to disrespecting him. Muslim history is replete with instances of great scholars who sharply differed from their teachers on many points and even critiqued some of their views but they never disrespected them. But, unfortunately, this tradition is now almost extinct in our madrasas, where students are made to believe that the elders of their sect alone were right and that all that they said or wrote is inerrant.

The third major cause of the sectarianism associated with the madrasas is purely economic. The leaders of every sect want that their circle of followers should expand, and this prompts them to stress the separate identity of their sect and the boundaries which set it off from the others. Sectarian strife is a tool to promote this agenda, and it helps bind the followers of a sect to its leaders even more closely. To use a commercial analogy, if people come to know that they can find a cure for their ‘disease’ from a cheaper shop they would not continue to patronise the shop that they had earlier been doing their purchases from. The same holds true for the different sects.

Fanning sectarian hatred is the source of livelihood for many of those engaged in this business. If all the massive amount of literature produced by madrasa-related scholars that is geared to fanning sectarianism and sectarian conflict is destroyed or is banned from being sold, what will happen to those many writers, publishers and distributors who have been making a living out of this sort of business for decades? Their predicament is no different from those publishers of text books who simply change a few words in an existing book and then bring it out in the market, presenting it as a completely new text, or from those useless writers who pen books on unimportant subjects. Delivering thundering public speeches against other sects has now become the sole source of income for some people, as also churning out hate-filled sectarian literature. The situation is so dismal today that the vast majority of madrasa students with average capabilities and skills who wish to write can do so only by producing such sectarian literature, or by penning commentaries on existing texts or compiling and publishing speeches—either their own or of some other person belonging to their sect. Only those madrasa scholars whose aim is not simply to earn money or to acquire name and fame write on any other sort of topics.

Another aspect of this economic angle to the problem of mounting sectarianism in madrasa circles is that of foreign funding, mainly from the Gulf, but from some other countries also. This began some three decades ago, and now even many smaller madrasas have entered the race to garner such funds. People and organisations associated with some sects are now desperately seeking to win over their foreign funders by trying to present their own ideology and understanding of Islam as identical with those of their would-be foreign patrons. In order to get funding from them and to prevent others from doing so, they paint the other sects in lurid colours, presenting them as wholly opposed to the sect that their foreign funders are associated with. This further exacerbates existing sectarian rivalries.

What is the Solution?
How can this menacing problem be tackled? In my view, the most important step that should be taken is to bring about certain basic changes in the methods of teaching the Islamic sciences, particularly jurisprudence and Hadith. For this we can adopt the same approach as is followed in certain universities in some Arab countries. For instance, in the teaching of jurisprudence, students should be first taught only the meaning or import of commandments or laws on various issues, and only later, say after a year or two, should they learn the various proofs or arguments for these, because by this time they can apply the capacity for independent reasoning (ijtihad) to understand these issues more dispassionately. Presently, however, students are not encouraged to engage in ijtihad. Instead, they are made to believe that on every issue (masla) their own particular sect or school of thought is best and is superior to all the others. This is not the right approach. Teachers should not insist that students must always abide by the view and position of their own particular sect under all conditions. Instead, students must be able to freely think for themselves and decide, on the basis of intellectual arguments, whether or not to accept or reject the position of their own school of thought on any matter. Arguments for preferring one school of law over the other can be taught at the level of specialisation, not, as at present, when students are still doing their basic course.

Likewise, the method of teaching Hadith presently employed in the madrasas is unsatisfactory. Presently, Hadith is taught by presenting it within a particular sectarian framework. This is wrong, and must be rectified. The present method of teaching Hadith does not allow for students to develop the capacity for deduction and independent reasoning. Instead, students should be encouraged to study Hadith in such a way as to enable them to understand their actual import and to develop their own perspectives accordingly.

Besides changes in the methods and approaches of teaching these subjects, certain existing texts in the madrasa curriculum can be excised and others included in order to help reduce the differences between the different sects.

