To the many classical writers, gold was a source of enchanting visual metaphors. Rulers used jewels as statements of power and prestige. But to the Indian woman particularly, gold holds special significance to her life.
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query Rajasthan. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query Rajasthan. Sort by date Show all posts
Friday, April 17, 2015
Fashion: Latest Trends In Gold Jewellery Designs In India
To the many classical writers, gold was a source of enchanting visual metaphors. Rulers used jewels as statements of power and prestige. But to the Indian woman particularly, gold holds special significance to her life.
Friday, June 07, 2013
LifeStyle: Shilpa Shetty, Raj Kundra’s 'Excellent Adventure'
By Niloufer Khan & Sarah Williams
Maybe someone should make a blockbuster movie inspired by the love story of Raj Kundra and Shilpa Shetty, preferably starring Raj Kundra as the bunny rabbit dazzled by the Bollywood glamour of the girl with the longest legs in showbiz.
It is easy to understand why Kundra dumped Kavita, his Biwi No 1, for Biwi No 2 who had won Celebrity Big Brother in January 2007 and was then the toast of Britain, having survived all the racist taunts flung at her by the (late) Jade Goody and company. Nor is Kundra the first husband to upgrade to Wife 2.0.
Wednesday, June 05, 2013
Counterpoint: Should Indian CBI Uncover The IB?
The myopic political regime in Delhi has not realized the significance of destroying institutions. Harass Gujarat government even if it means destroying India's security apparatus: the object of the Congress party is clear.
The misuse of Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) by the UPA government has been repeatedly commented upon. This misuse is essentially for a political purpose. Not only has this seriously damaged the credibility of the CBI but has also lowered the level of professionalism in the organization. The gathering of evidence during investigation has seriously suffered. Investigations are increasingly becoming tainted with a political motive. The conviction rate in CBI cases has declined.
Wednesday, December 10, 2008
Voters Defy Predictions
By M H Ahssan
The Congress party’s surprisingly good showing in India's state assembly elections has not only given the party a boost ahead of general elections next spring, but also provides useful pointers for political parties charting their strategies for the upcoming showdown. Voters have sent out a clear signal that they are not impressed by parties hoping to derive the maximum political mileage from terrorist attacks.
The Congress, which heads the ruling United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government, went into the assembly elections on the back foot, having to defend its rather poor performance in tackling terrorism and controlling fuel and commodity prices. However, it was able to hold on to Delhi for the third time in a row, wrest control of Rajasthan in northwestern India from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and come to power with an impressive two-thirds majority in the northeastern state of Mizoram, after a decade in the political wilderness there.
The BJP retained control over Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh in central India, while the results for the Indian-administered state of Jammu and Kashmir, which has completed four rounds of voting and has another three to go, will be known at the end of December. No date has been set for the national polls, but they must be held by May, when the current government’s term expires.
The assembly elections are important for several reasons. They have been described as the "semi-final" ahead of the general elections, and the results will help parties determine their electoral platforms for the big vote.
Congress' results are a reversal of its electoral fortunes in recent years. Since it came to power in May 2004, Congress has lost 16 out of 25 assembly elections. It has not won a single large state since 2005; and the few victories it has managed were in small states such as Goa and Puducherry.
That jinx has now been broken, and what seemed like a terminal slide for the Congress has been arrested. The victories in the polls will give it much needed confidence ahead of the general elections. And allies that might have been thinking of abandoning it ahead of the national vote for its poor electoral performance could now decide to stick with the party.
More importantly, the election results show the BJP’s harping on about the terror issue and its cynical exploitation of public alarm over the November 26 terrorist attacks in Mumbai did not work.
Of the states which went to the polls recently, only Chhattisgarh had finished voting before the attacks on Mumbai. Madhya Pradesh voted on November 27 and Delhi two days later. Polling in Mizoram and Rajasthan was held on December 2 and 4, respectively.
India has been hit by a nationwide wave of terrorist attacks in recent months, and the BJP has often accused the government of being "soft on terrorism". This campaign turned shriller following the Mumbai attacks, after which the BJP issued a blood-red, front-page advertisement in the Hindustan Times, an English daily with a very large readership, ahead of the Delhi polls reading: "Brutal Terror Strikes at Will. Weak Government Unwilling and Incapable. Fight Terror. Vote BJP." It also put up hoardings in cities and sent out text messages to hundreds of thousands of voters, blaming the Congress for the attacks.
At a time when public anger with the government’s repeated failure to protect ordinary civilians from terrorism has assumed serious proportions, it was widely believed that the terrorist attacks, especially the ones in Mumbai, would favor the BJP. Analysts predicted and politicians felt voters would succumb to the BJP's fear-mongering.
Both Delhi and Rajasthani have suffered brutal terrorist attacks, and although they have a sizeable population sympathetic to the BJP’s Hindutva (Hindu supremacist) ideology, the BJP’s tough talk on terrorism did not pay off electorally. Its divisive campaign, while likely to have struck a chord in many, did not get it the number of votes it needed to win Delhi.
The BJP is not the first party to have used terrorist attacks and the fear they generate to win elections. In 1984, when prime minister Indira Gandhi was gunned down by Sikh terrorists, the Congress launched a virulent election campaign that portrayed Sikhs in general as terrorists. Advertisements and hoardings spoke of the threat they posed to national security. “Your neighbor could be a terrorist," said advertisements, which had pictures of turbaned Sikhs. The campaign worked. The Congress won with a landslide majority.
More recently, the Republicans and US President George W Bush played on American fears of terrorist attacks in the 2004 presidential election. That campaign worked too and Bush was elected for a second term.
But the Indian voters, often dismissed as illiterate and ill-informed, did not allow the BJP’s campaign to determine their electoral choices.The election result indicates that voters are unwilling to pin the blame for India’s vulnerability to terrorism on one party alone and that they are uneasy with politicizing terrorism.
The issue of credible governance was more important for voters. In Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Delhi voters returned incumbent governments to power, the BJP in the first two, where welfare programs for farmers and women played a role in keeping voters on its side, and the Congress in Delhi. In Rajasthan and Mizoram, voters endorsed the opposition Congress over incumbents.
What are the lessons that parties can draw from the polls? For the BJP, the election results should serve as a reminder that its divisive politics will not work. As for the Congress, there is a danger that it could draw the wrong lessons from the verdict and go back to its lethargic approach to tacking terrorism. But it needs to see the writing on the wall. Voters are not unconcerned about terrorism, but they also expect good governance, which includes responding adequately to development issues as well as internal security needs.
The semi-final contest is effectively a draw between India's two main parties, the Congress and the BJP, with voters putting both parties on notice. The party that draws the right lessons from the "semi-final" will hold the advantage going into the general election.
However, both parties will have to tread cautiously in drawing lessons from the assembly elections, as the factors influencing them in general elections are quite different, as previous elections have indicated. The assembly elections provide pointers that politicians and analysts will pounce on to make grand predictions for the general election, but past elections show the need for caution. Six months is a long time in politics and the mood of voters can change dramatically.
India is too large a country and too complex a democracy for politicians and analysts to make easy predictions. What the election underscores yet again is that both would do well to approach the Indian voter with more humility.
The Congress party’s surprisingly good showing in India's state assembly elections has not only given the party a boost ahead of general elections next spring, but also provides useful pointers for political parties charting their strategies for the upcoming showdown. Voters have sent out a clear signal that they are not impressed by parties hoping to derive the maximum political mileage from terrorist attacks.
The Congress, which heads the ruling United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government, went into the assembly elections on the back foot, having to defend its rather poor performance in tackling terrorism and controlling fuel and commodity prices. However, it was able to hold on to Delhi for the third time in a row, wrest control of Rajasthan in northwestern India from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and come to power with an impressive two-thirds majority in the northeastern state of Mizoram, after a decade in the political wilderness there.
The BJP retained control over Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh in central India, while the results for the Indian-administered state of Jammu and Kashmir, which has completed four rounds of voting and has another three to go, will be known at the end of December. No date has been set for the national polls, but they must be held by May, when the current government’s term expires.
The assembly elections are important for several reasons. They have been described as the "semi-final" ahead of the general elections, and the results will help parties determine their electoral platforms for the big vote.
Congress' results are a reversal of its electoral fortunes in recent years. Since it came to power in May 2004, Congress has lost 16 out of 25 assembly elections. It has not won a single large state since 2005; and the few victories it has managed were in small states such as Goa and Puducherry.
That jinx has now been broken, and what seemed like a terminal slide for the Congress has been arrested. The victories in the polls will give it much needed confidence ahead of the general elections. And allies that might have been thinking of abandoning it ahead of the national vote for its poor electoral performance could now decide to stick with the party.
More importantly, the election results show the BJP’s harping on about the terror issue and its cynical exploitation of public alarm over the November 26 terrorist attacks in Mumbai did not work.
Of the states which went to the polls recently, only Chhattisgarh had finished voting before the attacks on Mumbai. Madhya Pradesh voted on November 27 and Delhi two days later. Polling in Mizoram and Rajasthan was held on December 2 and 4, respectively.
India has been hit by a nationwide wave of terrorist attacks in recent months, and the BJP has often accused the government of being "soft on terrorism". This campaign turned shriller following the Mumbai attacks, after which the BJP issued a blood-red, front-page advertisement in the Hindustan Times, an English daily with a very large readership, ahead of the Delhi polls reading: "Brutal Terror Strikes at Will. Weak Government Unwilling and Incapable. Fight Terror. Vote BJP." It also put up hoardings in cities and sent out text messages to hundreds of thousands of voters, blaming the Congress for the attacks.
At a time when public anger with the government’s repeated failure to protect ordinary civilians from terrorism has assumed serious proportions, it was widely believed that the terrorist attacks, especially the ones in Mumbai, would favor the BJP. Analysts predicted and politicians felt voters would succumb to the BJP's fear-mongering.
Both Delhi and Rajasthani have suffered brutal terrorist attacks, and although they have a sizeable population sympathetic to the BJP’s Hindutva (Hindu supremacist) ideology, the BJP’s tough talk on terrorism did not pay off electorally. Its divisive campaign, while likely to have struck a chord in many, did not get it the number of votes it needed to win Delhi.
The BJP is not the first party to have used terrorist attacks and the fear they generate to win elections. In 1984, when prime minister Indira Gandhi was gunned down by Sikh terrorists, the Congress launched a virulent election campaign that portrayed Sikhs in general as terrorists. Advertisements and hoardings spoke of the threat they posed to national security. “Your neighbor could be a terrorist," said advertisements, which had pictures of turbaned Sikhs. The campaign worked. The Congress won with a landslide majority.
More recently, the Republicans and US President George W Bush played on American fears of terrorist attacks in the 2004 presidential election. That campaign worked too and Bush was elected for a second term.
But the Indian voters, often dismissed as illiterate and ill-informed, did not allow the BJP’s campaign to determine their electoral choices.The election result indicates that voters are unwilling to pin the blame for India’s vulnerability to terrorism on one party alone and that they are uneasy with politicizing terrorism.
The issue of credible governance was more important for voters. In Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Delhi voters returned incumbent governments to power, the BJP in the first two, where welfare programs for farmers and women played a role in keeping voters on its side, and the Congress in Delhi. In Rajasthan and Mizoram, voters endorsed the opposition Congress over incumbents.
What are the lessons that parties can draw from the polls? For the BJP, the election results should serve as a reminder that its divisive politics will not work. As for the Congress, there is a danger that it could draw the wrong lessons from the verdict and go back to its lethargic approach to tacking terrorism. But it needs to see the writing on the wall. Voters are not unconcerned about terrorism, but they also expect good governance, which includes responding adequately to development issues as well as internal security needs.
The semi-final contest is effectively a draw between India's two main parties, the Congress and the BJP, with voters putting both parties on notice. The party that draws the right lessons from the "semi-final" will hold the advantage going into the general election.
However, both parties will have to tread cautiously in drawing lessons from the assembly elections, as the factors influencing them in general elections are quite different, as previous elections have indicated. The assembly elections provide pointers that politicians and analysts will pounce on to make grand predictions for the general election, but past elections show the need for caution. Six months is a long time in politics and the mood of voters can change dramatically.
India is too large a country and too complex a democracy for politicians and analysts to make easy predictions. What the election underscores yet again is that both would do well to approach the Indian voter with more humility.
Sunday, June 05, 2016
Fake Federalism: How 'National Parties' Turned The Concept Of 'Rajya' In Rajya Sabha Into A Farce?
By NEWSCOP | INNLIVE
The upper House of Parliament, literally a Council of States, was meant to be a federal chamber to look out for the interests of the states.
The continued abuse of the idea of the Rajya Sabha – or the Council of States – by the so-called national parties continues with the upcoming round of Rajya Sabha elections.
Thursday, August 04, 2016
Investigation: The Toil Of 20,000 Child Workers Are Behind The Healthy Exports Of 'Illegal Mica Mines'
By NEETA BHALLA | INNLIVE
At least seven child labourers have died in the mines since June, a Thomson Reuters Foundation investigation has found.
In the depths of India’s illegal mica mines, where children as young as five work alongside adults, lurks a dark, hidden secret – the cover-up of child deaths with seven killed in the past two months, a Thomson Reuters Foundation investigation has revealed.
Friday, July 15, 2016
Meet Rajasthan’s Goddesses Of Small Things – Garbage, Sneezing Fits, Hens And Lunar Calendar Days
While some goddesses are enshrined in large temples, others are located in humble stone dwellings. All have triangular red flags fluttering on top.
On the outskirts of villages and towns in Rajasthan, one invariably comes across votive sanctuaries to local village deities. Nearly all of them are worshipped by locals and visitors as goddesses associated with fierce protective instincts and miraculous powers of healing.
Tuesday, January 20, 2009
By M H Ahssan
With India's general elections due before May, a carefully calibrated chorus is emanating from the ruling Indian National Congress party camp about its chairperson, Sonia Gandhi's son Rahul Gandhi, as a strong contender for the prime minister's post.
No sooner did the results of the recent state assembly elections - in which Congress snagged three out of five states - trickle in that Congress leaders quickly seized on the opportunity to launch All-India Congress Committee (AICC) general secretary Rahul Gandhi as the party's new mascot. Claiming that he had played a "crucial" role in the party's success at the hustings, Rahul, 38, was heralded as the nation's next "youth icon".
Fortuitously for Gandhi, many recent political developments have coalesced to his advantage. For starters, a majority of his nominees for party tickets in the assembly elections won with huge margins. Out of 32 candidates from the Indian Youth Congress, 22 emerged victorious. In Delhi, four out of five leaders nominated by Gandhi earned victories. Other Gandhi-affiliated winners numbered six in Rajasthan, eight in Madhya Pradesh, two in Mizoram and one in Chhattisgarh.
At a post-elections press briefing, senior Congress leader and AICC leader Veerappa Moily breathlessly extolled Rahul's virtues, calling him the party's "star attraction". Moily's remarks only help underscore the Congress party's larger game plan to raise the Gandhi scion's profile in the buildup to the general elections.
Even if Gandhi's campaigning has produced only mixed results in the state elections that were dominated by regional leaders and local issues, the party thinks its overall success gives it leverage to cast Rahul in a bigger role.
There's no denying that the Congress was extremely wary of unveiling its "prized asset". Gandhi's role was limited to sporadic public appearances in which he made politically correct noises (poverty alleviation, women's empowerment, youth leadership and so on). This was key to deflecting perceptions that the Congress was being overzealous - or impatient - in anointing him as the party's next supremo.
Had it not been for the Congress' good performance in state elections, the party would have deferred its plans to unveil the latest Gandhi for bigger responsibilities. But having achieved a modicum of success - with Congress chief minister Sheila Dixit emerging victorious for a record third time in Delhi - and issues like terror and inflation not cutting much ice with voters, the Congress feels it can go ahead with the coronation of its prince. (Please see Secrets of a three-time winner
, December 13, 2008.)
If the Congress had been vanquished in the Delhi elections, the brickbats would have fallen on Dixit. The positive outcome negated the perception of an anti-incumbency wave, and party loyalists are now priming the Gandhi heir to take his place in the sun.
According to AICC functionary Prithvi Raj Chavan, Rahul Gandhi will now play a bigger role in the party. "He has become the third pole in the Congress after Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Congress president Sonia Gandhi," said Chavan at a press conference.
Still, apart from the Gandhi "brand", what does the young politician bring to the table? For one thing, age. In a national political landscape crowded with octogenarians and nonagenarians (the main opposition party Bharatiya Janata Party's chief L K Advani, a key prime minister aspirant, for instance is 81 years old), Rahul is being groomed to attract a crucial demographic - the under-35 Indian voter who makes up 65% of India's 1.1 billion population. There will also be a gargantuan vote bank of some 100 million first time voters for the 2009 elections.
Rahul is a member of the Nehru-Gandhi family, the most prominent political family in India. His father was former premier Rajiv Gandhi, who was assassinated in 1991. Rahul was 14 years old when his grandmother, prime minister Indira Gandhi, was assassinated. His great-grandfather, Jawaharlal Nehru, was the first prime minister of India, and his great-great-grandfather Motilal Nehru was a distinguished leader of the Indian independence movement.
"Rahul has emerged as a lead campaigner for the party because he has a great appeal for the youth of the country and Youth Congress workers," said a party worker. "He has contributed enormously to rejuvenate the campaigning style of the 123-year-old party." In fact the party's victory in Rajasthan is being attributed to the widely circulated photograph of Gandhi carrying mud as part of shram daan, a ritual symbolizing him as the son of the soil. The purpose was to further the aam-aadmi (common man) spiel, and downplay Rahul Gandhi's Western upbringing and aristocratic lineage.
The metamorphosis of Rahul Gandhi from a shy and dimpled member of parliament who gave the impression of being a diligent student of parliamentary politics into a zealous organizational leader of the Indian National Congress can't be discounted. Few can forget his diffident maiden speech in parliament, on education, which was read out - sans any emotion - like a school essay rather than the spunky narrative of a prime ministerial hopeful.
Gandhi's baptism into the hurly burly of politics began at the Congress' 82nd plenary session in Hyderabad in 2006, after which he was inducted as a general secretary and was firmly set on the path to a coveted role in the government. Current events, however, have propelled a far-more-confident Gandhi to even loftier heights.
Few Congress allies are averse to the party's "Rahul-as-premier" pitch. The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), a partner of the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA), has lent its support with DMK patriarch and Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M Karunanidhi welcoming the suggestion of the young Gandhi as the UPA's prime ministerial candidate. Even the Left parties - to whom candidates like the current PM Dr Manmohan Singh and Home Minister P C Chidamabaram may be anathema - are a tad more accepting.
Despite the strident promotion of Rahul, the Congress party itself has officially not made any comment on the leadership issue. Sonia Gandhi snubbed voters who struck up a chant for Rahul's nomination for prime minister. Manmohan was doing a fine job, said party spokesperson Jayanthi Natarajan.
The Congress is still to announce its prime minister candidate for the coming Lok Sabha, India's Lower House of parliament, elections. In the past, current Prime Minister Manmohan was propped up as a potential candidate for the 2009 polls, with party leader Sonia Gandhi herself putting the stamp on Singh's candidacy at a press event last year. According to one theory, however, Sonia Gandhi inducted Manmohan as premier in 2004 just to keep the prime minister's seat warm for Rahul who was still politically inexperienced.
However, even as Rahul Gandhi gathers credit for the Congress' successful performance in the state elections, many feel he's yet to make a tangible impact on the party's election prospects. For instance, the Congress' win in Delhi was really Dixit's win. In Rajasthan, where the Gandhis campaigned extensively, it was actually unassuming Ashok Gehlot who trounced established royalty - the feisty ex-chief minister Vasundhara Raje Scindia of the the right-wing BJP.
Rahul Gandhi appears to realize that his legacy and charisma may no longer be sufficient to secure victory. It was perhaps due to this that he changed the nomination culture in the Congress party by holding Indian Youth Congress elections at the block, district and state levels. He has also made the right noises about the party's dynastic culture and lack of internal democracy, admitting he was a "symptom" of what is wrong with Indian politics.
If he succeeds in putting a new order in place, he might earn his place in the Congress hierarchy. But there will be resistance from senior Congress leaders who have been in queue for prime minister long before Rahul. Meanwhile, the Congress would do well to think beyond dynastic politics and proactively address problems within the organization that have haunted it in election after election.
That - not Rahul Gandhi - will be the true litmus test for India's Congress party in 2009.
With India's general elections due before May, a carefully calibrated chorus is emanating from the ruling Indian National Congress party camp about its chairperson, Sonia Gandhi's son Rahul Gandhi, as a strong contender for the prime minister's post.
No sooner did the results of the recent state assembly elections - in which Congress snagged three out of five states - trickle in that Congress leaders quickly seized on the opportunity to launch All-India Congress Committee (AICC) general secretary Rahul Gandhi as the party's new mascot. Claiming that he had played a "crucial" role in the party's success at the hustings, Rahul, 38, was heralded as the nation's next "youth icon".
Fortuitously for Gandhi, many recent political developments have coalesced to his advantage. For starters, a majority of his nominees for party tickets in the assembly elections won with huge margins. Out of 32 candidates from the Indian Youth Congress, 22 emerged victorious. In Delhi, four out of five leaders nominated by Gandhi earned victories. Other Gandhi-affiliated winners numbered six in Rajasthan, eight in Madhya Pradesh, two in Mizoram and one in Chhattisgarh.
At a post-elections press briefing, senior Congress leader and AICC leader Veerappa Moily breathlessly extolled Rahul's virtues, calling him the party's "star attraction". Moily's remarks only help underscore the Congress party's larger game plan to raise the Gandhi scion's profile in the buildup to the general elections.
Even if Gandhi's campaigning has produced only mixed results in the state elections that were dominated by regional leaders and local issues, the party thinks its overall success gives it leverage to cast Rahul in a bigger role.
There's no denying that the Congress was extremely wary of unveiling its "prized asset". Gandhi's role was limited to sporadic public appearances in which he made politically correct noises (poverty alleviation, women's empowerment, youth leadership and so on). This was key to deflecting perceptions that the Congress was being overzealous - or impatient - in anointing him as the party's next supremo.
Had it not been for the Congress' good performance in state elections, the party would have deferred its plans to unveil the latest Gandhi for bigger responsibilities. But having achieved a modicum of success - with Congress chief minister Sheila Dixit emerging victorious for a record third time in Delhi - and issues like terror and inflation not cutting much ice with voters, the Congress feels it can go ahead with the coronation of its prince. (Please see Secrets of a three-time winner
, December 13, 2008.)
If the Congress had been vanquished in the Delhi elections, the brickbats would have fallen on Dixit. The positive outcome negated the perception of an anti-incumbency wave, and party loyalists are now priming the Gandhi heir to take his place in the sun.
According to AICC functionary Prithvi Raj Chavan, Rahul Gandhi will now play a bigger role in the party. "He has become the third pole in the Congress after Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Congress president Sonia Gandhi," said Chavan at a press conference.
Still, apart from the Gandhi "brand", what does the young politician bring to the table? For one thing, age. In a national political landscape crowded with octogenarians and nonagenarians (the main opposition party Bharatiya Janata Party's chief L K Advani, a key prime minister aspirant, for instance is 81 years old), Rahul is being groomed to attract a crucial demographic - the under-35 Indian voter who makes up 65% of India's 1.1 billion population. There will also be a gargantuan vote bank of some 100 million first time voters for the 2009 elections.
Rahul is a member of the Nehru-Gandhi family, the most prominent political family in India. His father was former premier Rajiv Gandhi, who was assassinated in 1991. Rahul was 14 years old when his grandmother, prime minister Indira Gandhi, was assassinated. His great-grandfather, Jawaharlal Nehru, was the first prime minister of India, and his great-great-grandfather Motilal Nehru was a distinguished leader of the Indian independence movement.
"Rahul has emerged as a lead campaigner for the party because he has a great appeal for the youth of the country and Youth Congress workers," said a party worker. "He has contributed enormously to rejuvenate the campaigning style of the 123-year-old party." In fact the party's victory in Rajasthan is being attributed to the widely circulated photograph of Gandhi carrying mud as part of shram daan, a ritual symbolizing him as the son of the soil. The purpose was to further the aam-aadmi (common man) spiel, and downplay Rahul Gandhi's Western upbringing and aristocratic lineage.
The metamorphosis of Rahul Gandhi from a shy and dimpled member of parliament who gave the impression of being a diligent student of parliamentary politics into a zealous organizational leader of the Indian National Congress can't be discounted. Few can forget his diffident maiden speech in parliament, on education, which was read out - sans any emotion - like a school essay rather than the spunky narrative of a prime ministerial hopeful.
Gandhi's baptism into the hurly burly of politics began at the Congress' 82nd plenary session in Hyderabad in 2006, after which he was inducted as a general secretary and was firmly set on the path to a coveted role in the government. Current events, however, have propelled a far-more-confident Gandhi to even loftier heights.
Few Congress allies are averse to the party's "Rahul-as-premier" pitch. The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), a partner of the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA), has lent its support with DMK patriarch and Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M Karunanidhi welcoming the suggestion of the young Gandhi as the UPA's prime ministerial candidate. Even the Left parties - to whom candidates like the current PM Dr Manmohan Singh and Home Minister P C Chidamabaram may be anathema - are a tad more accepting.
Despite the strident promotion of Rahul, the Congress party itself has officially not made any comment on the leadership issue. Sonia Gandhi snubbed voters who struck up a chant for Rahul's nomination for prime minister. Manmohan was doing a fine job, said party spokesperson Jayanthi Natarajan.
The Congress is still to announce its prime minister candidate for the coming Lok Sabha, India's Lower House of parliament, elections. In the past, current Prime Minister Manmohan was propped up as a potential candidate for the 2009 polls, with party leader Sonia Gandhi herself putting the stamp on Singh's candidacy at a press event last year. According to one theory, however, Sonia Gandhi inducted Manmohan as premier in 2004 just to keep the prime minister's seat warm for Rahul who was still politically inexperienced.
However, even as Rahul Gandhi gathers credit for the Congress' successful performance in the state elections, many feel he's yet to make a tangible impact on the party's election prospects. For instance, the Congress' win in Delhi was really Dixit's win. In Rajasthan, where the Gandhis campaigned extensively, it was actually unassuming Ashok Gehlot who trounced established royalty - the feisty ex-chief minister Vasundhara Raje Scindia of the the right-wing BJP.
Rahul Gandhi appears to realize that his legacy and charisma may no longer be sufficient to secure victory. It was perhaps due to this that he changed the nomination culture in the Congress party by holding Indian Youth Congress elections at the block, district and state levels. He has also made the right noises about the party's dynastic culture and lack of internal democracy, admitting he was a "symptom" of what is wrong with Indian politics.
If he succeeds in putting a new order in place, he might earn his place in the Congress hierarchy. But there will be resistance from senior Congress leaders who have been in queue for prime minister long before Rahul. Meanwhile, the Congress would do well to think beyond dynastic politics and proactively address problems within the organization that have haunted it in election after election.
That - not Rahul Gandhi - will be the true litmus test for India's Congress party in 2009.
Sunday, March 22, 2015
The Horror of Indian Jails: Dark Sub-Culture Dominated By Murky Underworld Of Organized Gangs And Criminals Supported By Poor Legal Aid And Careless Machinery
Any discussion on prisoners in a sympathetic manner evokes a sharp response: "Why should you worry about these people? They are dangerous criminals, murderers and rapists, why complain if they are ill treated ? They deserve it."
Monday, December 09, 2013
Now, It's Time For Interospection, Political Calculations And Strategical Moves For All Political Parties In India
INDEPTH ANALYSIS The results, while anticipated, have clearly shaken up the Congress. But the history of elections in the four States shows no direct correlation can be drawn between victory in the latest round and a general election.
In the end, one result eclipsed all others as the curtain came down on what can easily be called the most watched set of Assembly elections in recent years. The verdict was out on Sunday for the first four of the five States that went to the polls through November-December — Delhi, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Mizoram.
Thursday, November 27, 2014
Sterilization Deaths In India: The Undetected Affair Of Family Planning Process
he tragedy in a sterilisation camp in Chhattisgarh, where 14 women lost their lives post tubectomy conducted under horrific conditions, calls for a deeper look into the context. Such an exercise would reveal that this has been happening for decades ever since family planning strategies began focussing on women as targets of the government’s agenda on quantitative cutting down of population, with little or no regard to the quality of lives of the people targeted.
Wednesday, June 03, 2009
SEZs: It's really a damp squibs?
By M H Ahssan
A study by the Hazards Centre shows that only 19 of an approved 366 SEZs are functional. And within many of these, the number of manufacturing units actually set up and the number of people employed is much lower than expected
A village elder, evicted from the village of Akalmegh in West Bengal in order to facilitate the creation of the Falta Special Economic Zone (FSEZ) located on the banks of the river Hoogly at Diamond Harbour, is still trying to pick up the threads of his life.
“Before moving here, I do not remember a single villager having to go to bed on a hungry stomach. We had paddy, fish from the pond in front of our house, palm, coconuts and different types of citrus fruits. There were few quarrels and if one took place, an elder helped resolve it,” he said.
“Moving to High Land (the name of the resettlement colony) has seen a change of lifestyle. Everyone is worried about his livelihood and there are frequent disputes,” he added.
Around 420 families were resettled in High Land 25 years ago. Today, 12,000 people live in the colony and they echo the regret and pain expressed by all those who have been displaced by the Special Economic Zones (SEZs) being created by governments across the country ostensibly to boost development and increase revenue.
In 1992-93, villagers belonging to eight villages outside Jaipur in Rajasthan were forcibly evicted so that the Sitapura Industrial Area could be created. Land began being bought from farmers in 1992 at the rate of Rs 1 lakh per bigha (though some claim they were paid just Re 1), much below the market rate.
The displaced villagers regret that the peace and harmony that marked their earlier lifestyle has been replaced by what could at best be described as a slum life.
“We were assured we would be given employment in the factories that came up here and that RIICO would provide us with water, electricity and good roads, but all these promises have been belied,” said Ram Singh, a villager from Khusdar village.
The Jaipur Special Economic Zone (JSEZ) was set up primarily to decongest Jaipur by removing the gems and jewellery industry from the heart of the city. But the jewellers chose to move the workers along with the units, so that although 4,200 workers are working here, only 2% of them are local villagers, employed mainly in menial positions as sweepers or daily wagers.
These are some of the findings of the first systematic study on the functioning of SEZs financed by Action Aid and undertaken by the Delhi-based Hazards Centre.
‘Special Economic Zones: How Special and how Economic’ highlights how SEZs, which are 30-40 years old (they were earlier known as Free Trade Zones), suffer from several major drawbacks, the main one being that they have not attracted the kind of foreign direct investment (FDI) that the government had anticipated.
The study quotes extensively from an American study of FDI flows in China (Lee and Fritz Foley’s study ‘Facts and Fallacies about US FDI in China’, 2007), which shows that FDI flows into China have been grossly overestimated. Moreover, 90% of the production from these SEZs caters to the local market and is not export-oriented.
Although the Indian government has approved 366 SEZS, only 19 are functional. They have attracted FDI worth Rs 525.70 crore against private investment of Rs 4,649.94 crore. Investment by the central and state governments till 2007 was Rs 1052.25 crore.
Of the 19 functioning SEZs, the Hazards Centre monitored the performance of Kandla in Gujarat, Falta in West Bengal, Vishakhapatnam in Andhra Pradesh, Jaipur in Rajasthan and Manesar in Haryana.during 2007-08.
According to the study, four of these SEZs were not manufacturing the goods they had originally set out to manufacture. Kandla was developed as a textile and garment hub but had switched over to manufacturing chemicals and fertilisers. Falta, set up to export plastic and rubber, was presently doing business in textiles and garments. Vishakhapatnam, set up to manufacture fine chemicals and engineering goods had switched over to export of high value gems and jewellery. Jaipur alone continued to fulfil its original objective, which was to work in gems and jewellery.
Says Dunu Roy, director of the Hazards Centre, “It is obvious that there was poor assessment of market demand at the time these SEZs were created because today they are making something completely different.”
The older SEZs with the lowest per unit investment (Jaipur and Kandla) were found to have the best export figures.
The survey also found that not enough market research had been done before setting up these zones. The result is that in most SEZs, the number of manufacturing units has come down drastically.
In Kandla, only half of the original 362 units that were set up are functioning. Prestigious units belonging to the Mafatlal and Milton groups have shut down. And while the SEZ claimed to employ 16,581 people, a field visit to the district commissioner’s office in Kandla showed the exact figure was 14,299.
In the same way, the Falta SEZ has 127 functioning units although more than 200 units had been approved originally. Local workers pointed out that only 90 units run on a daily basis. The factory inspector admitted that only ten industries in this SEZ have been registered under the Factories Act.
Vishakhapatnam has generated direct employment for 4,200 people, though the state government had promised employment in a ratio of 60 persons for every acre of land that was acquired. This, the report points out, would have meant the creation of 21,600 jobs.
The Sitapura Industrial Area near Jaipur has been developed on 1,646 acres of land. Villagers from eight villages were evicted to create this SEZ. Lack of employment and gross underpayment of those who do manage to find jobs continues to be a major problem.
In Falta, casual labourers were being paid as little as Rs 30 per day and if a worker took two days of leave, he was fired. “Six months ago, workers launched an agitation and blocked the roads preventing goods carriers from entering FSEZ. Under pressure, the SEZ authorities increased the daily wages to Rs 68 per day and provident fund of Rs 10 per day would be deducted from the salary of the more experienced workers. No industrial unit is willing to take responsibility for on-site accidents,” says Dunu Roy.
In no SEZ is labour hired on a permanent basis, nor is any healthcare provided, the report found. Children are known to be employed in several industries in contravention of labour laws. They are being smuggled in early in the morning and smuggled out late in the evening. Since labour inspectors are not allowed to inspect SEZs, increasing numbers of children are being sucked into the labour pool at lower wages.
Another big source of concern according to the report is that these SEZs are producing huge amounts of toxic waste that is being dumped indiscriminately in the agricultural fields of villagers living outside these zones. The official stance is that only ‘non-polluting’ units have been permitted in SEZs, but this is belied by the complaints of villagers who find a huge reduction in agricultural productivity in their fields which have been inundated by industrial effluents.
The Development Commissioner of West Bengal admitted that no treatment plants have been built to treat solid or liquid waste, and that effluents were flowing out “anywhere outside the boundary wall”, draining into agricultural land and ponds where fishing was practised. Fisherfolk in this area complain that the fishing stock has been hugely depleted in the past one decade.
Villagers complain about the deterioration of their natural environment and the sharp increase in diseases. They also point out that while the state authorities have developed some infrastructure within the economic zones, they have failed to provide any facilities for the surrounding areas.
The Manesar SEZ has been allotted to a private developer -- the Uppal group -- and is not yet functional. The Uppal group had proposed an investment of an estimated Rs 6,500 crore but given the way the market has crashed, it is difficult to see how the group will raise the money to start the numerous knowledge-based industries visualised earlier.
Roy points out that “SEZs begin with high public investment and only when they stabilise does the private entrepreneur step up his investment. Foreign investment comes in at a much later stage when the risks have been covered. It is for this reason that most developers want to use these zones for the purposes of land transaction so they can cover their investment.”
He adds, “Export growth has been slow except in the case of dedicated single-product SEZs that have remained true to their objectives. It can therefore be said that they have fallen far short of their stated objectives.”
The report concludes that SEZs prove categorically that private profits cannot be married to public benefit. The government is using a fallacious argument when it believes that public benefit will come out of private enterprise because this has not been the case.
A study by the Hazards Centre shows that only 19 of an approved 366 SEZs are functional. And within many of these, the number of manufacturing units actually set up and the number of people employed is much lower than expectedA village elder, evicted from the village of Akalmegh in West Bengal in order to facilitate the creation of the Falta Special Economic Zone (FSEZ) located on the banks of the river Hoogly at Diamond Harbour, is still trying to pick up the threads of his life.
“Before moving here, I do not remember a single villager having to go to bed on a hungry stomach. We had paddy, fish from the pond in front of our house, palm, coconuts and different types of citrus fruits. There were few quarrels and if one took place, an elder helped resolve it,” he said.
“Moving to High Land (the name of the resettlement colony) has seen a change of lifestyle. Everyone is worried about his livelihood and there are frequent disputes,” he added.
Around 420 families were resettled in High Land 25 years ago. Today, 12,000 people live in the colony and they echo the regret and pain expressed by all those who have been displaced by the Special Economic Zones (SEZs) being created by governments across the country ostensibly to boost development and increase revenue.
In 1992-93, villagers belonging to eight villages outside Jaipur in Rajasthan were forcibly evicted so that the Sitapura Industrial Area could be created. Land began being bought from farmers in 1992 at the rate of Rs 1 lakh per bigha (though some claim they were paid just Re 1), much below the market rate.
The displaced villagers regret that the peace and harmony that marked their earlier lifestyle has been replaced by what could at best be described as a slum life.
“We were assured we would be given employment in the factories that came up here and that RIICO would provide us with water, electricity and good roads, but all these promises have been belied,” said Ram Singh, a villager from Khusdar village.
The Jaipur Special Economic Zone (JSEZ) was set up primarily to decongest Jaipur by removing the gems and jewellery industry from the heart of the city. But the jewellers chose to move the workers along with the units, so that although 4,200 workers are working here, only 2% of them are local villagers, employed mainly in menial positions as sweepers or daily wagers.
These are some of the findings of the first systematic study on the functioning of SEZs financed by Action Aid and undertaken by the Delhi-based Hazards Centre.
‘Special Economic Zones: How Special and how Economic’ highlights how SEZs, which are 30-40 years old (they were earlier known as Free Trade Zones), suffer from several major drawbacks, the main one being that they have not attracted the kind of foreign direct investment (FDI) that the government had anticipated.
The study quotes extensively from an American study of FDI flows in China (Lee and Fritz Foley’s study ‘Facts and Fallacies about US FDI in China’, 2007), which shows that FDI flows into China have been grossly overestimated. Moreover, 90% of the production from these SEZs caters to the local market and is not export-oriented.
Although the Indian government has approved 366 SEZS, only 19 are functional. They have attracted FDI worth Rs 525.70 crore against private investment of Rs 4,649.94 crore. Investment by the central and state governments till 2007 was Rs 1052.25 crore.
Of the 19 functioning SEZs, the Hazards Centre monitored the performance of Kandla in Gujarat, Falta in West Bengal, Vishakhapatnam in Andhra Pradesh, Jaipur in Rajasthan and Manesar in Haryana.during 2007-08.
According to the study, four of these SEZs were not manufacturing the goods they had originally set out to manufacture. Kandla was developed as a textile and garment hub but had switched over to manufacturing chemicals and fertilisers. Falta, set up to export plastic and rubber, was presently doing business in textiles and garments. Vishakhapatnam, set up to manufacture fine chemicals and engineering goods had switched over to export of high value gems and jewellery. Jaipur alone continued to fulfil its original objective, which was to work in gems and jewellery.
Says Dunu Roy, director of the Hazards Centre, “It is obvious that there was poor assessment of market demand at the time these SEZs were created because today they are making something completely different.”
The older SEZs with the lowest per unit investment (Jaipur and Kandla) were found to have the best export figures.
The survey also found that not enough market research had been done before setting up these zones. The result is that in most SEZs, the number of manufacturing units has come down drastically.
In Kandla, only half of the original 362 units that were set up are functioning. Prestigious units belonging to the Mafatlal and Milton groups have shut down. And while the SEZ claimed to employ 16,581 people, a field visit to the district commissioner’s office in Kandla showed the exact figure was 14,299.
In the same way, the Falta SEZ has 127 functioning units although more than 200 units had been approved originally. Local workers pointed out that only 90 units run on a daily basis. The factory inspector admitted that only ten industries in this SEZ have been registered under the Factories Act.
Vishakhapatnam has generated direct employment for 4,200 people, though the state government had promised employment in a ratio of 60 persons for every acre of land that was acquired. This, the report points out, would have meant the creation of 21,600 jobs.
The Sitapura Industrial Area near Jaipur has been developed on 1,646 acres of land. Villagers from eight villages were evicted to create this SEZ. Lack of employment and gross underpayment of those who do manage to find jobs continues to be a major problem.
In Falta, casual labourers were being paid as little as Rs 30 per day and if a worker took two days of leave, he was fired. “Six months ago, workers launched an agitation and blocked the roads preventing goods carriers from entering FSEZ. Under pressure, the SEZ authorities increased the daily wages to Rs 68 per day and provident fund of Rs 10 per day would be deducted from the salary of the more experienced workers. No industrial unit is willing to take responsibility for on-site accidents,” says Dunu Roy.
In no SEZ is labour hired on a permanent basis, nor is any healthcare provided, the report found. Children are known to be employed in several industries in contravention of labour laws. They are being smuggled in early in the morning and smuggled out late in the evening. Since labour inspectors are not allowed to inspect SEZs, increasing numbers of children are being sucked into the labour pool at lower wages.
Another big source of concern according to the report is that these SEZs are producing huge amounts of toxic waste that is being dumped indiscriminately in the agricultural fields of villagers living outside these zones. The official stance is that only ‘non-polluting’ units have been permitted in SEZs, but this is belied by the complaints of villagers who find a huge reduction in agricultural productivity in their fields which have been inundated by industrial effluents.
The Development Commissioner of West Bengal admitted that no treatment plants have been built to treat solid or liquid waste, and that effluents were flowing out “anywhere outside the boundary wall”, draining into agricultural land and ponds where fishing was practised. Fisherfolk in this area complain that the fishing stock has been hugely depleted in the past one decade.
Villagers complain about the deterioration of their natural environment and the sharp increase in diseases. They also point out that while the state authorities have developed some infrastructure within the economic zones, they have failed to provide any facilities for the surrounding areas.
The Manesar SEZ has been allotted to a private developer -- the Uppal group -- and is not yet functional. The Uppal group had proposed an investment of an estimated Rs 6,500 crore but given the way the market has crashed, it is difficult to see how the group will raise the money to start the numerous knowledge-based industries visualised earlier.
Roy points out that “SEZs begin with high public investment and only when they stabilise does the private entrepreneur step up his investment. Foreign investment comes in at a much later stage when the risks have been covered. It is for this reason that most developers want to use these zones for the purposes of land transaction so they can cover their investment.”
He adds, “Export growth has been slow except in the case of dedicated single-product SEZs that have remained true to their objectives. It can therefore be said that they have fallen far short of their stated objectives.”
The report concludes that SEZs prove categorically that private profits cannot be married to public benefit. The government is using a fallacious argument when it believes that public benefit will come out of private enterprise because this has not been the case.
Saturday, October 19, 2013
Fragile Ecosystem Makes 'The Indian Bustard' Extinct
A fragile grassland ecosystem combined with skewed thrust on conservation of forest lands vis-a-vis the arid dry grasslands paints a bleak future for the Great Indian Bustard, whose numbers are fast dwindling.
The savannah ecosystems and agro pastoral grasslands present the last vestiges of survival for the Great Indian Bustard, the Lesser Florican and the Bengal Florican - the three bustard varieties found in India and part of the six sub-species of highly endangered bustards on earth.
Sunday, March 10, 2013
'Grievance Redressal Could Be The Next RTI'
The NCPRI, which includes Aruna Roy of the Rajasthan-based Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), was the organization that successfully campaigned for the Right to Information (RTI) Act, and has been pushing for several years for an effective grievance redressal bill. Such a bill was also one of the demands of the Anna Hazareled Lokpal movement.
While welcoming the approval of the Right of Citizens for Time Bound Delivery of Goods and Services and Redressal of their Grievances Bill, 2011 by the union Cabinet, the NCPRI raised some potential problems. The text of the cleared Bill, which went to the Cabinet after going through a standing committee, is not publicly available, so members of the NCPRI clarified that the issues they were raising were based on 16 slides uploaded on the Prime Minister’s Facebook page.
While several states, including Delhi, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Bihar, already have legislations mandating that public services be delivered within a fixed timeframe, the NCPRI said that there was no conflict with the central Bill. “The central Bill not only guarantees time-bound delivery of goods and services, it also gives the citizen a redressal mechanism if they are not getting what is rightfully theirs. So while Delhi’s state Act might give the citizen the right to get a ration card within a certain number of days of applying for it, the central Bill will help a citizen who is not getting her rightful ration,” explained Anjali Bhardwaj, co-convener of the NCPRI.
While a central Act could cover both central and state schemes, states didn’t necessarily need to repeal their laws as the citizen could have the choice whether to use the state or central Act as in the case of the RTI, said Nikhil Dey, co-convener of the NCPRI. “However there are two points over which there is a conflict with federalism: one is the provision that gives the citizen the right to approach the central public grievance commission if she is aggrieved by a decision of the state commission. The other is that orders passed by the central commission must be enforced by the state commission,” said Dey. Many states would oppose these provisions, and the government should amend them to ensure smooth passage for the Bill, he added.
Wednesday, January 15, 2014
Indo-US Diplomacy: Return Of 'Stolen Idols' Marks Revival
The U.S. handover to India this week, of idols worth more than $1.5m stolen from temples in Rajasthan, and Bihar or West Bengal, marked what seemed to be a gradual thaw in bilateral frost following a month-long diplomatic crisis.
In a repatriation ceremony at the New York Consulate of India, where the diplomat at the centre of the crisis, Devyani Khobragade, used to work, the U.S. Customs and Immigration Enforcement (ICE)’s Homeland Security Investigations (HIS) on Tuesday returned two sandstone sculptures of “Vishnu and Lakshmi,” respectively weighing 159 and 272 kg.
Tuesday, December 30, 2008
ITC to add more Flavour to Spices Business
By Piyush Kamdar
At A time when liquidity crunch and global meltdown appears to have deterred almost all companies across different segments to put their future growth plans on hold, ITC is looking to spice up its spices business in a big way. The company is planning to set up modernised processing infrastructure in Rajasthan for grading, sorting and cleaning of seed spices like cumin, coriander and pepper.
The detailed investment plans are being worked out. The proposed integrated ‘cleaning-cum-sorting’ facility will enable ITC supply clean and graded seed spices procured from the mandis of Rajasthan, Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh to a growing and discerning domestic and international customers. The mechanised processing is intended to create value for customers in terms of supply of consistent hygienic products, adhering to specific quality specifications, an ITC spokesperson told ET. The new facility will be in addition to ITC’s spices cleaning, grinding, packing and steam sterilisation facility at Guntur.
Usage of seed spices like coriander and cumin, the spokesperson added, is steadily increasing because of the increased usage of ‘blended spices’ and ‘seasonings’ in ready-to-eat or cooked foods. The new facility will also give thrust to ITC’s planned foray into the growing value-added exports market for spices. It will also enable ITC to position itself as an integrated spices player.
Incidentally, the country’s fragmented Rs 20,000-crore spices market is characterised by a large number of unorganised players having semimanual, small facilities across the country and adhering to varying quality standards. Apart from this, ITC is also planning investments to mechanise its various operations in its supply chain, especially for grading and sorting of chillies, turmeric and pepper. It is also looking to set up a pepper garbling and steam-washing facility in Kerala as well as a ‘blended spices’ facility in the next two years. The total outlay on these facilities is expected to be around Rs 4-5 crore. The location for the blended spices facility is yet to be finalised.
ITC’s spices business traces its genesis to internal synergies with the foods business’ Aashirvaad brand of spices. The business endeavours to bring global food safety standards to the fore in the Indian market, besides catering to global requirements by adhering to stringent standards of food safety across regions and countries.
Building on internal synergies, the spices business has grown over the years, increasing supplies to domestic exporters and manufacturers. It is rapidly making inroads into European, American, Japanese, South African, South East Asian and Middle Eastern markets, catering to a wide range of customers — from wholesale traders to processed food manufacturers.
Rapidly expanding market reach necessitated an expanding product bandwidth, which grew from the basic chilli, turmeric and coriander to pepper, cumin, nutmeg, mustard, fennel, fenugreek and curry powders. The product portfolio now includes powders, flakes, cracked and milled spices besides whole spices.
As part of its expansion strategy, the spices business forayed into pesticide residue-free spices and organic spices, targeting niche customers spread across the globe. The business already has huge captive cultivation of pesticide residue free chillies in India spread across the states of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu.
At A time when liquidity crunch and global meltdown appears to have deterred almost all companies across different segments to put their future growth plans on hold, ITC is looking to spice up its spices business in a big way. The company is planning to set up modernised processing infrastructure in Rajasthan for grading, sorting and cleaning of seed spices like cumin, coriander and pepper.
The detailed investment plans are being worked out. The proposed integrated ‘cleaning-cum-sorting’ facility will enable ITC supply clean and graded seed spices procured from the mandis of Rajasthan, Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh to a growing and discerning domestic and international customers. The mechanised processing is intended to create value for customers in terms of supply of consistent hygienic products, adhering to specific quality specifications, an ITC spokesperson told ET. The new facility will be in addition to ITC’s spices cleaning, grinding, packing and steam sterilisation facility at Guntur.
Usage of seed spices like coriander and cumin, the spokesperson added, is steadily increasing because of the increased usage of ‘blended spices’ and ‘seasonings’ in ready-to-eat or cooked foods. The new facility will also give thrust to ITC’s planned foray into the growing value-added exports market for spices. It will also enable ITC to position itself as an integrated spices player.
Incidentally, the country’s fragmented Rs 20,000-crore spices market is characterised by a large number of unorganised players having semimanual, small facilities across the country and adhering to varying quality standards. Apart from this, ITC is also planning investments to mechanise its various operations in its supply chain, especially for grading and sorting of chillies, turmeric and pepper. It is also looking to set up a pepper garbling and steam-washing facility in Kerala as well as a ‘blended spices’ facility in the next two years. The total outlay on these facilities is expected to be around Rs 4-5 crore. The location for the blended spices facility is yet to be finalised.
ITC’s spices business traces its genesis to internal synergies with the foods business’ Aashirvaad brand of spices. The business endeavours to bring global food safety standards to the fore in the Indian market, besides catering to global requirements by adhering to stringent standards of food safety across regions and countries.
Building on internal synergies, the spices business has grown over the years, increasing supplies to domestic exporters and manufacturers. It is rapidly making inroads into European, American, Japanese, South African, South East Asian and Middle Eastern markets, catering to a wide range of customers — from wholesale traders to processed food manufacturers.
Rapidly expanding market reach necessitated an expanding product bandwidth, which grew from the basic chilli, turmeric and coriander to pepper, cumin, nutmeg, mustard, fennel, fenugreek and curry powders. The product portfolio now includes powders, flakes, cracked and milled spices besides whole spices.
As part of its expansion strategy, the spices business forayed into pesticide residue-free spices and organic spices, targeting niche customers spread across the globe. The business already has huge captive cultivation of pesticide residue free chillies in India spread across the states of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu.
Wednesday, December 10, 2008
Assembly Elections - Time to Retrospect
By M H Ahssan & Kajol Singh
Although the outcome of the Assembly polls is being described as a 3-2 victory for the Congress, it is actually a two-all draw since Mizoram’s results do not have much influence on national politics. Even then, the Congress can be said to have its nose ahead since the BJP’s earlier string of victories seems to have come to an end.
After its successes in Gujarat, Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand and Karnataka, the BJP had seemingly convinced itself that it had acquired an unstoppable momentum on the road to Delhi. But, now it is bound to have a rethink, for the tide appears to have turned, even if partially. However, that is not the only reason for the sadness that was noticeable in its New Delhi office on Monday evening. What may have concerned the BJP more is the belief that it may have lost its terror card, which apparently gave it a permanent edge over the Congress.
By accusing the latter of being soft on terror in order to preserve its minority vote bank, the BJP evidently thought that it had an irrefutable argument to influence the voters. But what has proved this assessment wrong is the Delhi election results because the elections took place the day after the horrendous terrorist attack on Mumbai. Yet, the ease with which the Congress swept the polls showed that the tragedy had virtually no impact on the electorate. Even the Congress seemed to have been taken aback by this response, for it had believed that terrorism, coupled with inflation, would spell disaster for it.
If the voters thought otherwise, it was apparently because they looked upon these as passing phases with no long-term effect. Not only would prices come down, as they have already started to do, but the very insanity of the jihadis would lead them to their doom. They were also probably not too pleased by the BJP’s propensity to make political capital out of such tragedies.
The BJP is apparently worried that such an interpretation of its motives will not leave any cards in its hands for the next big test the general election.
The other indication from the voters relates to their interest in development. The reason why Sheila Dikshit, Shivraj Singh Chauhan and Raman Singh won in Delhi, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh is that their almost exclusive focus was on the bijli-sadak-pani factor. If politicians get this message, it will mark an end of divisive politics.
Results of five states that went to election over the past few weeks have surprised many observers. Congress has won Delhi and Mizoram decisively and inching towards the half-way mark in Rajasthan. BJP on the other hand has managed to retain Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh.
Delhi
Bucking anti-incumbency factor in Indian elections once is quite an achievement and doing it twice is extraodinary. Sheila Dixit has been able to do just that. Her opponent, Vijay Malhotra, currently a BJP MP from South Delhi parliamentary seat was not able to enthuse the base or adapt to the changing demographics in Delhi. Delhi that went to polls just three days after Mumbai attacks seemed to suggest that even in assembly elections local factors play a bigger role. It also seemed to rebut BJP’s allegation that Congress is soft on terrorism.
Rajasthan
After the Meena Gujjar agitation earlier this year, it was very difficult for Vasundhara Raje to dig herself out of the hole and win the elections. Her performance, though credible will leave BJP with a big headache where it has to defend 21 out of 25 Lok Sabha seats in the upcoming general elections. Ashok Gehlot, has led his party to victory again and he will be able to cobble up a coalition with independents to form a government.
Madhya Pradesh
The central Indian state has had three chief ministers in five years. It was Uma Bharati who won a decisive victory against the Congress in 2003 but resigned from the post due to her role in the Hubli-Idgah controversy. Her place was taken by Babulal Gaur who was then replaced by a much younger Shivraj Chauhan. It is to his credit that he had been able to win the state again despite Uma Bharati contesting elections as a separate entity and a much powerful Bahujan Samaj Party.
Chhattisgarh
Raman Singh has managed to win a narrow victory in a very close fight in this small state. Ajit Jogi, who was caught on tape after last assembly elections bargaining with opposition MLAs, led the challenge this time too and lost.
Mizoram
The tiny northeastern state brought Congress back to power after 10 years with the ruling Mizo National Front losing by a big margin. BJP hardly has any presence in the state.
Some quick thoughts on the results:
Good governance matters. It might not matter every time but it still pays to perform and then go asking for votes.
Terrorism is a national issue and these assembly elections might not exactly be a referendum on policy positions of either Congress of BJP.
Caste politics still pays in India but it might not be a winning proposition anymore. It increasingly is providing little dividends at high risk.
The results are like a hung parliament. Everyone can claim victory.
Mayawati can be the next Prime Minister of India. I can’t believe I just wrote it.
Although the outcome of the Assembly polls is being described as a 3-2 victory for the Congress, it is actually a two-all draw since Mizoram’s results do not have much influence on national politics. Even then, the Congress can be said to have its nose ahead since the BJP’s earlier string of victories seems to have come to an end.
After its successes in Gujarat, Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand and Karnataka, the BJP had seemingly convinced itself that it had acquired an unstoppable momentum on the road to Delhi. But, now it is bound to have a rethink, for the tide appears to have turned, even if partially. However, that is not the only reason for the sadness that was noticeable in its New Delhi office on Monday evening. What may have concerned the BJP more is the belief that it may have lost its terror card, which apparently gave it a permanent edge over the Congress.
By accusing the latter of being soft on terror in order to preserve its minority vote bank, the BJP evidently thought that it had an irrefutable argument to influence the voters. But what has proved this assessment wrong is the Delhi election results because the elections took place the day after the horrendous terrorist attack on Mumbai. Yet, the ease with which the Congress swept the polls showed that the tragedy had virtually no impact on the electorate. Even the Congress seemed to have been taken aback by this response, for it had believed that terrorism, coupled with inflation, would spell disaster for it.
If the voters thought otherwise, it was apparently because they looked upon these as passing phases with no long-term effect. Not only would prices come down, as they have already started to do, but the very insanity of the jihadis would lead them to their doom. They were also probably not too pleased by the BJP’s propensity to make political capital out of such tragedies.
The BJP is apparently worried that such an interpretation of its motives will not leave any cards in its hands for the next big test the general election.
The other indication from the voters relates to their interest in development. The reason why Sheila Dikshit, Shivraj Singh Chauhan and Raman Singh won in Delhi, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh is that their almost exclusive focus was on the bijli-sadak-pani factor. If politicians get this message, it will mark an end of divisive politics.
Results of five states that went to election over the past few weeks have surprised many observers. Congress has won Delhi and Mizoram decisively and inching towards the half-way mark in Rajasthan. BJP on the other hand has managed to retain Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh.
Delhi
Bucking anti-incumbency factor in Indian elections once is quite an achievement and doing it twice is extraodinary. Sheila Dixit has been able to do just that. Her opponent, Vijay Malhotra, currently a BJP MP from South Delhi parliamentary seat was not able to enthuse the base or adapt to the changing demographics in Delhi. Delhi that went to polls just three days after Mumbai attacks seemed to suggest that even in assembly elections local factors play a bigger role. It also seemed to rebut BJP’s allegation that Congress is soft on terrorism.
Rajasthan
After the Meena Gujjar agitation earlier this year, it was very difficult for Vasundhara Raje to dig herself out of the hole and win the elections. Her performance, though credible will leave BJP with a big headache where it has to defend 21 out of 25 Lok Sabha seats in the upcoming general elections. Ashok Gehlot, has led his party to victory again and he will be able to cobble up a coalition with independents to form a government.
Madhya Pradesh
The central Indian state has had three chief ministers in five years. It was Uma Bharati who won a decisive victory against the Congress in 2003 but resigned from the post due to her role in the Hubli-Idgah controversy. Her place was taken by Babulal Gaur who was then replaced by a much younger Shivraj Chauhan. It is to his credit that he had been able to win the state again despite Uma Bharati contesting elections as a separate entity and a much powerful Bahujan Samaj Party.
Chhattisgarh
Raman Singh has managed to win a narrow victory in a very close fight in this small state. Ajit Jogi, who was caught on tape after last assembly elections bargaining with opposition MLAs, led the challenge this time too and lost.
Mizoram
The tiny northeastern state brought Congress back to power after 10 years with the ruling Mizo National Front losing by a big margin. BJP hardly has any presence in the state.
Some quick thoughts on the results:
Good governance matters. It might not matter every time but it still pays to perform and then go asking for votes.
Terrorism is a national issue and these assembly elections might not exactly be a referendum on policy positions of either Congress of BJP.
Caste politics still pays in India but it might not be a winning proposition anymore. It increasingly is providing little dividends at high risk.
The results are like a hung parliament. Everyone can claim victory.
Mayawati can be the next Prime Minister of India. I can’t believe I just wrote it.
Wednesday, December 04, 2013
Exit Polls: Will BJP Outshine Congress In All Five States?
In the popular political narratives right now, the assembly elections in the five states is being perceived as a warm-up match for the Lok Sabha Election 2014. In fact, the biggest parties in the ring have made it abundantly clear in their campaign pitches that their fortunes in these five states have the potential to seal their fate in the general elections next year.
Accordingly, the poll promotions in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Mizoram and Delhi saw a strong thrust not on micro issues specific to each state, but larger national issues.
Sunday, September 15, 2013
Analysis: BJP Looking To Steal Poll 2014 March In India
Among 4states set for polls, Delhi toughest test for saffron party. Narendra Modi has been riding a wave since he was named chairman of the BJP’s election campaign committee in June 2013 and the party’s prime ministerial candidate for 2014.
It will be somewhat more difficult to prove whether he is also the BJP’s winning mascot. Among Delhi, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh that will go to polls later this year, Modi’s biggest test will be to upset the Congress government of Sheila Dikshit in Delhi. That will show whether the Modi magic really works.
Monday, July 04, 2016
Modi's Cabinet Reshuffle: With 'Big Four' Immune, Will The Exercise Be Purely Cosmetic?.
By M H AHSSAN | INNLIVE
With eyes on Uttar Pradesh assembly elections, Prime Minister Narendra Modi's cabinet reshuffle on July 5, is expected to factor in the BJP's political strategy in Uttar Pradesh. Some new ministers will take oath at about 11 am at the Rashtrapati Bhavan and sources told INNLIVEat least two more faces from Uttar Pradesh may join the Cabinet.
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