Showing posts sorted by date for query Nagaland. Sort by relevance Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by date for query Nagaland. Sort by relevance Show all posts

Friday, November 15, 2013

Sat-Tagged 'Amur Falcons' Of Nagaland Tracked Over Sea

By Sanjay Taluqdar | Kohima

Amur falcons Naga and Pangti, which were satellite-tagged in Nagaland, were on Thursday tracked flying over the Arabian Sea, the most difficult stretch of their migratory routes, after passing over Bangladesh, the Bay of Bengal, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Maharashtra towards their final destination in South Africa.

The third falcon, Wokha, was tracked flying over the Bay of Bengal.

Principal Chief Conservator of Forests and head of the Forest Force, Nagaland, M. Lokeswara Rao told INN Live that the tracking began soon after the three birds were released on November 6 after satellite tags with an antenna and solar panel, weighing five grams, had been fitted on their back by a team of scientists.

Friday, September 06, 2013

The Telangana Prophecy: Will More States Mean Conflict?

With the government clearing Telangana as India's 29th state, long-standing demands for separate states in other parts of the country have gained fresh momentum. This could be a foretelling of many more states to come, but would that necessarily augur ill for the unity of India? Noted historian Ramachandra Guha shares his thoughts.

Earlier in August, the UPA government decided to give the nod to India's 29th state Telangana, predictably setting in motion a spate of debates across the country.

Thursday, September 05, 2013

A Must See Place: Mishmi Hills's Flying Colours In AP

By Rajan Bala / Itanagar

INN takes in Arunachal Pradesh’s remote and unsurpassed beauty on a birding trip to the Mishmi Hills. These are a beautiful world of jaw-dropping landscapes—tropical forests, alpine meadows, shrubby woods, bamboo groves and sloping grasslands so deeply hued that verdant would be an understatement for this high rainfall biodiversity hotspot. The setting is simply other-worldly. Cerulean skies seem to reach out for the rolling hills. Trees wear giant creepers, elegantly draped. Orchids flower profusely on the forest floor as well as high up on trees. 

Sunday, July 14, 2013

Telangana: Politically Critical And Constitutionally Complex

By Madabhushi Sridhar (Guest Writer)

High command, Core Committee, Congress Working Committee, Amendment to the Constitution…etc are being discussed to find a solution to crisis around Telangana.  Congress is struggling to come out of killing indecision and unending assement of its prospects in coming elections.  The possible advancing of elections is another factor which makes ‘high command’ to act quickly. Not only for Congress for almost all main parties in Andhra Pradesh Telangana is a complex political issue. It is also Constitutionally complex problem for Union Government.

Wednesday, May 29, 2013

THE DEADLY REBELS: ASSAM BRACES FOR NEW 'THREAT'

By Simantik Dowerah (Guest Writer)

Barely out of the decades old Ulfa terror, Assam is staring at another similar, and potentially bigger, menace: Maoists. While there is no concrete proof yet that the red rebels have entrenched themselves in the state, stray indications point to that fact they could be in the process of doing so. Some recent cases prove that Maoist leaders from Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh are trying hard to spread out in the state by recruiting local youth.

Tuesday, May 28, 2013

WHY INDIA IS LOSING ITS WAR AGAINST NAXALITES?

By M H Ahssan / Hyderabad

Five decades ago, the special forces officer Roger Trinquier set about understanding why his nation losing to enemies it outgunned and outmanned. France, he wrote, was  “in studying a type of warfare that no longer exists and that we shall never fight again, while we pay only passing attention to the war we lost in Indochina and the one we are about to lose in Algeria.  The result of this shortcoming is that the army is not prepared to confront an adversary employing arms and methods the army itself ignores. It has, therefore, no chance of winning”.

Wednesday, May 08, 2013

GRIM FACTS: WHAT'S BEHIND A GLASS OF MILK?

By M H Ahssan / Hyderabad

INN throws light on some grim details about the cow in India, the world’s largest producer of milk.

You know that child who throws a terrible tantrum over a glass of milk. How he kicks and screams and refuses to touch the stuff? Haven’t you wondered what the fuss is all about? After all, it’s just a glass of milk.

It turns out the child may just have the right idea. The business of producing milk — indeed, the multi-crore rupee cattle industry it’s a part of — is sustained by a process of relentless cruelty towards animals, from birth till death, with little letup. Cruelty compounded by poorly defined, poorly implemented methods and gross violations.

Thursday, May 02, 2013

'ARUNACHAL' TOPS IN HANDLING 'CHILD NUTRITION'

By M H Ahssan / New Delhi

The problem is likely to be less severe than UN statistics indicate, given faulty yardsticks. If asked to name the state with the lowest incidence of child malnutrition in India, readers will overwhelmingly pick one of Kerala, Goa, Himachal Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra, Punjab or West Bengal. But they will all be wrong by a wide margin: none of these states appears among even the top five performers. 

IN LAKSHADWEEP, PETROL IS SELLING AT 200 PER LITRE!

By CJ Rajendran in Lakshdweep

At Lakshadweep Islands, which is not quite the paradise you would have imagined. Muhammad Basheer is the only and well-known Cameramen in the island of Kavarati, to whom islanders are used to reach for the video coverage of wedding ceremonies. He is roaming besides the sea by carrying his camera on the left shoulder. As all other youngster in islands he was studied in Kerala and successfully attained graduation in Arabic language.

During his Kerala days he was being dreamt about to own a Motor cycle. Five years ago his dream accomplished with unlimited pain and sorrows.

Saturday, April 27, 2013

TERROR HAVEN: THE NASTY AND THE NORTHEAST

By M H Ahssan / Shillong

Manir Khan's 'operational area' was Assam. The sub-inspector with Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence had executed two 'assignments' in the state. But he was third time unlucky, as Indian sleuths nabbed him from west Tripura in July 2010. 

Khan told interrogators that his duty was to ferry back “quality information” for better “tactical appreciation” of cross-national issues to his masters in Pakistan. In his initial visits, Khan had carried out “feasibility recces” of the Tripura corridor connecting Bangladesh-Tripura and Assam, says an interrogation report. 