Almost all madrasas are affiliated to one or the other sect. It is very rare for a student belonging to a particular sect to study in a madrasa associated with another sect. In many cases, madrasas refuse admission to students associated with a sect other than their own. Further, the environment in the madrasas generally is such that a person belonging to one sect would find it virtually impossible to study in a madrasa associated with another sect, for he would have to face considerable ridicule, fierce opposition and immense suffocation. If the doors of madrasas are opened to Muslims from all the various sects and schools of thought, and if the madrasa managers make sincere efforts to promote a climate of tolerance, it is likely that the raging sectarian strife and conflicts could, to some extent, decline. In the same way, allowing people from other sects to become members of the managing committees of madrasas would also have a positive impact. Madrasas can also invite scholars belonging to other sects to their functions. In addition, madrasa managers should make sincere efforts to ensure that their students do not exceed the acceptable intellectual boundaries when writing or speaking about other sects.

In critiquing certain aspects of the madrasas I do not, of course, wish to negate their importance. Rather, my intention is simply to open these issues for discussion so that madrasas can play a more effective and meaningful role in promoting the welfare of Muslims, in particular, and of humanity, in general.

Wednesday, May 12, 2010

HONOUR FATIGUE - SOLDIERS OF MISFORTUNE

By M H Ahssan

BEFORE THE HOME MINISTRY RAISES NEW PARAMILITARY BATTALIONS, IT NEEDS TO ASK WHY THE OLD ONES ARE QUITTING IN DROVES.

Surinder Kang joined the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) as a constable in 1990. Twenty years later, he’s risen no more than just one rank: he’s a havaldar now. What has risen dangerously over the years, though, are his chances of dying on duty.

So Kang, at 40, has sought voluntary retirement. He wants his pension (even if it is just 2/3rd of what he would otherwise get), an easier job — and he does not want to die. Needless to say, Surinder Kang has a different real name.

What makes Kang’s story extremely disturbing is that it is not an individual story of disillusionment: it is symptomatic of a rampant and growing feeling in the paramilitary. At a time when the Home Minister is speaking of raising dozens of new paramilitary battalions, apart from Kang, hundreds of other men with real names and real fears and real grievances are queuing up to quit the services. In fact, according to official data, an unprecedented 14,422 jawans applied for premature voluntary retirement from service (VRS) in 2009 — up 85 percent from the previous year and 112 percent from 2007. Compare this with the fact that only 4,622 soldiers sought voluntary retirement from the Indian Army — which is three times larger than all the paramilitary forces put together — in the same period, and the contrast becomes painfully stark.

So, why the exodus?
A few days ago, EN Rammohan, former Director General of the Border Security Force (BSF), submitted his one-man enquiry report to Home Minister P Chidambaram on what went wrong in the recent Dantewada massacre, in which Maoists ambushed and killed 76 CRPF jawans. Predictably, the report blamed “leadership failure” and “a lack of coordination between the CRPF and the state police”. Based on this, a few individual heads down the ranks will roll. But if the government stops at that, it will have misread the crisis and lose a crucial opportunity for introspection and drastic overhaul.

The truth is the Dantewada massacre is only one kind of cautionary tale about what ails the Indian paramilitary. The cautionary tale of Surinder Kang runs much deeper and is more alarming.

IF ONE were merely to read the surface signs, it might seem a fear of dying is propelling the exodus. The year 2010 has barely begun and already 79 CRPF men have died.

