‍‍‍‍‍Are Telugu States Usher 'Privileges To Brahmins' Under 'Upper Caste Politics' Influence?

The Telugu States (https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Telugu_states) govts know that while Brahmins (https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brahmin#:~:text=Brahmin%20(%2F%CB%88br%C9%91%CB%90,of%20sacred%20learning%20across%20generations) are electorally insignificant, they can influence others.

Telugu state governments in south India, representing both sides of the Hindutva divide, have strengthened their outreach programmes for Brahmins, in order to remain politically relevant among the community and counter opposition parties’ attempts to woo them.

In the Telugu-speaking non-BJP-ruled states of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, the Brahmin population is negligible and their mandate politically insignificant. But none of these states’ governments have taken their eyes off this influential community, frequently unveiling schemes to incentivise education and employment, or to perpetuate ‘their’ Vedic culture.

Of course, the benefactors of these initiatives must show proof of caste — that they are Brahmins by birth — as most of them are from the economically weaker sections.

In Andhra, the Brahmins have always thrown in their lot with the Reddy community since a fight with the erstwhile Chandrababu Naidu government. But are they happy with Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy, particularly when the opposition BJP tomtoms itself to be the “protector of Hindu dharma?”

Meanwhile, Telangana Chief Minister K. Chandrashekar Rao publicly lives the life of a ‘devout Hindu’. And while there’s hardly any representation of Brahmins in his government, he continues to put them on a pedestal — now and then, he gets vocal in his demand for a Bharat Ratna for former prime minister P.V. Narasimha Rao, who hailed from the community.

Intellectuals, however, point out it is farcical to base policy outreach on the feudal concept that Brahmins are powerful.

The Andhra government’s Vedic education scheme for Brahmins has come in for particular criticism. Political scientist Pratap Bhanu Mehta wrote (https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/brahmin-welfare-schemes-social-justice-7495186/) that the state cannot provide support to a profession whose eligibility is determined by birth. If Vedic studies are good for Brahmins, they should be good for all, he argued.

Both the Andhra Pradesh and Telangana governments have designated Brahmin welfare departments — set up in 2014 and 2017 respectively — and portals, which describe the community as ‘brilliant’ and ‘big’ thinkers.

The Telangana Brahmin Samkshema Parishad — the government body working for the upliftment of the community — says on its website (https://brahminparishad.telangana.gov.in/FirstPage.do) that BRAHMIN stands for “Broad and Brilliant in Thinking; Righteous and Religious in Livelihood, Adroit and Adventurous in Personality, Honesty and Humanity in Quality, Modesty and Morality in Character, Innovation and Industry in Performance and Nobility and Novelty in approach”.

Andhra Pradesh’s site (http://www.andhrabrahmin.ap.gov.in/bwc/aboutus.aspx) defines the community as “Big Thinking, Resource Leveraging, Attitude (positive), Hard Work, Modesty, Integrity and Neo Thinking”.

Both state governments offer financial assistance for higher education, entrepreneurship, skill development, coaching for competitive exams — primarily for the economically weaker groups within the community.

Such schemes, however, are not exclusive to the Brahmin community in the states. There are designated departments working for backward communities, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, offering almost similar financial assistance to promote empowerment.

There is not a single Brahmin minister in KCR’s cabinet, nor in Jagan’s, except Deputy Speaker Kona Raghupathi. There are only a handful of Brahmin legislators in both states, which reflects the fact that Telangana has less than 3 per cent Brahmin voters while Andhra has 5 per cent. But Brahmins are important to both the CMs, say analysts.

There are also financial assistance schemes to promote ‘Vedic culture’ and ‘Vedic education’ in the community. The Telangana Brahmin Parishad offers a scheme named ‘Vedahitha — Vedic Students’, which pays each Brahmin student a sustenance grant of Rs 3 lakh after the successful competition of ‘Smarta’ studies and Rs 5 lakh after finishing ‘Agama, Kramantha and Ganantha’ studies.

A similar scheme in Andhra pays as high as Rs 36,000 annually for a period of six years.

In Telangana, the government bears 75 per cent cost of construction of ‘Brahmin Sadans’ at district and mandal levels under its ‘Brahmin Sadan Scheme’.

Andhra’s ‘Vasishta Scheme’ provides coaching for competitive exams such as the civil services, paying candidates’ boarding and lodging charges.

One of the eligibility criteria for all these schemes is that the beneficiary and the parents should be Brahmins.

From 2015 to 2019, mostly under Chandrababu Naidu, Andhra spent Rs 216 crore on welfare schemes for the community.

The Andhra government also offers financial assistance for funeral expenses of a deceased from a Brahmin family, if the family cannot afford it.

Political analyst Telakapalli Ravi told #KhabarLive, “Considering our society, Brahmins still play a major role in public opinion. They hold influential positions. Though their economic and political power may not be much, several government advisers belong to the community, and there are bureaucrats in top positions.”

Ravi added that chief priest of the famous Tirumala Temple, A.V. Ramana Deekshitulu, had a certain amount of influence in former CM Chandrababu Naidu’s government.

But that does not mean there are no poor Brahmins, he pointed out.

In Telangana, KCR’s most recent sop to Brahmins was the year-long Narasimha Rao birth centenary celebrations he announced in 2020. A statue of the former PM was erected in Hyderabad in June, which the CM himself inaugurated. The ruling Telangana Rashtra Samithi, in the graduates MLC polls, named his granddaughter a candidate, and she ended up winning.

“KCR does not give the community much power but keeps them on a pedestal, conveys that he is respecting them,” Ravi said.

Prof. Kodandaram Reddy, founder of political party Telangana Jana Samithi, said the community is present mostly in urban pockets.

Brahmin voters dominates 12 urban assembly constituencies in the state out of the total 119, according to Telangana BJP leader Ramchander Rao.

Compared to Andhra Pradesh, the Brahmin community in Telangana was not initially influential due to the zamindar (landlord) culture and the Nizam rule. But things changed and certain sub-castes from the Brahmin community such as ‘Karnam’ took over maintaining village records and looked after revenue, Kodandaram Reddy said.

Meanwhile, political analyst Pratap Bhanu Mehta said that secularism and social justice have become “farcical ideas” in these states. He opined that politics and public policy were being reduced to “jati-based” mobilisation in the most absurd way.