Sunday, April 21, 2013

DISGUSTING BUSINESS - 'CURSE OF THE RHINO HORNS'

By Kajol Singh, Sandeep Muzkala / Dispur

Soaring prices of rhino horns have led to a new spurt of poaching in the Kaziranga National Park, Assam. Once heralded as a conservation success story, the park is now being held hostage by poachers. INN travels to the park to investigate and find answers to the conservation riddle.


Many emotions flit across Kartik Pegu’s face when he talks about his exploits. Only one emotion is missing—remorse. Each time Kartik mentions killing a rhino and chopping off its horn his face lights up with enthusiasm. He curls up the fingers of his right hand around an imaginary trigger; the same hand is used to show a make-believe barrel.

Thursday, April 18, 2013

CJ REPORT: 'VOTER CARDS' GET TO MAKE-OVER IN COLOR SOON

By CJ Seema Singh in New Delhi

The Election Commission is considering changing the laminated voter identity card into a driving license-like hard plastic card which is more durable.

“At present, the laminated Electors Photo Identity Card (EPIC) is made of paper with the elector’s photograph. Now we are considering changing it at the pan-India level to a hard plastic card, something like a driving card or a credit card,” Deputy Election Commissioner Alok Shukla said today.


The new voter card with colour photos will be first issued in Assam and Nagaland, he told an Interactive Session here.


Nearly 95 per cent voters are covered with EPIC except in Assam and Nagaland. The current card costs about Rs 10-12 and the new EPIC will incur an expenditure of less Rs 50.


However, the Commission will charge a fee, which will be less that Rs 50, from the voters holding the present EPIC to convert them into hard plastic cards. The choice to opt for the new version will be that of the voter.


The Commission has already held meetings with representatives of various organisations — both private and state-owned– for price negotiations for the new card that will carry colour photos and will be long lasting as compared to the present ones.


But the new card will not be a smart card unlike a driving license, EC officials said.

Monday, April 15, 2013

GUEST COLUMN: Manipur And Its Demand For Internal Autonomy

By Rangja Samerkez (Guest Writer)

Reviewing the fraught political situation in Manipur with the diverging demands for autonomy, which revived after apparent progress and near closure of the talks with the Nagas, this article assesses those demands and traces their origins. Arguing that the government has now an opportunity to force a compromise solution on all parties, it calls for a proactive role of the government to bring about lasting peace in the region.

Recent days have seen much commentary on the festering turmoil in Manipur where different ethnic groups are making competing autonomy demands. These demands were always there, but they were given a fresh lease of life by the ongoing Indo-Naga political talks. The Indo-Naga talks are actually more about Manipur than about Nagaland, as the issues discussed impinge directly on Manipur and its territorial integrity. The proverbial sword of Damocles hangs over Manipur’s head. These talks have meandered for the last 15 years, still with no solution in sight. 

Saturday, April 13, 2013

India Is Asia’s Dharamshala – Why Not Learn To Love It?

The benevolence of politicians and bureaucrats is sometimes no benevolence at all. For some time now, there has been a trickle of Hindus from Pakistan coming to India on short-term visas, but their real purpose has never been in doubt: to flee discrimination and violence against Hindus in Pakistan.

Earlier this week, the home ministry granted a one-month visa extension to 480 Pakistani Hindus who have been seeking permanent resident status here.  An Indian Express report quoted a ministry official thus: “They will not be deported. Since it takes time to take any decision on their appeals, we have extended their visas for a month.”

Sorry, sir, this is no longer about 480 people. For the last 65 years, India has been facing an influx of people fleeing either religious persecution or ethnic strife or economic conditions in all our neighbouring countries. But we have simply refused to evolve a policy to address all these issues. We want to do everything on a case-by-case basis, or, better still, ignore the problem till it gets resolved illegally: by people acquiring Indian residency by stealth.

Given the numbers of illegal migrants – perhaps running into millions now – we have probably become the world’s biggest dharamshala, but that is something to be proud of. It validates the idea of inclusive India. What we cannot be proud of is that we have allowed this to happen by accident and exception, rather than by a clear-sighted policy.

Our inward immigration policy is a mess. We have separate policies (or default approaches) for Tibetans, for Nepalese, for Sri Lankan Tamils, for Bangladeshis, for Pakistani Hindus and for the rest. Then there are Muslim Rohingyas from Myanmar and Afghans (a motley group comprising Sikhs, Hindus and even Muslims) and what not – and we don’t have a clue what to do with them.

For a country that was artificially partitioned in 1947, it should have been obvious that people will migrate here and there. As a secular alternative to all our less-than-secular neighbours, we have always known that immigration will be more inward and less outward. As a democratic oasis in a largely undemocratic or autocratic south Asian region, we should have had policies to accept refugees fleeing persecution.

As a rapidly globalising country, we have known since 1991 that Indian companies need to recruit foreign professionals to work here just as we expect foreign governments to allow Indians to work in their countries.

But what we have now is a patchwork and illogical system that has been adapted to exigencies of specific situations at specific times.

The Tibetans were allowed in in Nehru’s time. But do we have a policy in case it finally becomes clear that they will never get an autonomous state inside China and can’t return? What if they have to stay here permanently? Will they be given full Indian citizenship?

The Nepalese, under the 1950 India-Nepal Friendship Treaty, are allowed almost free access inside India – almost like Indian citizens. This is the most liberal policy we have with our neighbours, and has remained on the statute book even though our political relationship with Nepal has gone from good to uncertain after the Communists entered government and ended the Hindu monarchy.

When it comes to Bangladesh, we have three policies – or non-policies: one for Assam, another for some north-eastern states, and yet another for the rest.

Under the Assam Accord of 1985, anyone who came to Assam before 1 January 1966 will be allowed to stay and become Indian citizens. Those who came between this date and 24 March 1971 were to be detected but not deported. They would be deleted from electoral rolls, but could get back after 10 years. The rest were to be detected and deported.

The accord has more or less been a dead letter, since politicians in need of immigrant votes refused to implement it. As for the remaining north-eastern states, migration is either fully illegal and politically accepted, or we have restrictions that apply even to Indian citizens.