The number was 58 in 2009. The stark contrast with Indian Army VRS figures also seems to suggest that battling one’s own countrymen has become much tougher and more wearisome than battling enemies outside — both physically and psychologically. As Gautam Kaul, a retired IPS officer who served as Additional Director General of CRPF in 1997-98, says, “Both death in action and voluntary retirement are higher in the CRPF and BSF than in the Army. The spurt in political and civil unrest in the country does not match [the] planning and preparedness of these paramilitary forces. The demand is massive and the paramilitary forces just can’t meet the demand.”
But fear of dying does not seem to be the key reason Surinder Kang wants to leave the CRPF. Something deeper nags him. Kang has 20 long years of fighting guerilla wars and insurgencies. He has been posted thrice in Jammu and Kashmir, twice in the Northeast, and two times each in Lalgarh and Bastar.

Besides this, he has been on election duty in Gujarat, Bihar, Delhi, West Bengal and Orissa. Kang is 40 now and has grayed a little. He is extremely fit and no amount of training can bring you his experience. But Kang has queued up for VRS. He is resolved to leave the forces and work as a small-time private guard at some ATM or private industry. Kang has realised the country does not honour those who serve it. Now, he wants to be with his family at any cost.

“I spent one third of my 20 years in the CRPF just travelling. Of these 20 years, I could spend only three years with my children. I took medical leave to get married. I could only reach my village five days after I received news of my father passing away. I am the eldest in my family but I couldn’t even perform the last rites. I couldn’t COVERSTORY attend three of my four sisters’ marriages. I had to arrange a separate house for my wife and kids after my father’s death because my brother threw them out from the joint family house. But if you take any of these problems to your officers, they just shoo you away.”

Kang is not the only one. Disillusion is simmering like an epidemic beneath the disciplined skin of the paramilitary, and its reasons straddle a wide spectrum: poor work conditions; demeaning terms of service; long years away from families; arbitrary orders and a niggling sense that their life is cheap and death would come without honour.

Just walk around the paramilitary headquarters in Delhi and this honour fatigue begins to unravel. Talk to a constable under a tree and word spreads that someone is asking about their troubles. The jawan inside the canteen, the jawan walking with heaps of files to the grievance department, the jawan loading trucks, all stop to listen in. Everyone wants your number on a scrap of paper. They can’t talk now, but they all have a story to tell.

Of how they have lived in torn tents with no drinking water. Of how the holes were big enough for heat waves and pouring rain. Of how the officers live in concrete houses with three servants. Of how it’s not the government, but their own departments that ensure the welfare schemes never reach them. Of how salaries are cut even when they are injured on duty. Of how a jawan does not get paid if he is in hospital for more than six months. The recurring theme is “pressure: — of how there is too much “dabav” from commanders to blindly follow orders. Of how most of these orders are things that fall outside the purview of duty. Of how they are never consulted even while their lives are at stake. Of how they all plan to take voluntary retirement as soon as they complete 20 years of service.

There’s a jawan from Uttaranchal who has been trying to get a transfer to his home state of Gujarat for the last five years. His wife is mentally ill and unable to look after his three young children. “The officers tell me to get my wife treated in Uttaranchal,” says he. “But our camp is in the mountains, in the middle of a jungle. How is this possible?” Once he returned a few days late from a visit home. His wife’s ill-health was not a good enough shield. He lost an entire month’s pay.
Another jawan has spent 16 years in the CRPF — six in Jammu and Kashmir, three in Assam, three in Tripura, and three in Manipur. Too scared to talk at the CRPF headquarters, he calls late at night to share his story.

During a posting in Srinagar, he was charged with indiscipline and lost 15 days of pay for daring to complain about inedible food and cockroaches in his dal. When he fell sick in Tripura, he couldn’t get a car to get to hospital. “I had to hire a jeep,” says he. “Only if 15-20 constables fall sick and need a car together, there’s a chance of us getting it. Otherwise the cars are busy ferrying the officers’ children. This country got independence in 1947, but we still live like slaves. Our officers order us to do unauthorised things; we have no right to express ourselves. They tell us to barge into people’s homes and pick up bricks and cement and construct our quarters. They pocket lakhs of welfare money; they take commissions from ration shops.