“Can you think of anything more grotesque than the idea that in the 21st century the state provides support to a profession whose eligibility is determined by birth? If Vedic education is unalloyed good, why should it not be open to all, subject to conduct rules? How can the state discriminate and confine it to Brahmins identified by birth? This cannot pass any constitutional smell test,” he wrote.

“…this is exactly the perversion of social justice discourse that was set in motion post-Mandal where the question of deeply entrenched historical discrimination was confused with backwardness and poverty in general,” Mehta added.

Other analysts say the state governments continue to keep Brahmins in good humour because of their ‘reverential position’ in society, despite the negligible vote bank.

Independent activist Sky Baba said: “Decades-old feudal systems believed if Brahmins were in an authoritative position, everything would automatically be in place. These governments are still following that sentiment.”

But think of the regression this represents in politics. Recognising caste to overcome discrimination was one thing. But entrenching it as a compulsory identity, certified by the state, and reproducing birth-based entitlements are a perversion of social justice.

Politics and public policy is being reduced to jati-based mobilisation in the most absurd way. Dalits were poor on account of their caste, which is why caste was recognised.

Now the state wants to ensure that all who are poor are permanently stamped with their caste by an official seal. The free for all that is ensuing for reconfiguring caste-based benefits, the demands of local domicile reservation, are signs of pessimism about the economy.

Much heat will be generated about how to distribute the current and shrinking pie of jobs and resources along jati lines. But no one is getting seriously upset about the fact that the pie is not growing as fast as we need it to.

The benefits for Brahmins may seem like a reductio ad absurdum of our politics, a little farce. But behind it is a great tragedy, of a nation with diminishing prospects for everyone, encouraging them to reach into the narrowest-minded conceptions of identity and calling it social justice. #KhabarLive #hydnews

‍‍Will Andhra Pradesh People Ever Forgive Congress Party?

In the context of the manifest as well as probable consequences of the bifurcation of combined Andhra Pradesh, the moot question for the Congress is: Will the people of residual Andhra Pradesh ever forgive us?

The grand old party, due its 'misguided' strategy, is yet to come out of the clutches of the 'Frankenstein' monster it had unleashed by way of bifurcation. There is no doubt that the people of Telangana benefited more from bifurcation than those of residual AP, considering that bifurcation per se was carried out by flouting all democratic norms and without even a proper discussion in Parliament.  

Of course, the Congress was aware that it would lose the goodwill of voters in the Andhra region, considering that the very dea of bifurcation was initially rejected by the legislature of the undivided AP by voice vote.

The Congress had forged post-poll alliance with the YSR Congress party headed by YS Jaganmohan Reddy. The Congress thought that there would be no political harm for itself in the 2014 elections due to AP's bifurcation should it fail to get a single seat. It was confident of getting support from the eventual winner with a good number of seats. With this reading, the Congress looked confident of getting maximum Lok Sabha seats in Telangana, ahead of the UPA government granting the new state. This was on top of the possible support coming from Andhra with its arrangement with YSRC should it emerge victorious.  

Now, the Congress is planning to restart its political journey in Andhra Pradesh with it new-found promise of Special Category Status (SCS) that was assured by then Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh on the floor of the Rajya Sabha. Later, it was denounced by the BJP government, though arguments in favour of the residuary state of Andhra Pradesh were then made by none other than M. Venkaiah Naidu in the Upper House.

In fact, Venkaiah Naidu had suggested that SCS should be given for 10 years, instead of the five-year period assured by the Prime Minister. The Congress picked up the slogan of SCS that was rejected by the BJP government, though it had previously backed SCS.

The Congress got political life and life support from the people of undivided AP twice. The Congress got 41 Lok Sabha seats out of 42 in AP in the 1977 elections, after it faced a humiliating defeat all over the country in the post-Emergency period that turned the destiny of Congress. People of AP had given 30-plus Lok Sabha seats in two  consecutive elections  -- 2004 & 2009 that literally helped the UPA rule the country for 10 years as there was no other state in the rest of the country that had given the party such huge number of seats. The Congress' plight then can be understood from the fact that in Uttar Pradesh, the Congress got only two seats (Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi).

Hence, the Congress is trying woo Andhra Pradesh without treading on the tender toes of Telangana people.  Its USP is that it granted T-State knowing fully well the fact that it would badly affect its political prospects in the residuary state of AP. It is OK if it is seen as having had a hidden understanding with the YSRCP of Jaganmohan Reddy on possible post-poll support.

Considering the negative implications of taking up SCS, especially in the context of Telangana Rashtra Samiti's oft-repeated assertion that 'Andhra' leaders had given a short shrift to Telangana region in the combined AP, the Congress has started making it clear that its support for SCS to AP would not be at the cost of the interests of people of Telangana.

Former president of AICC Rahul Gandhi had a series of meetings with Andhra leaders on the possibilities left for reaching out to people of AP. Naturally, it was pointed out that the grand old party had deceived the people of Andhra in the process of bifurcation. Nobody had a clear answer when Rahul Gandhi reportedly asked: "Will the people of Andhra Pradesh ever forgive us?"  

However, all of them underlined that a committed approach towards realisation of SCS would enable the party to win back the confidence of AP people to some extent so that the party can regain lost ground in the not-so-distant future. The leaders also drove home their point that proximity with Chandrababu Naidu of TDP would be detrimental to the interests of the party. According to them, the Congress can bank on 7-8 per cent of the voters in AP.  But for its truck with TDP, its vote bank would have been 10% of voters.

Political strategist and psephologist Prashant Kishor (PK) has been asked to look into the ways in which the party can reach out to people of AP after overcoming the minus points related to bifurcation. PK had worked with YSRCP, which emerged victorious in the 2019 polls winning 151 Assembly seats out of 175, creating history. Despite being asked to work for YSRCP again in 2024 by none other than Jagan at a thanksgiving programme, Prasanth did not agree this time.

Congress had to first choose one person to head the party in the state in place of P. Sailajanath. The name of former Chief Minister N.Kiran Kumar Reddy surfaced. Despite Kiran's reluctance to helm the Congress over its questionable role in the bifurcation episode, he is being pressurized to accept the responsibility.

Will this high-profile man accept the offer made by the party's high command is a big question? Before Kiran gives an answer, the Congress per se has a long troublesome journey ahead. #KhabarLive #hydnews

‍Will 'Metro Rail' Ever Chug In Old City Areas In Hyderabad?

Lack of funds, interest and selfish reasons the metro rail project is not able to extend till old city areas in Hyderabad. The political-will is the main reason behind this delay. And it will continue for long till the politicians feel pressure from public.