In Nagaland, Mizoram and Arunachal Pradesh, Indians need inner line permits to visit those states even as tourists. The Bangladeshis who enter India traipse around tribal Meghalaya, but have found an easy perch in Tripura. Together with pre-1947 migration, they have relegated the locals to minority status. As for Kashmir, Indians can tour the state but can’t buy property or settle there. Even if they marry Kashmiris, they can’t acquire property there.

As for potential workers and immigrants from the rest of the world, we have the most restrictive policy on board, where the intention is to debar foreigners from working here – unless they earn more than $25,000 per annum. This rules out any kind of work visa for foreigners in India beyond highly qualified technical personnel or short-term consultants – so forget about allowing for easy migration.

As a liberal, democratic country, India has an obligation to run a truly liberal and open immigration policy that does not discriminate. This is a country that took in persecuted people from ancient times to the modern era (Zoroastrians, Jews, Tibetans). We have even accepted invaders as our own.

This should be the broad backdrop against which we should frame a unified immigration and work permit policy. The policy should include the following:

First, we must have a clear policy for taking in refugees from persecution. It does not matter which religion or ethnic group the person belongs to. It is ironic that political parties are willing to plead the case of Bangladeshi Muslims, who can only be chasing economic opportunities here, but not Hindu refugees from Pakistan. At a later stage, we should be willing to take in even Muslim refugees from Pakistan – for who knows what will happen if the Taliban takes over Pakistan? Obviously, this policy needs safeguards, but if there is a will, we can put one in place.

Second, we must have a system of regularising long-term migrants who are settled here. The Assam accord specifically provided for that, but we didn’t implement it. We neither put in place an impenetrable fence to keep future immigrants out nor a system of formally recognising the Bangladeshis’ need to find work here – through a system of work permits or guest workers with no citizenship rights.

Third, India needs to work out a free-movement agreement (especially for tourism and work) with all its neighbours barring Pakistan. Setting a high salary limit of $25,000 for work permits may be all right for westerners, but not for our neighbours in South Asia. The threshold needs to be much lower.

Fourth, residency permits and citizenship norms need to be easier. Currently, it takes 12 years for a foreigner to get citizenship by naturalisation, and seven years if they are married to an Indian citizen. One wonders why this waiting period needs to be so long. Seven years is too long a wait for a marriage to be seen as legitimate enough to warrant grant of citizenship to the foreign spouse.

Isn’t it high time we opened our front doors to the world instead of winking at their entry through the back door?

CJ REPORT: Nagaland Faces 16 Hours Of Loadshedding

Nagaland has been reeling under acute shortage of power supply with State Power Department resorting to 12-16 hours of load shedding every day.

Chief Engineer (Power), K Miachieo in a statement has said due to the huge gap between demand and availability of power, the department has been buying an additional 20MW from Power exchange since December 2012 to make up the shortage.

He said the peak demand is 110MW and the off-peak demand is 70MW, whereas the state is getting only 40MW and 20MW during peak and off-peak hours. There is a deficit of 70MW during the peak demand and 45MW during the off-peak demand, he said.

Meanwhile, Advisor to New and Renewable Energy and MLA, Khriehu Liezietsu said that the state government in order to ease the problem of electricity faced by the people these days, has allocated 95 acres of land for setting up of mega solar projects.

NRE Advisor also inaugurated Nagaland’s first 10 KW Wind-Solar Hybrid Power Plant at Zunheboto Government College in Zunheboto district on April 9.

                                          (This Citizen Journalist Report was filed by Aztul Manchika in Kohima)

Monday, March 18, 2013

Team @ INN

TEAM @ INN LIVE NEWS
  1. ASSOCIATE EDITOR - Sandeep Roy
  2. ASSISTANT EDITOR - Likha Veer
  3. COPY EDITOR - Jagmaal Rana
  4. RESEARCH EDITOR - Rahul Khanna
  1. DESIGN & GRAPHICS - Anushree Upadhyay
  2. PUBLIC RELATIONS - Saif Rehman
  3. ADVERTISING - Pramod Shukla
  4. SUBSCRIPTION - Nancy Fernandez
  5. MARKETING & SALES - Rohit Kumar
INTERNATIONAL

NEW YORK / LONDON / RIYADH / JEDDAH / ALKHOBAR / MUSCAT / DOHA / DUBAI / KUWAIT / MANAMA / SINGAPORE / TOKYO / BEIJING / ISLAMABAD / DHAKA / KHATMANDU / COLOMBO / SYDNEY / AUCKLAND / MYANMAAR /

NATIONAL DESK
POLITICS - Rajender Gupta
SPORTS - Shahnawaz Siddiqui
BUSINESS - Sameera Rao
ENTERTAINMENT - Niloufer Khan
TECHNOLOGY - Vidya Nath Reddy
HEALTH - Dr.Rashmi Sanyal
EDUCATION - Tejaswi Kumar
HUMAN RESOURCES - Sridhar Pandey