We pay Rs 1,326 per month for food. The bills are for A-grade rations but we get C-grade food. The commander is like the king of a battalion. He runs it the way he wants. As a driver, I am sent all the time for unauthorised pick ups. All the risk of being caught is on me. You live under so much pressure, you either shoot yourself or shoot someone else. I am just waiting to complete 20 years so I can get a part of my pension and then I’ll quit."

The angry stories duplicate endlessly. A jawan from Gorakhpur with 17 years of service behind him speaks of how he was not granted leave to be in time for his first child’s delivery, though he was posted just a few hours away in Allahabad. When he reached a week later, his son was dead. “After the 6th Pay Commission, we were supposed to be given Rs 2,000 education allowance and a travel allowance, but I haven’t got it yet,” says he. “The officers find ways to make sure we don’t get this education allowance. Just a school certificate is not enough. They ask for bills for the child’s uniform, shoes, notebooks. How are we going to run around getting all this when we barely get leave?”

(A jawan is entitled to two months of earned leave in a year but they rarely get leave on time. “A battalion has seven companies and all the seven companies are located at different locations. The battalion commandant sits at Chandigarh. How can a jawan get leave on time if he is located in Dantewada and his commandant is in Chandigarh,” says Gautam Kaul. “Better systems have to be thought through.”)

Clearly, the issue of family — and an inability to provide adequately for them — looms large for the jawan. “We had witnessed an exodus in the paramilitary forces in 1991 too when violence had escalated in Jammu and Kashmir,” says Prakash Belgamkar, retired DIG (Operations), CRPF. “We had discovered then that a soldier’s motivation revolves around his family. But he becomes a nomad after joining the forces. The nucleus of his nuclear family goes away. He has no fixed address, his life gets fragmented.”

But no lessons seem to have been learnt since 1991. Far from any internal memos in the Home Ministry sounding alarm signals about the surge in VRS applications, or directives in paramilitary headquarters urging officers to motivate jawans, the dominant mood seems to be callous complacency: there’s more where those came from. “Yes, we have seen a spurt in voluntary retirements,” says CRPF spokesperson Ajay Chaturvedi. “But there are enough applications coming in of boys who want to join. We have filled in the vacancies. We have raised six new battalions in a year. We don’t have a crunch anymore. There’s nothing to worry.”

A wise administration would stop men like Kang, if it could. Their experience is hard won, and no training course can duplicate that. But the official position seems to be just about numbers. Building morale, quality and pride in work is not on the radar. Retaining experience seems unnecessary. In a poor country, there will always be replacements. There will always be fresh fodder for all cannons.

To get a real sense of the implications of the diving morale of the paramilitary jawan, one needs to understand first the nature and work of the paramilitary forces. India has about 7 lakh paramilitary forces which include the Central Reserve Police Force (strength 2.30 lakh); Border Security Force (strength 2.15 lakh); Central Industrial Security Force (strength 1.12 lakh); Assam Rifle (strength 50,000); Indo- Tibetan Border Police (strength 74,000) and a Sashastra Seema Bal (strength 29,000). The tasks of these battalions range across fighting internal counter-insurgencies, protecting heritage sites and national installations, providing relief during calamities, controlling riots, providing VIP security and executing election duties. (Their motto is ‘Any Task, Any Time, Any Where’ and ‘Duty unto Death’ — as opposed to the army’s which is ‘Shoot to Kill’. But far from pride, this seems to evoke cynical scorn in jawans now.)

Though law and order are State subjects that, ideally, should be handled by the State police, the National Crime Record Bureau confirms there is a shortage of two lakh policemen in the country. This places an added burden on the paramilitary forces. As former Home Secretary Madhukar Gupta says, “There is a diversity of challenges from terrorism to insurgency today, which has affected rotation and training of these paramilitary forces. This does lead to stress. The private security business has also attracted them away from the forces.