Not anytime soon, according to the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) who have been demanding that the Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) government release Rs 1,000 crore funds for the Hyderabad Metro Rail Project as promised in the Telangana budget this financial year. 

While the eastern parts of the old city have access to the metro via the Malakpet station. The western region of the area is completely cut off. And residents await the promised metro stretch of six kilometres from Mahatma Gandhi Bus Station (MGBS) metro station to Faluknuma as part of the second phase, which was promised by the Telangana government before the 2018 elections. 

The Hyderabad Metro Rail, which was inaugurated in 2017, in its first phase covers a distance of 69.2 kilometres across three corridors, from Miyapur to LB Nagar, from Jubilee Bus Station (JBS) to MGBS and from Nagole to Raidurgam. It runs along the middle of the Old Mumbai Highway, dividing city blocks and communities. In cities like Bengaluru and Chennai, parts of the metro run underground and blend into the city. In Hyderabad however, the metro rail stands out. It’s a fully elevated, grey concrete structure that stands apart from the city landscape. 

However, some transport researchers argue that it provides little last-mile connectivity and doesn’t connect the parts of the city with larger population density. And the people with perhaps the least access to the metro are from the predominantly Muslim, old city of Hyderabad. 

Syed Amin Ul Hasan Jafri, a Member of Legislative Council from AIMIM says the Hyderabad Metro Rail Project at the time of its planning did not carry out any public consultation with locals of the old city.
“The east side of the old city has access to the Hyderabad Metro at Malakpet metro station and also to the Multi-Modal Transport System (MMTS), but those who are on the west have to commute and spend more to reach the metro or the MMTS,” says Jafri. 

On the western part of old city, you have Hussain Alam, Patter Darwaza, Purana Pul, there is Mangalghat, Dhoolpet and Begum Bazaar, says Jafri ”These are slums with high population densities but none of these areas is covered by the metro or the MMTS,” he adds. 

The Telangana government before the state election in 2018 had made announcements over Phase 2 of the Hyderabad Metro extending the lines from Raidurgam to the Rajiv Gandhi International Airport (RGIA) at Shamshabad. The plan also included extending the metro line from LB Nagar and from Faluknuma to Shamshabad. However, these plans are yet to come to fruition. 

In October 2020, the L&T Group, who took over the project in 2013,  had expressed their intention to exit the Hyderabad Metro Rail Project, citing losses. The metro is operated by L&T Metro and the Hyderabad Metro Rail Limited (HMRL), representing the government side, through a Public-Private Partnership (PPP).

L&T Metro says that it suffered a net loss of Rs 382 crore from the Hyderabad Metro Rail Project in FY 2019-20. The loss has been attributed to the closure of the metro service for 170 days during the COVID-19 pandemic induced lockdowns. The year before, the company had reported a profit of Rs 16,344 crore and losses of Rs 149 crore. The Hyderabad Metro reportedly has cost overruns to the tune of Rs 16,000 crore. 

“To overcome the huge financial burden on us, and for some respite, we are exploring different options with all related stakeholders. Due to COVID-19, Hyderabad Metro Rail operations were suspended for about 170 days. Presently, our prime focus is to continue operations adhering to safety norms," a spokesperson of the L&T Metro Rail (Hyderabad) Limited told #KhabarLive at the time. 

“Now the operator is seeking compensation in the form of aid, this puts further strain on the state,” said Jafri. Reports suggest the Telangana government has turned down L&T Metro’s request for aid but has instead offered to assist in procuring soft loans. “The state is already facing a financial crunch and L&T Metro has overspent on the metro construction by Rs 3,756 crore. Now they have no money for completing the remaining stretch to Faluknuma, nor do they seem to have funds for Phase 2,” he adds. 

Professor C Ramachandraiah, an Urban Transportation expert from the Centre for Economic and Social Studies, says one must pay attention to how the Hyderabad Metro Rail Project was planned in the first place. 

Before the L&T Metro came into the picture, the project in July 2008 was first awarded to Maytas, an infrastructure firm promoted by Satyam Computer Services for a projected cost of Rs 12,132 crore. Maytas would lose the project a year later in 2009 when the promoters of Satyam were found to be indulging in financial fraud. 

This was in erstwhile Andhra Pradesh, when the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) led by Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu was in power. The project was awarded on a Build Operate Transfer (BOT) model to Maytas by the then Government of Andhra Pradesh (GoAP). The Detailed Project Reports (DPRs) were prepared by the Delhi Metro Rail Corporation (DMRC) at the time headed by E Sreedharan. DMRC was made a consultant for the project.

Prior to the project being awarded to Maytas, the HMRL refused to make the DPRs of the project public, says Ramachandraiah, this is despite filing Right to Information appeals, he adds.

But controversy broke when Sreedharan wrote to then Deputy Chairman of the Planning Commission, Montek Singh Ahluwalia, in September 2008 pointing out discrepancies in the project. Sreedharan raised concerns over the BOT model of awarding infrastructure projects to private companies. He also pointed out that the routes were planned to benefit the real estate sector. The GoAP was unhappy with the letter and the DRMC parted aways from the project as consultants, shortly after.

To clear the air, Sreedharan in 2008 expressed in a report, “When we discovered that the metro lines were altered and extended (DMRC had objected to this) to areas where the successful BOT operator had extensive private landholdings — a metro connection would enhance the market value of these plots four or five times — we began to feel that the tendering process was clearly not transparent enough and we withdrew from our role as prime consultants.”

Jafri says these changes in the plans have impacted connectivity for the old city. “The plans were prepared in a hurry, the DPRs that were prepared did not survey many areas with high population density and there were controversies surrounding the way GoAP awarded the project to Maytas. The company didn't even have any prior experience building a metro. The state is also dragging its feet to complete the doubling of rail tracks for the MMTS, connecting Faluknuma to Shamshabad,” he adds. 

The AIMIM leader alleges that the originally planned routes were altered and the DPR was tailored to benefit Maytas. “If the government did the project, the plans would have been made after talks with the public, it would have served more people. But here the government agencies were not involved, the public was not consulted.

When L&T Metro came into the picture, the DPR and routes weren’t revisited. The then government went on to approve and the then United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government also approved the project costs,” he says.
However, Jafri says that even if the metro line is extended to Faluknuma, it does not address the connectivity issues plaguing the old city. 