NEWS BUREAUS
CORRESPONDENTS
  • BANGALORE
  • PATNA
  • SRINAGAR
  • IMPHAL
  • DISPUR
  • TRIVANDRUM
  • BHOPAL
  • LUCKNOW
  • RAIPUR 
  • CHANDIGARH
  • BHUBANESHWAR
  • AHMEDABAD
  • PANAJI
  • SHIMLA
  • GANGTOK
  • ITANAGAR
  • JAIPUR
  • KOHIMA
  • SHILLONG
  • AIZWAL
  • AGARTALA
  • RANCHI
  • DEHRADUN
  • PONDICHERRY
INDIA NEWS
  • Editor: Suguna Kumar
  • Associate Editor: Shanti K Bala
  • Assistant Editor (Urdu Edition): Riyaz Jamal
  • Assistant Editor (Hindi Edition): Suryavanshi Raj
  • Assistant Editor (Telugu Edition): Ravi Raj Pinishetti
  • Research and Operations: Swati Desai
  • Bureau Chief: Altaf Raja, Kajol Singh, Aniket Saxena
  • Correspondents: Anita Swami, Sikender Shah, Parvati Reddy, Raja Rao,  Mrinalini, Dr.Sunder Kumar, Arjun Mahopadhya, Ashok Shekhar, Fauzia Arshi, Sonam Sethi, Shazia Khan, Avinash Avasthi, Ria Raj, Vaishali Thakur, Sanjay Singh, Swati Reddy
INDIA TELEVISION
  • Associate Editors: Pankaj Bakshi, Varun Dheer
  • Input Editor: Devi Prasad
  • Output Editor: Ajay Singh
  • Programming Chief: Sayee Chandra
  • Operation Chief: Swati Mahek
  • Reporting Chief: Aleem Khan
  • Transmission Chief: Mubasshir Sohail
  • Sales and Marketing: Raj Kundra
MEDIA VISION
  • Director: Yawar Abbas
  • CEO: John Jashua
  • Operations: Preeti Chauhan
  • Marketing: Sunil Reddy
  • Production: Sukhwinder Pal
  • Research: Anjum Ara
HYDERABAD NEWS
  • Associate Editor: Arhaan Faraaz
  • Assistant Editor: Ramesh Reddy
  • Chief of Photography: Mansoor Ahmed, Shagufta Ali
  • Design and Layout: Brijesh Patel
  • Reporting: Shaheen Sultana, Ravi Reddy, Sharavya, Aeman Fatima Nishat
CITIZEN JOURNALIST NETWORK
  • Delhi / NCR - Samuel Khanna, Vicky Behl, Seema Singh
  • Uttar Pradesh - Rahul Mahajan, Shruti Singh, Seema Biswas
  • Maharashtra -  Ikram Shah, Varsha Walvekar, Simmi Kaul, Rahul Sharma, Rajiv Kamdar, Vijji Poonam
  • Andhra Pradesh -  Armaan Faisal, Sirish Reddy, Vasanta Kumari, Deepti Naidu, Renuka Rao, Mohammed Najamuddin, Lakshmi Rao, Syed Mirza
  • West Bengal - Utpal Chatterjee, Richa Rai, Manzoor Alam, Poonam Mondal
  • Karnataka -  Uma Gowda, Khaja Pasha, Uma Bharti, Sangamesh Gowda
  • Orissa - Vishal Deb, Raju Patnaik, Kamala Vidyarthi, Moushumi Roy
  • Tamilnadu - Ramalingam Shetty, Kumaramanglam, Sunita Aliyar
  • Madhya Pradesh - Sameera Khan, Sufiya Afreen, Harshjeet Singh
  • Gujarat - Ashish Patel, Rajesh Khemji, Mony Ben Patel
  • Rajashtan - Mohd. Irfan, Preeti Sahay, Rajmand Khurana, Baljeet Singh
  • Kerala - Achyuta Menon, Shreya Alupatti
  • Nagaland - Aztul Manchika
  • Assam - Sandeep Muzkala
  • Jammu & Kashmir - Iqbal Durjahan, Asif Khan
  • Uttar Pradesh - Biswas Rampal, Ankita Singh, Shekhar Lal
  • Bihar - Munna Biware, Shruti Kher
  • Goa - Rahul Fernandez
  • Singapore - Vikram Shah
  • Oman - Vijj Khan, Rehan Fazil, Abubacker Shamsi
  • United Arab Emirates - Mohammed Wali, Alkhatib Younus, Salma Nazar
  • Saudi Arabia - Rashed Al Marai, Meraj Khiwani, Shaik Raza, Sameera Aziz, Fauzia Arshi,
  • United States - John Mathews, Vicky Kapoor, Anna Swati
  • United Kingdom - Rahil Khan, Suchitra Sharma, Balwinder Singh

Sunday, March 10, 2013

Over 1,000 IAS Officers Fail To Submit Property Returns

Over 1,000 IAS officers have failed to submit their immovable property returns (IPRs) to the government within the stipulated time frame this year.

Of the total of 1,057 officers who did not submit their IPRs for 2012, a highest of 147 are from Uttar Pradesh cadre, 114 of Arunachal Pradesh-Goa-Mizoram-Union Territories (AGMUT), 100 of Manipur-Tripura, 96 of Jammu and Kashmir and 88 of Madhya Pradesh cadre among others, according to Department of Personnel and Training data.

Suspended IAS couple Arvind and Tinoo Joshi of MP cadre are also among the list of erring officials. Joshis, both 1979 batch officers of Madhya Pradesh cadre, made headlines after Income Tax department raided their residence in February, 2010 and allegedly unearthed assets worth over Rs 350 crore.

58 IAS officers of Karnataka cadre, 53 of Andhra Pradesh, 48 of Punjab, 47 of Orissa, 45 of West Bengal, 40 of Himachal Pradesh, 35 of Haryana, 25 of Jharkhand, 23 of Assam-Meghalaya, 22 of Rajasthan, 20 of Tamil Nadu, 17 of Maharashtra, 16 of Nagaland, 14 of Gujarat, 13 of Bihar, 10 of Kerala, nine each of Uttarakhand and Chhattisgarh and eight of Sikkim cadre have not given their IPRs, it said.

The total sanctioned strength of IAS is 6,217, including 1,339 promotion posts. Of these, 4,737 officers are in position.

An all-India service officer is bound to file property returns of a year by January end of the following year, failing which promotion and empanelment to senior level postings may be denied.

Besides, there are 107 IAS officers who have not submitted their IPRs for 2011. As many as 198 IAS officials did not give their property details for 2010. “A circular has already been sent to all cadre
controlling authorities to inform them about timely submission of their IPRs,” said an official of the DoPT, which acts as a nodal agency for administrative matters of the IAS officers.

Friday, January 18, 2013

For A Post-Colonial Congress

Can the century-old party reinvent itself at Jaipur and meet the challenges at its door?

The Congress’s three-day brainstorming conclave – chintan shivir – in Jaipur from today couldn’t have been better timed. The political crisis in Jharkhand presents new possibilities. Meanwhile, nine other states go to the polls in 2013: Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, Delhi, Karnataka, Meghalaya, Tripura, Nagaland and Mizoram. The outcome in Congress-ruled Rajasthan and Delhi and BJP-governed Karnataka could provide early clues to the 2014 general elections. 
    