This is an evolving situation and the government has to take major initiatives to improve things.” The story about the diving morale of the jawan then is not just a story about individual griping. It should be of national concern. The jawan is the primary interface between civilians and the State in a conflict zone. Their conduct is crucial to the history of these conflicts. They need to be sensitised not brutalised. Kashmir, the Northeast, Chhattisgarh, Lalgarh (in West Bengal), Narayanpatna (in Orissa) are all rife with stories of malafide behaviour by jawans. But how can any virtuous cycles set in? As a jawan in Lalgarh says after his friend was refused a visit to his pregnant wife, “I was so angry, I wanted to shoot someone.”

Difficulty in getting leave and family anxieties though are not the only reasons jawans are quitting in droves. The terms of service, over all, seem to need a major revision. A retired IPS officer who has served in the CRPF, ITBP and CISF in different capacities says, “Why shouldn’t the paramilitary jawans leave? I pity them for sacrificing their lives when our pay commissions do not even recognise them as ‘skilled’ workers.”

This seems merely the tip of a huge iceberg of service dissatisfactions. Army men are considered skilled workers, while paramilitary jawans trained to fight in some of the most dangerous and difficult circumstances are not considered “skilled” enough. A jawan gets a salary ranging from Rs 12,000 to Rs 15,000 (same as a civilian clerk); and an additional Rs 3,000 if he is on a ‘hard posting’ in a ‘difficult area’. (It is typical of Indian bureaucracy that while J&K and the Northeast are considered ‘difficult areas’, Chhattisgarh, Bastar and Lalgarh are yet to feature in this category though many more jawans have been killed in service here than elsewhere.) A jawan also gets Rs 1,100 — Rs 1,300 for rations but has to pay for his own mess expenses on the field, often having to find rations and cook for themselves.

Apart from these living conditions, many veterans say the essential command structure of the paramilitary forces is flawed. Kaul believes too many agencies have authority over a jawan and that contributes hugely to the low morale. “As director general of a paramilitary force, I am only entitled to perform house-keeping jobs for a jawan. I can train him and monitor his service record, but I have no powers to decide on his battalion movement and deployment,” says he. Only Home Ministry officials perform this critical job: they have the list of battalions, they assess the demand and assign locations.

This can lead to many Kafkaesque situations. One retired jawan remembers a tortuous journey in 2004 that stretched 8,000 kilometers over two months as the Home Ministry ordered his company like a pawn to move from Agartala to Gujarat via Bangladesh, Delhi, Kashmir and back to Agartala. Crowded trains, no reservations, no accommodations, no sense of why they were being deployed anywhere, and, most of all — no sense of respect. “I have fought insurgents for 20 years,” says the jawan bitterly, “but this one journey showed me my standing in my country’s eyes. How can you fool around with so many human beings on the pretext of an emergency situation?” Other jawans speak of being summoned to places for six months and being asked to stay for six years.

“Battalion movements are very frequent in the CRPF and this often leads to individual hardship. The very nature of their duty is temporary and is bound to dislocate them constantly. In the army, soldiers undertake an operation then go back to the base camp; the CRPF jawans have no fixed place to return. They are always on the move,’’ says Kaul.

This sense of the ad-hoc permeates every aspect of their lives. (For instance, it appears the Home Ministry had no idea that the CRPF had only three satellite phones till former Home Minister Shivraj PatilShivraj Patil went to Amarnath and had a sudden desire to speak to his family from the shrine. A phone was found with great difficulty for him. This is the only reason he came back to Delhi and remembered to sanction 68 satellite phones for the CRPF and an equal number for other paramilitary battalions.)

But often, this can have much more ominous implications. Kang speaks of his dread in being asked to go on an ‘area domination’ exercise in Chhattisgarh. “We hadn’t slept for days. We landed, and our induction was cut short midway, because there were no policemen for patrolling. We had no clue about the local language, culture, terrain, and most importantly, we had no intelligence about the enemy. We were there physically but had to rely on local intelligence. The paramilitary does not even have its own intelligence. So if the input is good, we succeed; if not, we become sitting ducks.”