The area already suffers from poor bus connectivity and the existing Hyderabad Metro route to Faluknuma won’t help the locals to travel within the area, says Rathnam, a city-based transport researcher. The Telangana State Road Transport Corporation (TSRTC) has two bus depots at Falaknuma and Farook Nagar, and he adds that people will choose the buses as it’s cheaper.

However, Rathnam also says, “these buses are useful to commute outside the old city, they don’t service within the localities. Most of the streets are narrow, which is one reason why the buses don’t service interior routes of the old city. Also the routes are loss making for the corporation. They had tried operating mini buses in the interior routes. Unfortunately, they gave up too soon before a ridership could be built,”

Residents thus therefore mostly rely on shared autos. “The men use bikes, the women mostly walk. Using shared autos can be expensive as they have to switch autos because of no direct routes to destinations. This will be the case even if the metro comes, it is going to be equally expensive. The metro routes are being designed to follow the existing bus routes that are how the metro route has been planned. It gives residents an option to move in and out of the old city but travelling within still remains an unaddressed issue,” he adds. 

A response from L&T Metro is awaited and the story will be updated when they respond. HMRL Managing Director, NVS Reddy declined to comment on this story.

Seeing all the reports, versions and updates, it is quite evident that technically it is not viable to run the metro rail in old city and a strong political support helps to stop the process. Let's wait and see the public reaction and other civil societies version and government review on this long-pending project. #KhabarLive #hydnews 

‍Why ‍Congress, TDP Start Wooing Smaller Parties In Telangana?

With the ruling parties in both the Telugu States well and truly entrenched, the main opposition parties are intensifying efforts to woo smaller units to form an alliance even as over two years remain before the next Assembly elections.

The Congress in Telangana and the Telugu Desam in Andhra Pradesh are trying to strike an alliance with like-minded parties in the two States and have started efforts in this direction.

These two parties believe that Telangana Chief Minister K Chandrasekhar Rao and AP Chief Minister YS Jaganmohan Reddy are losing public support and that if they can gather strength with the help of like-minded parties, they can take the fight to the camp of the ruling parties in the next Assembly elections.

On Wednesday, Telangana Pradesh Congress Committee president A Revanth Reddy praised former IPS officer Praveen Kumar who joined the BSP recently, indicating that the Congress may be looking at the BSP as a potential ally.

In the 2018 Assembly elections, the Congress cobbled together the ‘Mahakutami’ (grand alliance), but failed to dethrone the TRS.
SC and ST communities are traditional Congress voters, but the party has in recent times lost their support.

The Dalit Bandhu scheme introduced by the TRS government may wean away SC voters from the Congress. Praveen Kumar joining the BSP will also have some affect on SC voters.

It may be recalled that in the 2014 Assembly elections, the BSP won two seats in Telangana, at a time that it had no strong or popular leader.

Praveen Kumar has some following in SC and ST communities and his joining the BSP will strengthen the party in Telangana.

If the Dalit vote is split between the TRS and BSP, it will be the Congress that will lose most.

Keeping this in view, the Congress is looking at an alliance with BSP. Any alliance with the BSP will definitely improve the prospects of Congress in some areas, said a senior Congress leader.

Meanwhile in Andhra Pradesh, the TDP has been trying to woo the Jana Sena-BJP alliance. It may be mentioned here that the TDP and parted ways with the BJP before the 2019 General Elections.
In the previous Assembly elections, the TDP fought alone and failed miserably in retaining power.

Political observers believe that the presence of the Jana Sena helped the YSR Congress Party win an additional 25 to 30 seats. In these seats, the votes polled in favour of the TDP and the Jana Sena were more than what the YSRCP candidate who ultimately won, polled.
AP present, the BJP and Jana Sena have an alliance in AP, but Jana Sena supremo Pawan Kalyan is reportedly not happy with the BJP.

Though the TDP is trying its best to revive its alliance with the BJP, the latter is not showing any interest because of its past experience.

Rebuffed by the BJP, the TDP would be happy having the Jana Sena as an ally. In fact, a TDP-Jana Sena combination will be stronger than the BJP-Jana Sena combination.
Even Jana Sena leaders express the same opinion.

As of now, the chances of a TDP-Jana Sena alliance in Andhra Pradesh and Congress-BSP alliance in Telangana appear to be bright.

The Communist parties have lost ground in both the Telugu States and are struggling against the ruling parties.

In Telangana, the Left parties may have an alliance with the Congress and with the TDP in Andhra Pradesh, provided the latter maintains a distance from the BJP.
The Communist parties had peen part of an alliance with the Jana Sena, but have broken their ties.

If TDP supremo N Chandrababu Naidu convinces the Left parties, they may agree to be part of the TDP-Jana Sena alliance in Andhra Pradesh. #KhabarLive #hydnews

‍New Temples Built For Jagan ‍‍In Andhra Pradesh Termed As Height Of Sycophancy!

Political leaders go to any extent to be in the good books of their bosses so that they could get some good positions including cabinet berths or even the party ticket in the elections. Sycophancy is the hallmark of today’s politicians.

Biyyapu Madhusudhan Reddy, YSRC MLA from Srikalahasti assembly constituency in Chittoor district of Andhra Pradesh.

He has constructed a temple for Jagan Mohan Reddy to display his unflinching loyalty and reverence towards the chief minister.

The temple, which is nearing completion, is all set for consecration shortly. It resembles any other temple of a Hindu god and also has a lot of specialities.

Apart from the idol of Jagan in the sanctum sanctorum, there are different mandirs for each of the Navaratnalu (nine jewels) – the nine welfare schemes introduced by the Jagan government. There is also a hall of mirrors, reflecting the welfare rule of the chief minister.
Apparently, Madhusudhan Reddy wants to show his respect for Jagan, who had given him party ticket despite losing the seat in 2014.

Claiming himself to be an ardent devotee of Jagan on the lines of Hanuman for Lord Rama, he said he was displaying his devotion towards the chief minister.

“If you ask me whether I want my wife and children or Jagan Mohan Reddy, I will prefer the latter. If Shah Jahan had built Taj Mahal for his wife, I have constructed a temple for Jagan for the sake of the people,” he asserted.

Interestingly, another temple for Jagan is also coming up at Gopalapuram in West Godavari district. This temple is being constructed by local MLA Talari Venkat Rao adjacent to Jagananna Colony, where the poor are allotted house sites.

“I have decided to construct a temple for the chief minister, who has earned a special place in the hearts of the poor people by taking up several welfare schemes,” the MLA said. The temple, however, is yet to take off.

There are some blind “bhakths” as well, who take this sycophancy to newer heights by constructing even temples for their political bosses.
We have seen temples built for former chief minister of combined Andhra Pradesh Dr Y S Rajasekhar Reddy at several places like Rajagopalapuram in Visakahapatnam, Chennareddypalem in Nellore and another one in Kadapa district.

In Telangana, too, a temple was built for Telangana Rashtra Samithi president and chief minister K Chandrasekhar Rao at Rajendranagar in Hyderabad.

There was an attempt to build a temple even for Telugu Desam Party president and former Andhra Pradesh chief minister Nara Chandrababu Naidu at Harischandrapuram village near Thullur in Amaravathi, but it did not materialise.

Now, even YSRC Congress party president and present Andhra Pradesh chief minister Y S Jagan Mohan Reddy has become a subject of personality cult.

Undoubtedly, Jagan has emerged as the most popular chief minister of the state by winning a record number of 151 MLAs in the last assembly elections and has become a cult figure for his party leaders.

Naturally, his party leaders have started deifying Jagan’s image to project him not just as a god’s gift to the people of Andhra but a god himself, with an obvious intention to get into his good books so that they would get some good positions. #KhabarLive #hydnews

‍‍Corona Killed More Than One Lakh in Telangana During 2020, MeeSeva RTI Reveal

The RTI Reveal the real face of the Telangana government on covid deaths counting the data. This reveal by a MeeSeva RTI as the entire data source to the governmental bodies.

A RTI reply from citizen helpline MeeSeva suggests potential Covid death undercounting in Telangana. State doesn’t call it a Covid death if patient has comorbidities. 

Telangana witnessed thousands of ‘excess deaths’ in 2020, as compared to the average annual fatalities in the four preceding pre-pandemic years, state government data obtained through an RTI query suggests.   

‘Excess deaths’ refer to the additional fatalities reported in a certain time period, as compared to the average number of deaths expected in that time based on trends witnessed in earlier years. 

In the context of Covid, excess deaths may convey pandemic fatalities that never made it to official records — for example, those that were categorised with a different cause — or patients of other grievous ailments who could not get requisite medical care as the healthcare system turned its focus to the novel coronavirus.
  
While the Telangana government acknowledges that there has been an increase in deaths in 2020 and 2021, as compared to previous years, it says they are yet to look into the matter since they’re “busy tackling the pandemic”.

According to data sourced by city-based activist Vijay Gopal from  ‘MeeSeva’ — a government-run citizen helpline that helps with issuing/applying for Aadhaar cards, ration cards etc, besides providing copies of birth, death certificates — Telangana witnessed at least 1,20,929 deaths in 2020. 

In comparison, the state of approximately 3.5 crore residents, recorded at least 79,097 deaths in 2019, 62,142 in 2018, 63,900 in 2017, and 48,849 in 2016, the data shows. The average thus derived comes to 63,497/year. 
At least 1,80,437 deaths were recorded between March 2020 and mid-June 2021, the RTI data further states.

However, experts said the actual figures could be different, even higher, because of how MeeSeva records data — the figures here convey the number of people who died in the stated period, but only those whose relatives approached MeeSeva for copies of their death certificates.  

The official Covid death toll for Telangana, which recorded its first case of the disease in March, was 1,544 as of 31 December. The number had risen to 3,831 by 10 August.

Reached for comment, the Telangana government denied undercounting of Covid deaths in the state. Telangana Director of Public Health G. Srinivas Rao said a Covid-infected individual’s death is only categorised as pandemic-related if the patient was otherwise healthy and without comorbidities. 

“There is no issue of underreporting. We report whatever has come to our notice. For any death to be officially counted as a Covid death, the person should not have any comorbidities and must be full healthy (say a 35- or a 45-year-old) and then if they’re infected and unfortunately succumb to the virus – only then we count it as a Covid death,” he said. “If the person is aged and has comorbidities, then we do not really consider it as one.”

Rao said the rise of deaths in 2020 and 2021 has come to the state’s notice but the department is yet to look into the issue since they’re “busy tackling the pandemic”.  

MeeSeva was launched as an online e-governance service in 1999, with one centre, by the then N. Chandrababu Naidu government of united Andhra Pradesh. In 2001, it was launched on a larger scale as a pilot project. 

As of now, there are about 4,500 MeeSeva centres in the state, according to state project manager Narasimha Rao Bajjuri from Telangana’s Electronic Services Delivery department.

A citizen usually obtains original death certificates from their local municipality. MeeSeva comes into the picture when the citizen wants a copy of the certificate for sundry purposes such as bank work etc, Gopal told #KhabarLive. 

This means that the number of deaths, as evidenced by MeeSeva data, just refers to the number of fatalities for which death certificate copies were sought, Gopal said. 

“Every death registered has a ‘unique death certificate number’ and that is the data we sought from MeeSeva via this RTI… It’s like, say, an Aadhaar number. So, all these death certificates issued are unique and there is no repetition of counts,” Gopal told #KhabarLive. 

Among other things, the data also reveals that, in the first six months of 2021, the state had already recorded 80,631 deaths. This is a figure higher than the annual toll of 2016, 2017, 2018 and 2019.

Allegations of undercountinting have dogged Telangana’s Covid data since the start of the pandemic.

In April this year, the Telangana High Court, hearing multiple petitions related to Covid, pulled up the state for apparently hiding the real death count and said there should be display boards at crematoria and burial grounds depicting the true picture. 

The same month, a group of doctors, led by Dr Lakshmi Lavanya Alapati, managing director of the American Institute of Diabetes and Endocrinology in Hyderabad, wrote to Chief Minister K. Chandrashekar Rao, urging him to increase testing and issue transparent health bulletins with real cases and death count.
Speaking to #KhabarLive, Alapati said “lapse in death reporting is a shame”. 

“It is a lot in Telangana — deaths are almost 10 times more than what they report as official state count. Even if the government thinks they will lose credibility, it is fine, but what they should do is rewrite the deaths that were not counted before to give us the real picture,” she added. #KhabarLive #hydnews

‍‍‍‍‍The Messiah Of Dalits, Crusader Praveen Kumar Vow To Change The Political Scenario In Telangana

The retired IPS officer Dr R S Praveen Kumar recently joined the Bahujan Samaj Party at a huge rally held at Nalgonda and vowed to bring Bahujan Rajyam (rule of the downtrodden) and a drastic change in  Telangana politics.

Praveen Kumar’s massive show of strength was promptly highlighted in the media. Especially, the Telugu media gave him a massive coverage on the front page with the headline quoting him that he would go to Pragathi Bhavan on an elephant (election symbol of BSP) after the next elections.

Having gained tremendous influence among the Dalits due to his Swaero Movement in the last nine years, Praveen Kumar will definitely be a threat to the mainstream parties – the Telangana Rashtra Samithi, the Congress and the BJP in the next elections.

However, it all depends on his future strategies.
The retired IPS officer’s entry into active politics in Telangana has triggered a debate in the media circles as to which party would be the most affected by the BSP.

What is needed for a person who sets a goal for himself to reach his own community people first and then expand his base among other sections of people? Is it mass base or intellectual attainments in the crucial subjects of equality and social justice?  
Is there any scope for a political novice to influence the electorate without depending on money and muscle power in the present electoral scenario?  These are some of the crucial questions that are at the back of the minds of different sections of people, be it elite and marginalized, following the plunge of former IPS officer R.S. Praveen Kumar on the political firmament of Telangana State.

His joining the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), headed by former UP Chief Minister Mayawati, has raised many eyebrows as this former civil servant has begun sailing with a party with Dalit base and ideology.

Of course, Praveen has been working for the development of students from marginalized sections of society. He has always preferred to work for the students of Residential Educational Institutions Society of Social Welfare Department rather than wearing police uniform and that too on his personal request to the Chief Ministers of successive governments, right from the days of the combined state of Andhra Pradesh.

Hailing from the backward Mahabubnagar district, Praveen entered IPS and devoted himself to the service of students who come from disadvantaged sections and successfully made them pursue their higher studies in prestigious and reputed educational institutional institutions across the country.  So, strong feelings of gratitude developed in the minds of lakhs of students(fondly called 'swaeros' - combination of 'sw' for social welfare and the word 'aero' from the Greek word for the sky).

His inaugural address at Nalgonda town on the occasion of his joining BSP is considered to be a throwback to NTR's 1985 rally in the same town from where NTR contested the Assembly elections for the first time, apart from two seats viz. Gudivada (Krishna district) and Hindupur (Anantapur district).  

The overwhelming response that Praveen Kumar got in his first ever address in Nalgonda suggests that he has a smooth ride ahead when it comes to his further political moves.

According to an analyst, Praveen Kumar might eat into the vote banks of all the three major parties and the TRS would have to face the biggest brunt.

Interestingly, there is also a discussion on the impact of Praveen Kumar on the prospects of YSR Telangana Party (YSRTP), a new regional party launched by Y S Sharmila, daughter of former chief minister of combined Andhra Pradesh Dr Y S Rajasekhar Reddy.

Analysts say Praveen Kumar’s entry would play a spoil sport with whatever little chances Sharmila party would have to make its presence felt in the next elections, because most of the voters Sharmila has been planning to attract might turn towards the BSP.

“Hitherto, there were some calculations that Sharmila’s party would have chances of winning half a dozen assembly seats, if not more, particularly in Khammam and Nalgonda districts.

But now, the chances are bleak for her as Praveen Kumar is focussing on polarising the SC, ST and BC voters in the state,” an analyst said.

If Sharmila has to sustain her party in the state, she has to adopt an aggressive approach, pool all her resources and come out with innovative strategies.
Otherwise, she would end up like what Jana Sena Party was in Andhra Pradesh in 2019 elections.

On the other hand, many officers from the All India Services have previously taken such a plunge into politics. But Most of them did so only after retirement. Former IPS officer PV Rangaiah Naidu entered politics shortly after his retirement and successfully contested from the Khammam Lok Sabha constituency, besides becoming a Union Minister in PV Narasimha Rao's cabinet in 1991. Another police officer and former director of CBI K.Vijayarama Rao also tried his luck in the Khairatabad Assembly seat, became victorious, and joined the Chandrababu Naidu's cabinet in 1999.

Some more leaders like Lakshminarayana (former JD, CBI), V. Dinesh Reddy (former DGP,  AP),  K.Ratna Prabha (former Chief Secretary, Karnataka) & K. Balakondaiah (former DIG,  AP)  unsuccessfully contested from Lok Sabha seats and decided to keep themselves away from active politics later.

Most civil servants enters politics through a party with a strong base and strong chances of capturing power so that they could get plum posts post elections. Praveen Kumar is different. The party he joined has no base in Telangana. It has no history of getting sizeable votes anywhere in the state, even in combined Andhra Pradesh. There have been only two occasions when BSP nominees got elected to Assembly. BSP candidate L. Raja  Rao  was elected to the Assembly from Visakhapat-nam district in the 2004  elections, largely due to his personal image.

Interestingly there were 10 registered parties in the 2004 Assembly elections. Two Congress leaders A.Indrakaran Reddy and Koneru Konappa got elected to the Assembly from Nirmal & Sirpur Kagaznagar respectively on BSP tickets, as they could not get tickets from their parent party. But they joined ruling TRS, in the name of merger, for better political prospects. Indrakaran is now Minister for Endowments in K.Chandrasekhar Rao's cabinet.

Praveen has a tough agenda. He will find it difficult to keep the SCs united. Everybody knows that the issue of categorisation of quota for SCs has created a wedge in sub-castes of SCs.

There is a strong link between categorisation of quota for SCs and upper castes ' plans of thwarting efforts for unity among them.

Former BSP late chief Kanshi Ram had visited AP and concentrated on the elections 1994. As per his assessment then, BSP would be the deciding factor in 100 Assembly seats and would get a considerable number of seats.

Yet, BSP failed to registered its presence in AP. Noted Dalit leader who fought for justice for the deceased in 'Karamchedu massacre' Katti Padma Rao was the only BSP nominee who got his deposit in the Bapatla Assembly seat by securing 21,000 votes.

The issue of categorisation of quota for SCs was kept alive. Every political party in Andhra Pradesh backed categorisation. Principal political parties like TDP and Congress were left with no option but to woo the members of Mala sub caste of SCs who oppose categorisation.  

Chandrababu had to propose a leader from Mala community GMC Balayogi as nominee for the post of Lok Sabha Speaker in 1998. The largest beneficiary of categorization, Madiga caste, did not hesitate to fume at Mala community for opposing the issue.

The Chandrababu government organised recruitment drives as per the new categorisation that provided government jobs for a large number of applicants from the Madiga community that has become heartburn for the opposing community. In this way, the wedge between the two principal castes of the Scheduled Castes widened and this 'divide and rule policy ' came in handy for political parties dominated by upper castes to exercise control over SCs.

Transforming whole sections SCs into an organised force is going to be an uphill task for Praveen Kumar. Since the Madiga community is predominant in Telangana State, it is simply not possible for him to bring the two castes together.
Praveen may be pressurized to field party nominee in the forthcoming Huzurabad bypolls, though BSP has no strength there.

Preparing the party for the big electoral battle of 2023 may be an ideal programme for Praveen. A lot of money will be required for electoral battle and maintenance of a statewide organization.

People will be curious to see how he gets heaps of currency bundles without getting patronage of corporate giants! Only time will tell whether he will be a calf among lions (TRS, Congress & BJP) or a mighty 'elephant' among the same! #KhabarLive #hydnews

‍‍‍How Badminton Star Sindhu Makes Telugu States United With Her Medal Achievement?

At a time when the Telugu states of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana bicker about their share of river waters, the phenomenon called P.V. Sindhu makes all of them and their leaders forget these issues a while with her athletic exploits and Olympic medals.

Sindhu is a major unifying factor and is equally celebrated by both the Telugu states every time she wins.

When she won the badminton silver medal in the 2016 Rio Olympics, the Telangana government rewarded her with a sum of Rs 5 crore, while Andhra Pradesh gave her Rs 3 crore and a plum state government job.

Former Chief Minister N. Chandrababu Naidu offered her the job of a Deputy Collector, which is the top job through the state public service commission's recruitment process.

In fact, a Deputy Collector's job leads one to become a conferred Indian Administrative Service (IAS) officer later on in their career.

As an employee of the Andhra Pradesh government, Sindhu says she is always encouraged and helped with working leave when needed.

Will Sindhu also go on to become a senior official in the state government after completing her badminton conquests, taking a leaf out of former fast bowler and inaugural 2007 T20 world cup winning Indian team member Joginder Sharma? Will have to wait and watch for some more years.

Sharma bowled the last over of the T20 world cup to trounce Pakistan and went on to become a senior officer in the Haryana state police department.

After winning her historic second medal at the Tokyo games, becoming first Indian woman to do so, Andhra Chief Minister Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy hailed her as the lone Indian woman to do it.

"All good wishes and congratulations to our Telugu girl Sindhu for winning Bronze for India at Tokyo Olympics 2020," said Reddy.

He did not stop with the wishes but proceeded to reward the state government employee and Olympian with a cash award of Rs 30 lakh.

The Andhra government handed over the cheque to the badminton superstar on Friday after she met Reddy along with her family.

Minister Avanti Srinivas handed over the cheque to Sindhu in the presence of special chief secretary Rajat Bhargava and I & PR Commissioner Vijay Kumar Reddy.

Even before leaving for Tokyo, Reddy met Sindhu and handed over a cash incentive of Rs 5 lakh, along with a copy of the government order allocating 2 acre of land to Sindhu to set up a badminton academy in the port city Visakhapatnam, which will soon become the executive capital of the southern state.

On being asked when she would set up the academy, the much loved shuttler said she would do it soon.
"I am so grateful for your continuous support Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister, thank you sir," said Sindhu.

She said the Chief Minister is constantly supporting her and even assured that they are always behind her, including offering whatever she needs to make sure she keeps winning.

"I am very happy. He (Reddy) congratulated me. The Chief Minister blessed and told me to definitely bring a medal and I brought a medal. The whole state has been congratulating me. Thanks to all of them," she said.

In fact, Reddy himself urged her to start the academy soon to nurture more youngsters like her.
The ace shuttler also praised the Andhra Pradesh government for introducing schemes to encourage sports-persons.

Appreciating the state government for reserving 2 per cent jobs for sports-persons in government posts, Sindhu said: "It is appreciable to know that the state government is giving YSR awards to sportspersons to encourage them."

After reaching Hyderabad from Tokyo via Delhi, Sindhu received a rousing welcome in Telangana state as well. V. Srinivas Goud, the Telangana Sports Minister, was present at the airport to personally welcome her along with other senior officials.

Goud also met Sindhu before leaving for Tokyo and playfully engaged in a short badminton game with her.

Several Tollywood actors celebrated the badminton superstar's success with equal zest, including Lakshmi Manchu, Mahesh Babu, Varun Tej, Sharat Chandra and others.

Telugu film legend and megastar from Mogalturu village Chiranjeevi said: "Congrats Sindhu on winning the medal and creating history for being the first Indian woman to bring Olympic medal twice in a row."

Outside the sporting realm, the badminton virtuoso unites both the states by embracing and revering deities in the Telugu states.

She is a regular at Lal Darwaza Mahankali temple Bonalu celebrations. Like a traditional Telangana girl, Sindhu carries the �Bonam' during the popular festival in Hyderabad.

Similarly, she has great devotion for Kanakadurgamma at Indrakeeladri in Vijayawada. She visited Kanakadurgamma temple on her return from Tokyo along with her family members.

Sindhu said she is a devotee of the deity and visits the temple regularly.
The shuttler not only unites but has also inspired a generation of young people with her sporting excellence, resulting in more youngsters taking up the sport nowadays in the Telugu states. Sindhu and her victories are leaving a lasting positive effect on both Andhra Pradesh and Telangana as well as the whole nation. #KhabarLive #hydnews

#OpEd: Appropriation Bill Imbroglio In Andhra Pradesh A Blow To Polity

By Dr. Shelly Ahmed

The Father of the Nation, Mahatma Gandhi, while commenting on the performance of duties, had once said, "The true source of right is a duty. If we all discharge our duties, rights will not be far to seek. If leaving duties unperformed, we run after rights, they will escape us like will­o'-the­wisp, the more we pursue them, the farther they will fly."

The imbroglio in the AP Legislative Council over the passing of the Appropriation Bill leading to sine die adjournment without even introduction of the Bill comes as a body blow to our polity. Does any government or its Opposition, for that matter, have a right to stretch its political agenda to such an extent that it buries its duty towards the citizens' fathoms deep?

Inside Chandrababu Naidu’s plan to make Andhra Pradesh a sunrise state

Nara Chandrababu Naidu’s ‘Sunrise Andhra Pradesh-Vision 2029’ aims to make the state India’s most developed, overcoming the legacy issues that came with the creation of Telangana.

In the calendar of the state administration of Andhra Pradesh, the second day of the week is not a Monday. Instead, it is designated Polavaram day—after the ambitious multi-purpose irrigation project that entails interlinking the unruly waters of the Godavari and the Krishna to bridge the water deficit in the latter’s river basin.

Telangana, Andhra Pradesh Reel Under Heatwave, But Petty Politics Takes Centrestage

As the mercury soared to a new 10-year record of 43 degrees Celsius in Hyderabad recently – a heatwave for the third consecutive year — the demand for spicy buttermilk or masala majiga too soared. This product of Heritage, a unit owned by Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu, notched an all-time high business of nearly 12 lakh sachets being sold by 17 April. It also kicked off a political satire on social media that summer did not take note of bifurcation of state and that it did not differentiate between people of Telangana and Andhra.

Will Indian Politicians Ever Stop Using Champion Athletes For Personal Glory?

By M H AHSSAN | INNLIVE

Fights over Sakshi Malik, PV Sindhu and Dipa Karmakar highlight the disturbing mentality of our political class.

It is said that history only remembers the winners. History may well be kind to victors, but there is one section of society which uses them like trending topics on Twitter or Google, shamelessly riding their popularity to draw attention to themselves.

Special Story: The Power Of 'Sons' Rise In Two 'Telugu States'

By NEWSCOP } INNLIVE

Nara Lokesh And KT Rama Rao Are Being Aggressively Pushed By Their Dads. But Political Inheritance Apart, The Two Scions Are Like Chalk And Cheese.

When a journalist recently asked him whether son Nara Lokesh would be projected as the chief ministerial candidate in the 2019 elections, Andhra CM Chandrababu Naidu shot back:

No End For 'Water War' Of Telangana And Andhra Pradesh, But Can They Win The Battle?

By RADHAKRISHNA | INNLIVE

Several irrigation projects in both states are stuck over disagreements on water-sharing, even as drought-like conditions persist year after year.

Late in May, tensions erupted once again in Andhra Pradesh’s Rayalaseema region over the Rajolibanda Diversion Scheme, an inter-state barrage to supply water to Andhra, Karnataka and Telangana.

Farmers from Andhra Pradesh’s Kurnool – one of four districts that form the water-starved Rayalaseema – are up in arms against those in neighbouring Mahabubnagar in Telangana, both of which are fed by the irrigation project.

Telugu Desam Party Supremo & AP CM Chandrababu Naidu, Still Loyal To NDA For Now Even As Discontentment With Narendra Modi Grows

By M H AHSSAN | INNLIVE

TDP Supremo Chandrababu Naidu was rarely seen without a laptop in the last years of his previous term as the Andhra Pradesh chief minister. Once, when I called him 'Laptop' Naidu, he took it as a compliment. He constantly monitored sundry schemes on a laptop and exuded supreme confidence that he would sweep the 2004 elections. He lost. And it took him 10 years to return as the CM.

Naidu is a changed man now. It's not because, instead of a laptop, he now has an iPad as a constant companion and he talks of 'iCloud' and 'file-sharing' to review his government's work.

Telangana Slips Into Agitation 2.0 As KCR Plans 'Kejriwal Act' At Delhi

By M H AHSSAN | INNLIVE

Telangana state is geared up to agitation 2.0 demanding the proper bifurcation of the state on certain long pending issues.

Two years after he secured the state of Telangana after a 13-year-long struggle, K Chandrasekhar Rao will wear the hat of a protester once again. The chief minister of Telangana now plans to do an Arvind Kejriwal by sitting on a dharna in the country's capital, to protest against the delay in bifurcation of the High court of Hyderabad.

AP Govt Is Leaving Hyderabad Capital: Why June 27 Has Become Such A Flashpoint For 13,324 Govr Employees?

By RADHAKRISHNA | INNLIVE

What prompted Chandrababu Naidu to order his state government to move lock, stock and barrel from the capital city that it has rights over for eight more years?

June 27 is D-Day, as far as the Andhra Pradesh government is concerned. Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu has asked 13,324 employees of the state government Secretariat and various heads of department to shift from Hyderabad to the transitional headquarters at Guntur by this date. They are expected to move to and begin functioning from near Amaravati, the ambitious new capital being built near Guntur and Vijayawada.

A Special Note To AP CM Chandrababu Naidu: 'Family Planning Is Not About Class But About Women's Rights And Choices'

By NEWS KING | INNLIVE

Andhra Pradesh chief minister Chandrababu Naidu recently asked rich people in the state to have more than one child.

Determining the size of her family is every woman’s right. For individuals in leadership positions, to make comments to the contrary is regressive and can push back the country’s progress on many fronts. These include India’s goal for population stabilisation, FP2020 – an international partnership of more than 20 governments on family planning – and the Sustainable Development Goals commitments. The debate is not whether the rich should have more children; it is about choices and rights.

Political Play: AP Govt Bid To Take Control Of Sakshi Media Group Aimed At Crippling Naidu’s Rival Jagan

By M H AHSSAN | INNLIVE

The state hopes to do this by using a new law framed to recover the ill-gotten assets of public servants.

When the Telugu Desam Party came to power in Andhra Pradesh in 2014, its Rajya Sabha MP CM Ramesh predicted that YSR Congress chief YS Jaganmohan Reddy’s troubles had just begun. He said that the TDP would ensure that corruption cases against Reddy are pursued vigorously. The gameplan was clear: ensure Reddy’s prosecution before the next round of polls in 2019 so that the path to Chandrababu Naidu’s second term as chief minister is clear.

How Telangana CM KCR is Wiping Out The Congress And Telugu Desam Party From The State?

By M H AHSSAN | INNLIVE

While the TDP is down to three legislators, the Congress is left with just 12 after a series of defections to the chief minister's Telangana Rashtra Samithi.

Telangana Chief Minister K Chandrasekhar Rao seems to be generously assisting the Bharatiya Janata Party in its mission to wipe out the Congress from India.

Since the formation of Telangana in 2014, the Congress’ strength in the 119-member state Assembly has fallen from 21 to 12. Over the last two years, there has been a steady trickle of Parliamentarians and legislators from the Congress' Gandhi Bhavan to Telangana Bhavan, the office of the ruling Telangana Rashtra Samithi.