A bruising budget session meanwhile looms. Finance minister P Chidambaram will have to defer around Rs 50,000 crore of Plan expenditure to beyond April 1, 2013 in order to keep the fiscal deficit below 5.5% of GDP. Instructions to cut or defer expenses have already gone out to every Union ministry. But the Congress’s real problem is not economics; it is politics. The precise timing of the 16th Lok Sabha elections will be decided by Mulayam Singh Yadav and Mayawati without whose support the UPA government would fall. 
    
At the Jaipur chintan shivir, UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi confronts three problems but has solutions to only two. The first problem is the choice of the UPA’s prime ministerial candidate in 2014. If the Congress wins more than 170 seats, the answer is Rahul Gandhi. If it doesn’t, the answer becomes more complicated. The focus will turn to finding an interim CEO for the party to replace Manmohan Singh who will be 82 years old in September 2014. 
    
Singh was leader of the opposition in the Rajya Sabha between 1998 and 2004 before being elevated to the prime ministership. Sonia may have to pick one from among her senior ministers for a similar role if the Congress can’t form a government in 2014 and it is necessary to sequester Rahul from long-term electoral damage. The chintan shivir will give us a good idea who that CEO could be: the reliable if colourless defence minister A K Antony, the ambitious and controversial P Chidambaram, or a dark horse like the external affairs minister Salman Khurshid.
    
Sonia’s second problem is rebuilding the party organisation in the states from the grassroots. Of the key state assembly elections scheduled to be held in 2013, the Congress is likely to do badly in all except Karnataka where B S Yeddyurappa’s breakaway Karnataka Janata Party and the Janata Dal (S) could create a hung assembly. The BJP faces a rout and the Congress, though lacking a charismatic local leader, may be able to stitch together a coalition government. 
    
Sonia’s third problem is public perception. The UPA is widely regarded as corrupt. It is held responsible for inflation. It has presided over an economic slowdown. And it has encouraged the worst excesses of crony capitalism. The game-changer Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT) scheme will provide balm but is not the surgery the Congress needs to redeem public trust. 
    
In 1947 Mahatma Gandhi, freedom achieved, wanted to disband the Congress and form new political organisations to contest free elections. Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel agreed. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru did not. Nehru’s view prevailed. In 1969, Indira Gandhi split the Congress to sideline the syndicate of regional satraps led by K Kamaraj and S Nijalingappa. The organisational and state-level decline of the Congress began in 1969 though Indira’s 1971 election victory and the euphoria over the Bangladesh war disguised it for nearly a decade. 
    
Nehru inherited a colonial administration. After Independence, it continued to serve the government in power. Colonial laws had been written to often protect British injustice, not deliver justice to Indians. Many remain cast in stone 150 years later, delaying and denying justice to ordinary Indians. Yet, Nehru did not impose chief ministers on states. The party’s local organisation was given a relatively free hand to choose regional leaders. Indira reversed that policy. She imposed state chief ministers, suspended intra-Congress elections, dismissed opposition state governments under Article 356 and undermined the judiciary. 
    
The important lesson for Sonia to absorb at the chintan shivir in Jaipur is to not follow her mother-in-law’s autocratic policies and hew instead to Nehru’s liberal, transparent leadership. Nehru made many errors: Jammu & Kashmir, China and even sowing the seeds of dynasty by appointing members of his family to high office – from Indira to sister Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit. The last thing the battered Congress needs is to emulate Nehru’s few missteps and ignore the many excellent examples of governance he set. 
    
In 1998, Sonia took charge of a party fraying at the edges. Fifteen years later, having become the longest-serving president in Congress history, the party’s edges have frayed further. In 1999, the Congress won 114 seats in the Lok Sabha, the lowest in its history. To avoid falling below that in 2014, Sonia has to solve the leadership problem, strengthen the organisation at the grassroots in the states and restore public confidence. 
    
With its vast army of workers and an overflowing party treasury, the Congress remains a formidable force. It has been underestimated before – in 1980 and again in 2004 – when it was supposed to lose the general elections but didn’t. It can resolve its first two problems – leadership and reorganising the states – with the right strategies. The third – public perception – may prove more intractable. On that could rest its fate in 2014. 

Wednesday, January 16, 2013

Cowardice is Not the Way to Secure Peace with Pakistan


It serves nobody’s purpose – not India’s, not Pakistan’s, nor the rest of the world’s – to allow the recent negative vibes over horrific incidents on the Line of Control (LoC) to degenerate into open hostilities or war. But it serves even less purpose to pretend that peace with Pakistan can be achieved by one-sided concessions, or what passes for policy on the Indian side.
The real choice before India in the wake of Pakistan’s continuing bad faith is not war or peace, as our weak-willed peaceniks and phony intelligentsia presume. Our only realistic option is a tense form of peace that can be held together by our own internal preparedness for any eventuality. We cannot count on Pakistan to do its bit to engender trust in us about their intentions, and history provides ample proof of this.
This calls for India to put a long-term strategic plan in place – the main elements of which include a strong defence capability, a strong counter-intelligence capability, the ability to destabilise Pakistan for our own purposes, and the ability to make precision strikes at terror targets inside Pakistan that would also include plausible deniability on India’s part.
Without these elements, no peace policy can work, for they will be seen by Pakistan as being the result of our weakness – and they would not be wrong on that score. Failure to secure ourselves is cowardice of the highest order masquerading as peace-seeking.
The peaceniks argue that pushing trade and easier people-to-people relationships will improve the constituency for peace inside Pakistan, and there is some truth in that. We should encourage trade and more people-to-people contacts.
But even this policy will fail if we do not understand what Pakistan will use these concessions for. The Pakistani army and the jehadis will use these open conduits to push hostility covertly. For example, once huge trade volumes result, what is to stop Pakistan from using a corrupt border bureaucracy to push guns or dangerous material into India directly through the trade route instead of clandestime means? For that matter, what is to stop Pakistan from pushing jehadis through the freer visa regime? Do we have the capability to monitor who comes and goes, when we have a track record of letting thousands of Pakistanis and Bangladeshis to overstay here without any machinery to check this influx? Decades after the Assam agitation, we have not pushed even a handful of illegal Bangladeshis out. Pakistanis will melt away just as easily in India with freer visas.
The reason is simple: Pakistan knows what it wants from India and is willing to stake everything it has to get it. We don’t know what we want from Pakistan, beyond a vague hope that they will leave us alone. That they won’t allow.
As MJ Akbar wrote the other day in The Times of India, Pakistan has a clear India policy (and this policy is decided by the army), but India’s has none towards Pakistan. A mushy approach to peace does not amount to a hard-headed strategic policy of engaging Pakistan that will really promote peace in the neighbourhood.
Let us acknowledge that there is real mistrust between Pakistan and India, but we are more willing to forget it than them. This is why we are repeatedly surprised by their perfidies. After each Pakistani outrage, we blustered for a while and then gave up.
As Akbar notes: “There were 57 cross-border violations by Pakistan in 2010, 60 in 2011 and 117 in 2012. Delhi’s response has been a private, and sometimes public, campaign to reduce our forces on the border. If it takes two sides to go to war, it also takes a partnership for peace. Manmohan Singh has the look of a lonely man abandoned by the partner of his dreams.”
For real peace to break out, several things have to change internally in Pakistan, but there is nothing we can do about it beyond preparing ourselves for the next act of perfidy from Pakistan and plan for some form of retribution and resilience.
To be sure, this writer is dead against the kind of jingoism being bandied about in some prime-time TV channels. These channels, in fact, play right into Pakistan’s hands by strengthening jehadi forces like Hafiz Saeed and his cohorts.
However, consider what Mihir Sharma considers a strategy for peace in Business Standard:  “India must push the agenda of increased openness and interdependence for its own reasons and in its own interests. This will, tiresomely often, require of us the high road. It will involve ignoring frequent provocation from one or another of the many interests in Pakistan who see rapprochement with India as dangerous — whether the bearded prophets of India’s dismemberment or the Scotch-swilling empire-builders in the cantonments. It will involve making concessions when returns seem non-existent or delayed — Pakistan still hasn’t granted India most favoured nation status, as it promised to do by the end of 2012. But that is what bigger partners do; and that’s the price of securing our neighbourhood. 
Sharma even thinks that Manmohan Singh‘s big achievement is the Sharm el Sheikh agreement with Pakistan, which was widely seen as a sellout. He believes that the Congress party humiliated Singh for allowing the Pakistanis to insert a line indicating that we may be fomenting trouble in Balochistan.
Now consider Akbar’s riposte to this: “Islamabad took the measure of Delhi in 2009 at Sharm el Sheikh, when, despite the international outrage over Mumbai (i.e. 26/11) and evidence of Pakistan’s involvement, it was Singh who made extraordinary concessions to put together a joint statement. The text was not shown to India’s National Security Adviser, MK Narayanan, who went ashen when he read the contents a little before it was released to media. Narayanan’s silence was purchased with a ghostly residence in Kolkata, also known as the Raj Bhavan. Pakistan’s Army concluded that if it could get away with Mumbai, it could get away with anything. It has.”
So the route to peace is to keep giving in to Pakistan’s belligerence?
Sharma’s logic for continuing with turn-the-other–cheek policies is this: “First, no other policy has worked. Outright belligerence? Failed. Using the United States to nudge the Pakistan establishment towards peacemaking? Failed. Turning our back on that border completely? Failed.”
What is missing in the above paragraph is one more line: “One-sided concessions and repeated peace overtures to Pakistan: Failed, too.”
To those who truly believe in peace, I offer this simple logic to understand why we can only achieve a tense form of peace guaranteed by our own toughmindedness.
We have to ask ourselves: What does Pakistan want from us, and are we really willing to give it?
Pakistan wants two things: validating its core ideology of founding a state based on Islam; and Kashmir, by hook or by crook.  The least of Pakistan’s demands in this area would be either the prising of the whole of Kashmir from us, or at least the Kashmir Valley. For this it is willing to be our permanent enemy, even if it means impoverishing its own masses. So if it cannot win a war, it will want to keep bleeding us by sending us jehadis, feeding arms and ammunition to other violent forces in India (the Maoists), by sending in counterfeit Indian currency, and by ganging up with China or whoever it considers as sufficiently inimical to India.
Is India willing to give up Kashmir for peace? Is it willing to sacrifice the logic of secularism for peace? If it is, we might as well accept the Sangh logic and declare India a Hindu state, since the only reasoning on which a Muslim-majority state like Jammu & Kashmir can be given to Pakistan is through the acceptance of this sectarian idea.
And it won’t end there: after Kashmir, we will have parts of Assam – where there is a significant Bengali influx – seeking similar remedies. Or even Nagaland or Mizoram or even Kerala.
An Indian loss on Kashmir will stoke the very forces that work against our secularism. They will become unstoppable if Pakistan gets it way on Kashmir, even partially. Remember how Pakistan turned jehadi after the loss of Bangladesh? A similar fate awaits us if we use spurious logic to acquiesce in Pakistan’s blackmail.
The only way out is for India to prepare for 100 years of Pakistani belligerence and perfidy. It won’t be peace, or war, but something in-between till something fundamental changes inside Pakistan. A bottom-up push towards secularism of a people tired of war and jehadi forces.
We can’t change them. They have to do the job themselves. We can help them best by being implacable in pursuing peace by being internally strong – economically, politically and militarily and in many other ways.
The paradox of life is: only the strong get peace. The weak will always invite war. Our peaceniks are inadvertently inviting the worst form of Pakistani behaviour by serving up cowardice as the road to peace.

Friday, December 28, 2012

India's Education Sector: Moving Toward a Digital Future

The typical Indian classroom was once characterized by students sitting through hour-long teacher monologues. Now, technology is making life easier for both students and educators. Schools are increasingly adopting digital teaching solutions to engage with a generation of pupils well-versed with the likes of PlayStations and iPads, and trying to make the classroom environment more inclusive and participatory.

Take Smartclass from Educomp Solutions, one of the first Indian companies in this space. Smartclass is essentially a digital content library of curriculum-mapped, multimedia-rich, 3D content. It also enables teachers to quickly assess how much of a particular lesson students have been able to assimilate during the class. Once a topic is covered, the teacher gives the class a set of questions on a large screen. Each student then answers via a personal answering device or the smart assessment system. The teacher gets the scores right away and based on that, she repeats parts of the lesson that the students don't appear to have grasped.

"Technology makes the teaching-learning process very easy and interesting," says Harish Arora, a chemistry teacher at the Bal Bharti Public School in New Delhi who has been using Smartclass since 2004. "For instance, [earlier] it would easily take me one full lecture to just draw an electromagnetic cell on the blackboard. Though I could explain the cell structure, there was no way I could have managed to show them how it really functions. This is where technology comes to our aid -- now I can show the students a 3D model of the cell and how it functions. Instead of wasting precious time drawing the diagram on the blackboard, I can invest it in building the conceptual clarity of my students."

According to Abhinav Dhar, director for K-12 at Educomp Solutions, more than 12,000 schools across 560 districts in India have adopted Smartclass. More importantly, the number is growing at almost 20 schools a day. On average, in each of these schools eight classrooms are using Smartclass.

"When we launched Smartclass in 2004 as the first-ever digital classroom program, it was an uphill task convincing schools to adopt it," Dhar notes. "These schools had not witnessed any change in a century.... It is a completely different scenario now. Private schools across India today see [technology] as an imperative. A digital classroom is set to become the bare-minimum teaching accessory in schools, just like a blackboard is today."

Dhar recalls that one major roadblock for Educomp's proposition in the early days was on the price front. At US$4,000 (at the exchange rate of Rs. 50 to a U.S. dollar) per classroom, schools found the product very expensive. To get over this hurdle, Educomp quickly decided to make the initial investment and gave the schools an option to pay over a period of three to five years. The strategy worked. Enthused by the market response, in January Educomp launched an upgraded version -- the Smartclass Class
Transformation System -- with more features, including simulations, mind maps, worksheets, web links, a diagram maker, graphic organizers and assessment tools.

HUGE POTENTIAL
According to the "Indian Education Sector Outlook -- Insights on Schooling Segment," a report released by New Delhi--based research and consultancy firm Technopak Advisors in May, the total number of schools in India stands at 1.3 million. Of these, private schools account for 20%. Educomp's Dhar points out that only around 10% of the private schools have tapped the potential of multimedia classroom teaching whereas in government schools, it has barely made any inroads.

"The current market size for digitized school products in private schools is around US$500 million," says Enayet Kabir, associate director for education at Technopak. "This is expected to grow at a CAGR [compound annual growth rate] of 20% to reach the over US$2 billion mark by 2020. However, the market potential then might get as big as S$4 billion [i.e. if the total population of private schools that could adopt multimedia actually adopt it.] Apart from this, the current market size for ICT [information and communications technology] in government schools is US$750 million. We expect this to grow five times by 2020 due to the current low level of penetration in government schools."

Kabir lists Educomp Solutions, Everonn Education, NIIT, Core Education & Technologies, IL&FS and Compucom as dominant players in this sector. New entrants include HCL Infosystems, Learn Next, Tata Interactive Systems, Mexus Education, S. Chand Harcourt (India) and iDiscoveri Education. Except for S. Chand Harcourt, which is a joint venture between S. Chand and US-based Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, all the others are Indian firms.

A recent trend is that schools in tier two and tier three cities are increasingly adopting the latest technology. Rajesh Shethia, head of sales and marketing at TataInteractive Systems, which launched Tata ClassEdge in early 2011 and has partnered up with more than 900 schools, says that "more than half of the demand for digital classrooms is from tier two and tier three cities." According to Shethia, schools in these smaller cities realize that it is difficult for their students to get as much exposure as students from tier one cities. "[So] they proactively subscribe to solutions such as ours, which richly benefit both teachers and students by simplifying the syllabus....

Even parents want the best for their wards and are not averse to paying a little extra. They see value in these initiatives by schools to modernize the way teaching is imparted today." Making some back-of-the-envelope calculations Shethia adds: "If we consider the top 100,000 private schools in India as the captive market, the potential is approximately two million classrooms of which currently just about 80,000 have been digitized."
Srikanth B. Iyer, COO of Pearson Education Services, also sees tremendous potential in the smaller cities. Pearson provides end-to-end education solutions in the K-12 segment. Its multimedia tool, DigitALly, has been adopted in more than 3,000 private schools across India since 2004. "DigitALly installations have been growing at three times the market for the past two years," Iyer says. "Currently, more than 60% of our customers are from tier two and tier three towns, such as Barpeta (in the state of Assam), Sohagpur (in Madhya Pradesh) and Balia (in Uttar Pradesh)."

In order to make its offering attractive to the schools, Pearson has devised a monthly payment model under which a school pays around US$2 per student per month. "As the price point is affordable, schools across all locations and fee structures find it viable to opt for our solution," Iyer notes. "We focus on tier two and tier three towns and cities where penetration is relatively low and desire for adoption of technology is high." HCL's Digischool program, which launched about 18 months ago, has also made a strong beginning, with a client base of more than 2,500 schools.

PARTNERING WITH STATE GOVERNMENTS
Meanwhile, state governments are also giving a boost to the adoption of technology in schools. Edureach, a divison of Educomp, has partnered with 16 state governments and more than 30 education departments and boards in the country, covering over 36,000 government schools and reaching out to more than 10.60 million students.

"Edureach leads the market with 27% of the total schools where ICT projects have been implemented," says Soumya Kanti, president of Edureach. "We are looking [to add] 3,000 more schools this fiscal year and 20,000 to 25,000 additional schools in the next five years." As of now, Edureach has created digital learning content in more than 14 regional languages for these projects.

In the northern state of Haryana, CORE Education and Technologies is implementing a US$59 million ICT project that aims to benefit 5 million students across 2,622 schools. Five of these schools will be developed as "Smart" schools. CORE is also implementing ICT projects in the states of Gujarat, Meghalaya, Punjab, Maharashtra and Nagaland. The scope of work in these projects ranges from implementation of computer-aided learning in schools, installing bio-metric devices to monitor attendance of teachers, and setting up computer hardware, software and other allied accessories and equipments.

"The task has not been an easy one," admits Anshul Sonak, president of CORE. "There are several logistical issues. Delivery of equipment to rural areas is a big challenge in itself.... There is lack of basic infrastructure -- either there are no classrooms or there are ones with no windows.... Some schools don't even have toilets. Moreover, the power availability in these areas is often poor and we have had to deploy generator sets in many schools."

But despite the challenges, educationists are optimistic. Rahul De, professor of quantitative methods and information systems area at the Indian Institute of Management in Bangalore (IIM-B) believes that "ICT can have a huge impact on our education system." He points out that ICT can result in increasing the reach [of education] and in keeping the costs low. "With increasing penetration of mobile phones and Internet kiosks, the potential is indeed immense," he adds.

A study conducted by De in 2009 on the economic impact of free and open source software (FOSS) in India found that it resulted in significant cost savings. "FOSS can play a huge role in education," De notes. "In the state of Kerala, it has already had a huge impact in both saving costs and providing state-of-the-art access computing to students in government schools. FOSS has a huge number of packages for school students, many of which can be ported to local languages and used in schools. It is also helping disabled students in a big way, by enabling them to access digital resources using audio-visual aids."
Edureach's Kanti adds that a study by the Centre for Multi-Disciplinary Development Research in Dharwad in Karnataka in 2006 revealed significant improvement in student enrolment and attendance, as well as a reduction of student dropouts due to ICT interventions. "Yet another study conducted by the Xavier Institute of
Management in Bhubaneswar in 2007 revealed that computer-aided education has improved the performance of children in subjects such as English, mathematics and science, which are taught through computers using multimedia-based educational content."

ALL IN A TAB
In line with this increasing interest in technology for school education, there has been a rush of education-focused tablet computers in the market. The most high-profile of these has been Aakash, which was launched by Kapil Sibal, union minister for human resource development, in October 2011. The Aakash project is part of the ministry's National Mission on Education through Information & Communication Technology (NME-ICT). It aims to eliminate digital illiteracy by distributing the Aakash tablets to students across India at subsidized rates. While the project itself has become mired in delays and controversy, it has generated a lot of awareness and interest among students around the educational tablet.

Meanwhile, DataWind, the Canada-based firm that partnered with the union government for the Aakash project, has also launched UbiSlate7, the commercial version ofAakash. "The opportunity for low-cost tablets in India is huge. In the next two years, it will exceed the size of the computer market in India i.e. 10 million units per year," says Suneet Singh Tuli, president and CEO of DataWind.

In April, technology firm HCL Infosystems launched the MyEdu Tab, which is priced at around US$230 for the K-12 version. The device comes preloaded with educational applications and also books from the National Council of Educational Research and Training, a government organization. Anand Ekambaram, senior vice-president and head of learning at HCL Infosystems, is in the process of partnering with more than 30 educational institutes across India for MyEdu Tab. "MyEdu Tab has content offline and can be accessed over the cloud. It allows students to learn at their own pace," Ekambaram notes. "With a topic revision application and a self-assessment engine, students can evaluate their skills and knowledge on their own. Teachers can upload content, which can be accessed by students and parents for tasks such as homework and progress reports on their respective devices. The parent can monitor the progress of his or her child through the cloud-based ecosystem."

Earlier this year, Micromax, a leading Indian handset manufacturer, also launched an edutainment device called Funbook. Micromax has also partnered with Pearson and Everonn to make available relevant content for students. Susha John, director and CEO at Everonn, was upbeat at the launch. "Digital learning facilitated through tablets will revolutionize the educational space," John said. "Everonn has invested in developing content and services targeted toward tablet audiences. To start with, we will offer our school curriculum-learning modules ... and at home live tuition products on the Funbook. Students can now have access to good teachers, educational content and a great learning experience anytime, anywhere."

At Pearson, Max Gabriel, senior vice-president and chief technology officer, is "focusing on K-12 content in English to begin with. We are sitting on a huge repository of existing content. Adding the right level of interactivity and richer experience will be our priority." Meanwhile, Educomp is gearing up to launch content that is device agnostic and can be run on any tablet.

But even as schools in India are going through this transformation powered by technology, one key question is how big a role technology will play in the education sector.

In an earlier interview S. Sadagopan, founder-director at the International Institute of Information Technology in Bangalore, pointed out that there are four parts to learning -- lectures, library, laboratory and life -- noting that, "Technology plays a critical role in all these." Kabir of Technopak adds another perspective. "Despite numerous studies on the impact of ICT in education, the outcomes remain difficult to measure and open to much debate. It needs to be understood that technology is only an enabler and a force multiplier and cannot be treated as a panacea. We believe that impressive gains in teaching-learning outcomes are possible only through an integrated approach rather than a piecemeal intervention."

Don Huesman, managing director of Wharton's innovation group, recommends caution in considering potential investments in educational technologies. "These are very exciting times for online and distance education technologies, but there are risks facing parents, educators and policy makers in evaluating the opportunities these new technologies, and their proponents, represent."

Huesman points to the recent growth in high-quality, free, online educational courseware offered on websites like the Khan Academy and the Math Forum, as well as the work of the Open Learning Initiative in developing intelligent cognitive tutors and learning analytics. "But such technologies, available from a global network of resources, only provide value when understood, chosen and integrated into a local educational community," he says. As an illustration, Huesman offers the example of cyber kiosks, provided in recent years by foundations at no cost to rural communities in India, exacerbating the "gender divide" in many traditional communities in which young women congregating at public cyber cafes, also frequented by young men, would be considered taboo. "Interventions by governments and NGOs must be inclusive of local community concerns and aware of local political complications," Huesman notes.