This idea of being a ‘sitting duck’ is a powerful and repetitive leitmotif. Another retired jawan who has seen service in J&K, Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh and Jharkhand, says, “Naxalites fight with military precision. They commit mistakes but they never repeat them.” He recalls an incident in Erabore in 2005 when 200 Naxalites tried to bomb a police armory and the CRPF bunker near it. The jawans resisted the attack and informed their base camp. Help came quickly and the Naxals were repulsed.

Three months later, the CRPF battalion raided a Naxal hideout and found a document titled: Why we failed in the Erabore Police Armory Operation. The document said they had failed because they had underestimated the strength of the armory and bunker wall, and so had taken insufficient explosives, and, secondly, they had not anticipated that the CRPF’s base camp could send help that fast. A few months later, Naxals killed 23 CRPF jawans in a landmine attack. The jawans were on their way to rescue policemen trapped in an attack: the Naxals had anticipated this and laid landmines to blow the vehicle.

“We are never debriefed so thoroughly,” says the jawan. “We are constantly pushed into mindless ‘area domination’ exercises without any intelligence. We never seem to learn from our mistakes.”

What can reverse the tide then? What can stop the attrition and turn this force into a humane, yet proud and efficient line of defence? Former Home Secretary Madhukar Gupta says some initiatives were underway in his time: raising more police force, providing housing, reducing telephone rates for calls home, and counselling (when more than 10 jawans from a company apply for VRS). Prakash Belgamkar re-emphasises the need for this: “A jawan has other alternatives today. If the State wants to retain him, it has to free him of his worries about his family. If this is done, he’ll be yours for the rest of his life.” That might be only the first of many urgent correctives. The most primary one will have to be an essential change of attitude — wherein retaining men begins to matter more than merely replacing them.

Tuesday, July 19, 2016

Book Review: Do Young Girls Willingly Join The ISIS To Be Terrorists?

By ANNIE SADAF | INNLIVE

A new novel looks for answers, and find resentful teenagers willing to trust the stranger.

Why do they do it? After every shooting, hacking, suicide bombing – and we hear of one every few days in some corner of an increasingly connected world – we look dazedly at each other and wonder: Why?

The question gains urgency after recent terror attacks that were carried out by middle or upper class young professionals who attended good schools and degrees. They are not driven to despair by poverty; their families seem to have no clue about their violent plans.

Saturday, September 11, 2021

Rethinking Sustainable Solution To 'Rohingya Crisis' - Limits Of World Bank’s Proposal

Washington-based global lender the World Bank, through concessional lending arms, has gone to bat for Bangladesh to foster its development initiatives since 1972; committing more than $30 billion by backing priorities in economic, social and infrastructural development. 

Since 2018, this UN affiliated multilateral body, largest source of financial assistance to developing nations, has committed a total $590 million grant to support Bangladesh to confront the challenges posed by the influx of the forcibly displaced Rohingya. 

Recently, this bank has been extensively denounced both by policy wonks and mass people after its proposal, through "Refugee Policy Review Framework'' (RPRF), on Rohingya's integration in Bangladesh. How rational is this proposition of the World Bank? 

Four years ago, in late August 2017, "breaking-news" across the world were dominated by the massive influx of Rohingyas to Bangladesh, a result of military-backed bloody "clearance operation". A 444-page report of the UN's Independent Fact-Finding Commission substantiated that more than 7,25,000 Rohingya fled to Bangladesh after this deadly crackdown. 

The degree of atrocities of this "campaign of terror" embarked on by the military was so intense that the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights referred to it as "a textbook example of ethnic cleansing" whilst other investigators dubbed it as "genocide". In the first three weeks of August 2017, Bangladesh received more refugees than entire Europe did in 2016 during “Syrian crisis”. 

Since then, Bangladesh has been generously hosting more than 1.2 million Rohingyas as short-term guests ensuring "safe haven" on humanitarian grounds. Now, Cox's Bazar based 13 Kilometers long Kutupalong "mega-camp", the largest refugee settlement camp in the world, is the home to this beleaguered community. 

Rohingyas, living in Arakan for thousand years, have been actively involved in Burma's politics since independence. The recognition of Rohingya as Myanmar's citizens by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) resolves their identity crisis by providing a legal base. 

Besides, in the hearing of ICJ, Aung San Suu Kyi defined Rohingyas as Arakan’s Muslims. Myanmar signed two repatriation agreements with Bangladesh in 2018 and 2019 respectively giving consent to take back their citizens. Although these repatriation agreements were in vain due to reluctance of Myanmar, still these agreements are significant proof of Myanmar’s official stance on Rohingyas’ citizenship. 

Though there is no light at the end of the tunnel, still Arakan Rohingya Society for Peace and Human Rights, in response to the WB's framework, stated in point blank that they have no desire to receive Bangladeshi citizenship and would like to return to Myanmar. 

The WB has proposed to review the RPRF for 14 member states, currently hosting refugees, including Bangladesh, for gauging the effectiveness of the grants for the refugees and host communities under its "soft-loan window" International Development Assistance. This global framework, being reviewed triennially, undertaken in cooperation with UNHCR, suggests providing refugees the rights to procure land & property, choose place of residence & freedom of movement, have equal access to the nation's public service & the labor market etc. like the citizens of the host country. The WB offered $2 billion to Bangladesh, if it integrates Rohingya refugees with economic & social rights. 

The framework is germane for Bangladesh since this move will pave the way for the Rohingyas to become permanent citizens through integration into Bangladesh’s populace. Bangladesh reiterated its stance, by rejecting the proposal outright, stating that Rohingyas are not “refugees” rather “forcibly displaced persons” to whom Bangladesh extended temporary shelter.

The study "Impacts of the Rohingya Refugee Influx on Host Communities" conducted by the UNDP expounded how the overcrowding Rohingyas affected host communities. The major adverse impact includes price hike, increase of poverty, rise in housing cost, reduction in wage rate, deforestation, environmental casualty etc. 

Moreover, the rise of intragroup and intergroup conflicts in the Rohingya camps shrunk the space of coexistence between the host communities and refugees by recasting the social makeup. This month, August 2021, marks the fourth anniversary of the Rohingya exodus to Bangladesh, but a sustainable solution is yet to be found.

The 1951 Refugee Convention suggests three way-outs to the refugee crisis: integration; settlement to a third country; or repatriation. Approximately 166.65 million population of Bangladesh, 8th largest in the world, makes it one of the densely populated countries with 1,125 people in per sq. km. 

This small country, 92nd in terms of land size, with a total landmass of 147,570 sq. km, slightly smaller than the US Iowa state, is hosting 1.2 million Rohingyas which is higher than the total population of Bhutan. No country in the world is bearing the burden of so many refugees as by overpopulated Bangladesh. Bangladesh, with an unemployment rate of 5.30%, exports approximately 60,000 workers abroad every year which indicates the country's inability to create employment and struggle to generate employment for its gargantuan unemployed youths. 

This attracts pointed attention towards inadequate demand of labor in Bangladesh. So, the possibility of integrating the Rohingya into the local community is nipped in the bud. As the number of Rohingya refugee is gigantic, more than a million in Bangladesh and some more are living in 19 other countries and no country has shown interest in receiving them, the option to settle them to a third country seems impassable in foreseeable future. The only way out to Rohingya crisis lies in safe repatriation to Myanmar. 

As the Rohingyas also want to return to Myanmar, integration into Bangladesh, following WB's recommendations, is like denial of their fundamental & human rights. Some local experts believe that integration may lead to a new “Palestine Crisis” by jeopardizing the sovereignty of Bangladesh and endangering the geo-political stability of South Asia. 

This kind of proposal from responsible global leaders like WB will motivate Myanmar to slacken the repatriation process by increasing complexities to this multifaced dilemma. Instead of suggesting such impracticable proposal, WB could create pressure on Myanmar to comply with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted in 1948 by the UN. It could offer financial incentives to Myanmar for expediting the repatriation in internationally monitored safe zones. Some international organizations are planning long-term programs for this “short-term emergency crisis” which will just linger the repatriation process. 

Bangladesh is trying its level best to ensure decent arrangements for Rohingyas with its limited financial strengths. Despite not being a signatory of 1951 refugee convention, Bangladesh complies with its conditions, i.e., not forcing any Rohingya to go back to Myanmar. 

Accepting WB’s proposal will add fuel to the fire by acting as a pull factor for other Rohingyas, around six lacs, to come to Bangladesh from restive Myanmar. Bangladesh has to bring substantial changes in its policy if it agrees to accept the framework, a complex & time-consuming process which will intensifies the misery. Safe & dignified repatriation of Rohingyas to Myanmar is the only sustainable solution to come to an end to their plight. Bangladesh needs more support from international communities to resolve this crisis. 

The country may expect that the world communities will consider all the relevant issues including socio-economic conditions of Bangladesh before making any recommendations to resolve the protracted Rohingya refugee crisis by bringing light of hope to put an end to their struggling present. #KhabarLive #hydnews 

(About the Author: Kazi Mohammad Jamshed, a strategic affair and foreign policy analyst, working as a lecturer at department of International Business, University of Dhaka. He can be reached at kazi.duib@gmail.com)

Saturday, July 06, 2013

The Great Gas Heist: UPA's Rs.54,500 Crore Gas Ripp-Off

By M H Ahssan / Hyderabad

One beneficiary, clear and corporate. How the UPA played for political positioning. In the Niira Radia tapes, there’s this one delicious conversation the PR lady has with lobbyist Ranjan Bhattacharya. It was May 2009, and UPA-II cabinet formation was in full swing. Bhattacharya quotes Reliance Industries’ Mukesh Ambani as telling him, “Haan yaar, you know Ranjan, you’re right, ab toh Congress apni dukaan hai.” Apoc­ryphal or not, that earthy expression of ownership is relevant in the aftermath of the UPA’s recent decision to raise gas prices for five years, starting at a flexible $8.4/mmbtu—conceding a long-standing demand by India’s most powerful business house and its global partner BP.

Tuesday, July 30, 2013

Commentary: India's 'New Middle East' Prespective

By Raja Mohan (Guest Writer)

As the old order crumbles in the Middle East, the imperative of recalibrating India's regional policy has been staring at Delhi for some time. The deepening political turmoil, regime instability and sectarian strife across the Middle East are all testing the established policies of major powers. India is no exception.

Delhi's approach to the Middle East has been shaped by intimate historic links, the profound impact of the region on India's domestic politics, its multiple internal conflicts and its relations with great powers.

Hyd As 'Union Territory' Will Suffer From Deficit Democracy

By M H Ahssan / INN Bureau

Hyderabad as Union Territory will suffer from deficit democracy. The UPA government’s reported resolve to go ahead with the bifurcation is welcome as it can end the uncertainty that has taken a massive toll in the last three years. However, the inclination to turn Hyderabad into a Union Territory for five years reflects a lack of imagination and forethought and can lead to a serious deficit of democracy in the city region that will cause irreversible damage. There are many tragedies arising from the manner in which the UPA government has dealt with this issue. 

The most damaging of them is that the issue of how to govern the Hyderabad city region has been kept unprobed until the last minute. There are viable alternatives to the formation of a Union Territory available within the existing constitutional and legal framework. Some of these alternatives have been proposed in a recent study titled Governing Mega City Regions in India, by the Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi.