Special Report: Personal Laws: A Muslim 'Reality Check'

By M H Ahssan / INN Bureau

Fragmentation of religious authority, greater debate and dissent within communities, and increasing literacy and awareness among women have transformed the landscape of personal laws and made the old debate over a uniform civil code largely irrelevant. 

In July 2013, Mumbai’s first Sharia Court was set up. Contrary to the images this might convey, this particular Sharia court is for women, will be run by women and was set up by the Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Aandolan (BMMA).

WHY INDIA IS LOSING ITS WAR AGAINST NAXALITES?

By M H Ahssan / Hyderabad

Five decades ago, the special forces officer Roger Trinquier set about understanding why his nation losing to enemies it outgunned and outmanned. France, he wrote, was  “in studying a type of warfare that no longer exists and that we shall never fight again, while we pay only passing attention to the war we lost in Indochina and the one we are about to lose in Algeria.  The result of this shortcoming is that the army is not prepared to confront an adversary employing arms and methods the army itself ignores. It has, therefore, no chance of winning”.

AN IMPACT OF 'LALU SYNDROME' IN INDIAN POLITICS

By Vivek Kaul (Guest Writer)

During his heydays in the 1990s and the early 2000s, Lalu Prasad Yadav never organised political rallies.

He organised Railas. These were very big political rallies held at the Gandhi maidan in Patna. And they were deemed to be so big by Lalu that the feminine sounding word ‘rally’ proved inadequate to describe them.

Hence a new word Raila was coined. But time passed and the world went around, and in the end the old adage ‘you can’t fool all the people all the time’, came true in case of Lalu as well.

The Telangana Muddle, 'Andhra Pradesh' Ego Is On Stake!

By Rubia Akbar / INN Live

The UPA government has taken a final call to divvy up Andhra Pradesh and carve out a Telangana state. Now it is incumbent on the central government to take every measure possible to buffer the ill-effects of bifurcation. The nitty-gritty of it is, without doubt, quite awesome. It goes without saying that the division of the water, power and mineral resources should be to a tee and beyond reproach.

True, the UPA government had been vegetating on the issue ever since its decision to demerge Andhra Pradesh in 2009 and, when it has initiated the process, it has botched the whole thing up pretty much comprehensively. 

A NEW SOLAR POWER MODEL MAKES HOPE ON 'NEW POWER'

By Udit Misra / Lucknow

OMC’s model of supplying solar lamps to homes and solar power to telecom towers in rural UP looks like a bright idea. But can it keep it shining?

For as long as he can remember, Mohammad Fahim’s life was ruled by the sun. The 25-year-old artisan from Meer Nagar village in Uttar Pradesh’s Hardoi district, and his family—parents and five siblings—would tirelessly embroider exquisite designs with zari on fabric, for which neighbouring Lucknow is renowned. Their work-day would begin at sunrise and end at sunset; a phenomenon common to most of the 90 households in Meer Nagar.

Bumps in the Road: India's Industrial Growth Seeks Solid Ground

By M H Ahssan

For a small car, the Nano has traveled quite a bit. Just in October it has moved from Singur, in West Bengal -- where Tata Motors abandoned a production facility two years in the making and gearing for start-up -- to Sanand, in Gujarat. En route, Tata surveyed other sites for the production of its Rs100,000 ($2,000) automobile.

It hasn't been an easy ride. In Andhra Pradesh, the villagers of Seetarampuram, one of the sites offered by the state government, staged a protest, blockading the Bangalore-Mumbai highway for several hours. Like the farmers of Singur whose tactics eventually forced out the Nano, they resisted the industrial project. In Maharashtra, a senior politician publicly declared that the Nano was not wanted because the state was facing an electricity crisis.

The going has been smoother at Sanand, although bumps in the road still exist. The state government thought it was playing safe by allotting the Tatas 1,100 acres belonging to the Anand Agricultural University. But farmers have already petitioned the Gujarat High Court to stop the deal. They say that the British government acquired the land from them in 1902 on a 90-year lease, and that it should have been returned in 1992, but was not. Now that the land's value has risen sharply, they are demanding compensation. Land prices in neighboring areas have gone up from around Rs400,000 (US$8,000) per bigha (an Indian land unit equivalent to about 25,000 square feet) to Rs1.2 million (US$24,000) per bigha.

The Congress opposition in Gujarat, a state ruled by the rightist Bharatiya Janata Party, has hinted at a Singur-style agitation. But the agitation's purpose would not be to drive out the Tatas. It would aim to secure compensation for farmers deprived of their land a century ago.

The farmers, meanwhile, are organizing themselves under banners such as the Rashtriya Kisan Dal. Maharana JaiShiv Sinh Vaghela, the scion of the royal family of Sanand, an erstwhile princely state, has led a delegation of farmers to the state chief minister, Narendra Modi, to demand their share. Meanwhile, Anand Agricultural University has asked for equivalent land in other districts of Gujarat as compensation for the 1,100 acres it has surrendered for the Nano.

"The real debate is about the correct compensation price," says Rajesh Chakrabarti, assistant professor of finance at the Hyderabad-based Indian School of Business (ISB). "Once land is acquired, the value of the entire area goes up several times and the people who benefit the most are those who own land just outside the area of the acquired lands." Those initially dispossessed -- no matter how handsomely they may have been compensated -- are invariably left feeling they have been given a raw deal.

Soaring Land Prices
According to estimates by the business magazine Business Today, land prices in Singur rose from US$24,000 per acre to US$120,000 per acre. (They have dropped sharply since the Tata pullout.) Land prices associated with other projects and special economic zones (SEZs) have shown similar increases. Among them: the Reliance Haryana SEZ (from US$45,000 to US$200,000 per acre); the Reliance Mumbai SEZ (US$20,000 to US$100,000); the Reliance Maha Mumbai SEZ (US$10,000 to US$100,000); Tata Steel's Kalinganagar project in Orissa (US$6,500 to US$10,000); and the Renault Nissan plant at Oragadam in Tamil Nadu (US$40,000 to US$160,000).

"We follow an 1890s act for land acquisition," Chakrabarti explains. The huge projects that change neighboring lands' value by such huge multiples didn't exist back then. "So there is definitely need to change the laws in such a way that the people who are being evicted get compensated in a fair manner," Chakrabarti says.

The Nano's woes may have grabbed headlines, but land acquisition problems spread across sectors and the entire nation. The government of Uttar Pradesh, led by Bahujan Samaj Party president Kumari Mayawati, recently canceled a deal allotting 190 acres for a railway coach factory in Sonia Gandhi's parliamentary constituency Rai Bareli. Gandhi is the powerful chairwoman of the ruling United Progressive Alliance in Delhi. Mayawati gave in after Gandhi threatened to stage a protest and court arrest. But land has clearly become the currency of political vendetta, too.

Here's a rundown of some other projects running into acquisition problems, for a variety of reasons:

Sterlite Industries, the Indian arm of the London-based metals and natural resources conglomerate Vedanta, has the go-ahead from the Supreme Court to mine bauxite in the Niyamgiri hills in the Kalahandi district of Orissa. But the indigenous tribal community treats the area as a shrine. Kumuti Majhi, a tribal leader, has visited London to explain to Vedanta shareholders that digging up Niyamgiri would be equivalent to demolishing St. Paul's Cathedral.

Navi Mumbai airport, the much-needed lifeline for India's business capital, has stayed on the drawing board for years. The latest objection is from a government department. The Union environment ministry has refused to clear the project because mangrove forests occupy part of the area. The public-sector agency overseeing the project has offered to replant the mangroves -- which occupy just 7.3% of the total area -- elsewhere. But the Delhi bureaucrats are unmoved.

Close to the proposed Navi Mumbai airport, at the Raigad SEZ, villagers and farmers have voted in a symbolic referendum. Activists claim that the referendum has produced a 95% vote against the project being set up by India's richest industrialist, Reliance Industries chief Mukesh Ambani. The farmers in Raigad, in Maharashtra, simply want a better deal. The project is being delayed while its promoters consider their next steps. Reliance, meanwhile, had appealed to the Bombay High Court opposing the Maharashtra government's decision to hold the referendum. While that judgment is pending, the Maharashtra government has announced that the Raigad referendum was unique and will not be repeated elsewhere in the state.

In Jharkhand, the world's largest steel company, ArcelorMittal, is facing tribal opposition against a proposed 12-million-ton steel plant. The project needs 11,000 acres, including 2,400 acres for a township. The protests have been building since mid-October, when ArcelorMittal met villagers to hard-sell the plan. (The 700MW Koel-Karo hydroelectric project, which was proposed some 35 years ago in the same areas, battled opposition from villagers for decades before it was abandoned.)

In West Bengal, the locals of the Chakchaka area in Cooch Behar district have launched an agitation against expansion of the local airport. The airport is critical because Chakchaka (part of a designated backward district) is being projected as a growth center by the West Bengal Industrial Infrastructure Development Corp. The Trinamool Congress, which spearheaded the Singur agitation, has been active here too, accusing the government of forcible land acquisition. (Meanwhile, things are moving smoothly at the Madurai airport in Tamil Nadu, where 614 acres are required for expansion.)

Large-scale Controversy
All projects can pose problems. But the SEZ arena is likely to witness the most controversy because the zones need large amounts of land. The Raigad SEZ, for instance, proposes to cover 25,000 acres; the Nano production facility needs just 1,100. Before the passage of the SEZ Act of 2005, just 19 SEZs functioned in the country. Many of them were barely limping along. Since the act's passage, some 260 new SEZs have been established. Prior to the act, state and central governments and private companies had invested some Rs7,745 crore (US$1.56 billion) in SEZs. From February 2006 to June 2008, an additional Rs73,348 crore (US$14.74 billion) was pumped in, according to Union Ministry of Commerce and Industry data. Some 100,000 jobs have been created. But land issues still bog down many of the zones.

This is proving expensive. According to a recent estimate by the Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE), a Mumbai-based data agglomerator and think tank, projects worth a whopping Rs250,000 crore (US$50.23 billion) are encountering hurdles in acquiring land.

"We should not expect the government to allot us land," says Irfan Razack, chairman and managing director of the Bangalore-based Prestige Group, which has interests in real estate and infrastructure. "That's where the controversy comes in. Either the government must auction the land at market prices or the developer must have the capacity to buy the land and then go to the government for approvals. The heartburn comes when the government buys land at a subsidized price and allots it to the developer who then goes on to make big money."

Razack is talking principally about SEZs. But what he says applies to large industrial projects as well. An additional catch is that the government may well subsidize the land it gives to a project like the Nano because such projects are expected to act as catalysts for further investment in the region or state. Tata Motors was supposed to pay US$200,000 a year for the first five years for the Singur land. This was to rise to US$2 million a year in the next 10 years, and $4 million a year after that. The government, meanwhile, paid US$24 million to the farmers as compensation. In the short term, the Tatas were required to pay peanuts. This lends itself to accusations of corporate houses profiteering.

Industry appears to be able to pay more. CMIE data show that in the five years ended March 2008, large-market-cap companies spent US$3.33 billion in land acquisition costs. These companies' total fixed capital expenditures were $113.97 billion. Land is just 2.9% of that total, leaving room for growth in what the companies can pay for land. Industrialists privately confess that they are prepared to pay more for land acquisition. But it has the danger of becoming a never-ending spiral.

No model has proved problem-free. Where the state has acquired land, farmers have cried foul over the rates. Where the private sector has tried to go it alone, accusations of intimidation have arisen. Landowners have realized the advantages of holding out. It often boils down to who blinks first. Says Chakrabarti of ISB: "There is the issue of sorting out 'hold-up' lands," where the landowner has asked for an exorbitant price because he knows that the project cannot proceed without his land.

Chakrabarti has a suggestion. "The government should definitely not do the entire acquisition on its own because, as soon as the government gets into the act, a lot of political forces come into play. On the other hand, the private sector cannot do it completely on its own because of the hold-up problem. One model is that the private partner acquires around 70%-80% of the total land required by paying a fair compensation. The remaining [including the hold-ups] can be acquired by the government by paying the same rate as what the private party has paid.

"There are other ways. Let us say the SEZ needs 1,000 acres. But the consortium [of private players and the government] can acquire 1,500 acres and then ration out the extra 500 on a pro-rata basis to those from whom the land has been acquired. That will mean that instead of giving just cash compensation, everyone will have some real estate holding in the developed area, which will enable them to get the appreciation benefits of that land. This, of course, requires multiparty negotiations, and I don't think it is in practice in India." And Chakrabarti points out a catch. "Being agriculturists, the landowners are not trained for anything else," he says. "They need to be provided with training so that their future is protected."

Comprehensive Ground Rules
What is needed is a comprehensive set of ground rules. They may be in the works, albeit belatedly. The government has been working on a replacement for the Land Acquisition Act of 1894 for a couple of years now. The prime minister's office has written to the Ministry of Parliamentary Affairs asking that the processing of bills related to land acquisition be expedited. Three bills are involved: the Rehabilitation and Resettlement Bill, 2007; the Compensatory Afforestation Fund Bill, 2008; and the Land Acquisition (Amendment) Bill, 2007.

The Land Acquisition Bill has just been vetted by the parliamentary standing committee concerned. The prime minister's office wants all this speeded up to get these bills on the statute books before it demits office next year. Sonia Gandhi told a farmers' rally at the end of September that the bills would be piloted through parliament soon.

The standing committee on the Land Acquisition Bill, which submitted its report on October 21, recommended that:

- States should be allowed to acquire 100% of the land required.
- The definition of "public purpose," which allows the state to take over land, should be expanded.
- States should be given more power to decide on use of agricultural land.
- The compensation benchmark should be the highest price paid in the last three years plus 50%.

The report's submission doesn't necessarily mean that the Land Acquisition Act is on the fast track. "We have to examine the report," Raghuvansh Prasad Singh, the Union minister for rural development, told the Delhi-headquartered business daily Business Standard. "But it is not necessary that all the recommendations of the standing committee have to be accepted."

Political analysts in Delhi say the bills may not be passed this parliamentary session. Compensation is a contentious issue. The definition of "public purpose" is another. In Singapore, "public purpose" can mean residential buildings. Not so in India. The Nanos of the future may have some distance to travel to find a home.

In Focus: Should Gurgaon Elections Be Countermanded?

By Vivek Sharma (Guest Writer)

ELECTION SCENARIO If elections have been called the ‘dance of Indian democracy’, the number staged in Mewat recently could well be one of the most vulgar yet. Evidently, the Executive has done the tango with the choreographers. The question now is: will the dance break records at the box-office or will it crash? 

Last week Mewat demonstrated at the hustings how a people could just swindle through the half-shut eyes of the world’s largest democratic state without so much as a by-your-leave. Beyond the squeaky clean Nirvachan Sadan on Ashoka Road, one wonders how the supra-institution of the electoral process, the Election Commission of India, plants its feet in Indian muddy waters.

COAL DEATHS : IGNORING THE WEAPONS OF DESTRUCTION

By M H Ahssan / Hyderabad

Based on data collected from 92 coal power plants in India, a 2012 study that went largely unreported estimated the mortality impact of electricity generated from coal at 650 deaths per plant per year! INN analyses the key findings of the report and the remediation measures suggested. 

The Supreme Court of India recently dismissed a petition by anti-nuclear activists to stop commissioning of the nuclear power plant at Kudankulam. The petitioners argued that the plant did not meet safety standards recommended by nuclear experts, a viewpoint that the apex judicial body in the country obviously did not concur with.

Hyderabadi 'Hijab Girl' Is An Example For Lethargic Youth

By Bismah Fatima / Hyderabad

A pan shop at NTR Nagar in outskirts of Hyderabad city in Andhra Pradesh, is attracting a large number of customers because a Muslim girl clad in Hijab prepares pans for the customers. Shaheen also sells other articles also in the pan shop. She is a 15 year old girl who was selling cigarettes and other articles. On contacting her she told that this pan shop belongs to his brother Mr. Jan Mohammed Jaffer. 

'BAYYARAM MINING' LEASE IS A 'PRESTIGE ISSUE' TO AP CM

By Shreya Reddy / Hyderabad

By scrapping the Bayyaram mining leases in Khammam district and announcing a decision to hand them over to the Visakhapatnam Steel Plant, Chief Minister N Kiran Kumar Reddy queered the pitch for the Telangana Rashtra Samithi and the Telugu Desam Party (TDP).

In fact, the TDP, which has been crying hoarse over the allocation of Bayyaram mining leases for quite sometime, was caught napping when the State Government announced its decision. Aside from this, the State Government announced that it would insist the Rashtriya Ispat Nigam Ltd (RINL), the public sector company that runs the Vizag Steel Plant, to establish a benification plant and also a steel plant in Khammam district.

Votes cast as a 'weapon of the weak'

By M H Ahssan

India's rich and middle class urban voters have failed to show up in large numbers to exercise their franchise in the country's 15th month-long general election. Despite a massive campaign to get the educated to vote, the software hubs of Bangalore and Pune, the two main metros which went to the polls in the second phase of voting on April 23, registered poor turnout.

In contrast to rural areas, which had a turnout of 60%, constituencies in Bangalore city registered a mere 46% turnout, a figure that is below the national average in two phases of voting so far but also lower than turnout in the 2004 general election. As in previous elections, in the two rounds of voting that have been completed in India's multi-phase general election, urban middle-class voters have indicated that they are laggards in comparison to the rural or urban poor.

Media reports on the Indian elections often draw attention to the magnitude of the electoral exercise. Indeed, it is hard not to be impressed by the sheer scale of the election. A 714-million-strong electorate will vote in 828,804 polling booths in 543 constituencies in a five-phase election spread over a month. Four million electoral officials and 2.1 million security personnel are overseeing the process to ensure that it is free, fair and peaceful. Animals, too, are on hand to assist in the process. In the states of Assam and Meghalaya in India's northeast, elephants carry officials and polling material to voting booths.

The Election Commission (EC), which conducts the polls, goes the extra mile to ensure that voters can exercise their franchise. In some parts of the country, which are inaccessible by roads, officials trek for three to four days or ride on the backs of elephants to set up polling booths.

In the western state of Gujarat, the EC has set up a polling booth for one voter - a priest in a temple in the heart of the Gir forest, which is home to the Asiatic lion. He will vote in the third phase of the election.

Officials brave wild animals, scorching heat, long treks, militants and impatient voters to ensure that people can exercise their fundamental right to vote.

As remarkable as these statistics or the logistics involved in conducting the election is the mass participation in Indian elections. Unlike the global trend of a steady decline in voting levels, in India voter turnout over the years has either increased or remained stable.

And what makes this rise in voter turnout significant is that it is spurred by the rise in participation in elections by the poor, women, lower castes and Dalits and tribals. The most vulnerable sections of Indian society are increasingly enthusiastic about voting.

Unlike Western democracies, which granted the right to vote first to propertied men, later educated men, then all men and only after much debate and agitation to women, independent India granted all adult men and women regardless of their religion, caste, language, wealth or education the right to vote in one fell swoop, points out Ramachandra Guha, author of India after Gandhi: The History of the World's Largest Democracy.

The Indian constitution granted all its citizens the right to vote. Right from the first general election in 1952, India's poorest and most marginalized sections have possessed the right to vote. And they have been the most keen to exercise this right.

Voter turnout in India has been higher in rural areas than in cities since 1977. The poor vote more than the rich, especially in urban areas and in the past four general elections, Dalits (or Untouchables as they used to be called) have voted more than upper-caste Hindus, says Yogendra Yadav, a political analyst with the Center for the Study of Developing Societies. "This 'participatory upsurge' from below has defined the character of Indian democracy in the past two decades or so," he says.

This is quite unlike the experience in Western democracies where it is the rich, the well-educated and those belonging to the majority community who are more likely to vote and participate in political activity.

Analysts have pointed out that if those at the lower end of the socio-economic hierarchy take the trouble to vote, defying threats and violence, it is because democracy is bringing change in their lives, however small these might be. Polling day is that one big day on which their decision matters, when their choice counts.

Voters defy militants' calls for a boycott of the poll to exercise their franchise. Maoists have called for a poll boycott and sought to impose it with intimidation and violence. Still, people in the states of Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh have come out to vote. In assembly elections in Jammu and Kashmir in November and December last year, 62% of the electorate voted in spite of a boycott call by separatists.

The media have often underestimated the rural/poor voter, looking on him or her as someone who votes along caste or other parochial lines, who votes as told to rather than on the basis of an informed choice.

This might be true, but only to a limited extent. In 2004, the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA) campaigned on an "India Shining" slogan. But India was not shining for rural Indians and those at the bottom of the heap. Unlike the educated/urban voter who swallowed the NDA's propaganda campaign, the rural voters registered their protest through the ballot box. They voted out the NDA. The vote is the "weapon of the weak", points out Yadav.

This time around, whether the rural voter who is reeling under a severe agrarian crisis is impressed by the 8% average economic growth rate achieved under the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government is debatable. To its credit, the UPA has put in place a rural employment guarantee scheme that provides one member of every rural household with work for 100 days every year.

Both the Congress and the main opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) have made provision of heavily subsidized wheat and rice a central plank in their election campaigns. The Congress has promised every poor family 25 kilograms of wheat or rice at 3 rupees (US$0.06) a kilogram and the BJP 35 kilograms at 2 rupees per kg.

One of the districts that voted in the first phase was Kandhamal in the eastern state of Orissa, which was ravaged by anti-Christian violence last year. Voter turnout in the district was 65.7%. About 90% of those still living in relief camps - people who are too terrified to return to their homes for fear of communal violence - turned up at polling booths despite a Maoist call for a poll boycott and fear of communal violence. Clearly, these victims of communal violence are looking on the ballot box with some hope.

How do Muslims - India's largest religious minority - view the democratic process? Contrary to the perception worldwide that Muslims do not believe in democracy, Muslims in India are as enthusiastic as Hindus in their stated support of democracy. Voter turnout among Muslims, which dipped in the early 1990s and again in 2004, has generally been rising or stable and is as robust as that among Hindus. "Clearly, Indian Muslims are not opting out of democratic politics," says Yadav.

It is not religion but class that appears to influence voter turnout. The rich and middle class Indian doesn't seem to share the faith the poor have in the elections and the power of the vote. Over the years, urban apathy has grown. All the parties are the same, urban voters grumble, pointing to the fielding of criminal and corrupt candidates in some areas.

Voter turnout in successive elections over the past two decades indicate that for all their whining about the quality of politicians who represent them in parliament and state assemblies, India's educated and more privileged sections don't do anything about it on polling day. They simply stay away.

South Mumbai, where many of India's millionaires and billionaires live and work is notorious for poor turnout on polling day, as is Bangalore, India's software hub. State assembly elections in Bangalore in May last year saw an abysmal 44% exercise their franchise, the lowest in the past five elections.

Will Mumbai, Delhi and other Indian cities go Bangalore's way in the coming phases of voting? The terror attacks in Mumbai in November last year shook up the country's politically apathetic youth and brought them out into the streets demanding greater accountability and better performance from the political elite. Thousands participated in candlelight vigils and online campaigns.

Whether they will leave the comfort of their air-conditioned homes to wait in long lines outside polling booths to vote in scorching heat is another matter.

Big Worry: 'Household Debt Is Growing 10 Times In Metros'

India is slowly becoming a heavily indebted country with the average amount owed by each family jumping a whopping seven times in urban areas and more than four times in the hinterland during the period 2002 and 2012, shows a survey by the National Sample Survey Organization (NSSO).

In 2012, as much as 22% of urban households were indebted and the average debt per family was Rs 84,625, up from Rs 11,771 in 2002, while in rural areas, 31% of households were indebted compared to 27% in 2002 with average debt rising to Rs 32,522 in 2012 from Rs 7,539 in 2002.

Elections 2014 - Phase II: Polling Begins In 91 Lok Sabha Seats Spread Across 11 States And 3 Union Territories

INNLIVE Election Teams

Voting begins in Delhi 
Voting is being held for seven Lok Sabha seats in the country's capital, seen as test of Aam Aadmi Party's perceived erosion of support base, BJP's claim of 'Modi wave' and assertion by Congress that it was regaining lost ground after drubbing in last assembly polls.

‍‍The Plight Of Street Hawkers, Foothpath-Sellers And Small Vendors In Hyderabad

The post-pandemic situation is becoming horrible in terms of rehabilitation and steps to make them atma-nirbhar went in vain due to many factors in Hyderabad.  The street vendors  footpath sellers and hawkers are financially suffering and no help provided to them.

For petty traders, who make a living by selling food items, vegetables, fruits, cheap cosmetic products and all and sundry on their push carts, life has turned topsy-turvy following the outbreak of Covid-19 pandemic.

These traders are yet to come to their normal lives or back to their regular earnings, even after 18 months of malady. Most of these push cart hawkers are settlers from other towns. Many left their families at their hometown and returned to the capital as their earnings dropped drastically.

Each cart which used to do an average business of Rs 2,000 each day before March 2020 is not even in a position to make around Rs 5,00 to Rs 600.

After the ease of the first lockdown, many lost employment and lot of migrants have not returned, as schools, colleges and offices are still operating from homes.

Vijay Pandit, a resident of Jharkhand, who has a fruit-juice push cart, near Music College, Ramkoti, said, “I have been doing business with this ‘bandi’ since 1993. This city has given me so much. Before the lockdown, I used to make around Rs 2,000 each day, now we don’t even make Rs 500. Almost one year we have been without business. I have four daughters and one son. I left them at our home town as it’s hard to take care of their expenses in the city as of now.”

Bhasker Rao, another push cart vendor, says, “We are in a bad situation, the lockdown pushed us into utter poverty. We believe in hard work and don’t expect any aid from anyone. We just hope things will be back to normal and we get back our business.”

Raju Yadhav, a pani puri vendor, says, “The business is very bad, two lockdowns made our business go down. Customers we used to have before the pandemic rarely visit us.”

It has been seven years since the Street Vendors Act (Protection of Livelihood) came into force, but the vendors in the city say that they are still awaiting the complete implementation of the Act.

Speaking to #KhabarLive, K Naipal Reddy, who runs a tiffin cart in LB Nagar said, “There has been no town-vending committee. Even if the officials conduct a meeting, we are only told where we should put the waste. There is no communication amongst the line departments. The police come and harass us. They give no regard to the fact that we have been given an ID card by the GHMC.  The police throw the card away and say that they do not have any knowledge of the town vending committee.”

There has been no end to harassment from various persons for street vendors. They rue that they have only been issued an ID card by the GHMC and not a street-vending certificate.

“Without the certificate, there is no way of establishing ourselves as street vendors. Every fortnight the police come to our cart and harass us. They usually ask things like, who gave you permission to sell here?” said Venkat Mohan, president, Telangana Street Vendors and Hawkers’ Union.

For those at the Secunderabad station road, vendors like James John said there was supposed to be a committee meeting with the GHMC commissioner. “There is no protection of the street-vendors. We have faced heavy loss due to the lockdown. We are still living under the fear of cops who can come and vacate us at a moment’s notice. Even the ID cards given to us are of no use,” he said.

Some even said that there had been instances when people would walk up to them posing as officials of the state government, and ask them for money.  “There have been instances when people would walk up to us, posing as police or any other official and ask us to move our carts,” said Venkat Mohan.

On the other hand, Hyderabad received ‘Creative City of Gastronomy’ award from UNESCO (United Nations Economic, Social and Cultural Organisation), in 2019 failed to stick to the vital parameter of keeping the importance of hawkers and their efforts in strengthening the urban economy.

The civic body, in its report submitted to the UNESCO, stated that apart from making creative food at affordable prices, the hawker community also added employment for two lakh individuals in the unorganised sector. It also said in the employment generation sector, the IT segment contributed four lakh jobs in the city, which is only restricted to one part of the city. However, apathy of policymakers in the GHMC has been depriving hawkers and vendors of availing PM SVANidhi (PM Street Vendor’s Atma Nirbhar Nidhi), a micro credit scheme for street vendors.

Every year, the Centre promotes setting up vending zones in cities and sanctions funds for the same to municipalities. The GHMC is lagging behind in utilising those funds for promoting and improving street vendors’ business.

According to GHMC officials, a total of 34,878 street vendors in the city who were affected by the Covid-19 lockdown last year were given Rs 10,000 immediate relief by the civic body, the highest in the country. However, almost same number was affected during the current year's lockdown and the corporation authorities are yet to upload the data into PM SVANidhi.

This apart, non-regularisation of street vendors has left several thousands of them unable to reclaim their ‘vending zones’ after the footpath encroachment removal drive in 2018. A look at the Mission for the Elimination of Poverty in Municipal Areas (MEPMA) figures brings to light that there are 69,331 street vendors in Telangana of which more than 24,000 street vendors reside in the GHMC limits. These vendors were expected to do their businesses in the 750 free vending zones identified by respective urban local bodies, most of which are located at specific areas, defeating the purpose of wide scale inclusion.

There are only 300 restricted vending zones created while there are over 200 no vending-zones. The GHMC is yet to ascertain the exact number of vending zones, as per MEPMA data. On the contrary, the GHMC data suggests, till date, the municipal corporation has identified over 1.56 lakh street vendors in its limits and issued identity cards to nearly 1.44 lakh of them.

The GHMC may be leading in terms of issuing identity cards to street vendors, but the same spirit is missing when it comes to setting up vending zones for street vendors. However, the GHMC claimed that the demarcation of 138 vending zones were completed out of a total 152 identified, but could not shift the vendors to these zones till date.

According to the GHMC corporators, the corporation's enforcement displaced over 50,000 petty hawkers and vendors since 2018 when the civic body embarked on the footpath encroachment removal drive and by levying hefty fines to them which has been continuing till date. #KhabarLive #hydnews

Only Votes can Clean Politics of Criminals

By Joginder Singh

An executive engineer of the Uttar Pradesh Public Works Department (PWD) was beaten to death in Auraiya, Uttar Pradesh, on December 25, allegedly by a history-sheeter MLA of the Bahujan Samaj Party, his supporters, and allegedly, two PWD engineers. The engineer was reportedly killed because he refused to cough up Rs 50 lakhs for the birthday celebrations of chief minister Mayawati on January 15, 2009. The state government and Ms Mayawati have denied this allegation.

The accused Shekhar Tiwari, since arrested, has several cases pending against him. In 2001, he was also booked under the Gangster Act and remained behind bars for several months. In June 2008, two state ministers, one from Uttar Pradesh and the other from Assam, were removed from their offices and arrested. The Uttar Pradesh fisheries minister Jamuna Nishad was arrested for allegedly killing a police constable while leading a mob protesting police protection for an accused in the rape of a girl belonging the Nishad community. The education minister of Assam, Ripun Bora, was arrested and later sacked for trying to bribe CBI officials with Rs 10 lakhs so that they would go soft on him in the murder investigation against him.

According to the Election Commission, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar account for at least 40 MPs and 700 MLAs who have faced criminal charges that include murder, dacoity, rape, theft and extortion. Some leading lights include Pappu Yadav (convicted of murdering a Left party legislator) and Syed Shahabuddin. Both are in jail. Union law minister told the Rajya Sabha the in 2008 that there were over 1,300 cases pending against sitting MPs and MLAs in various courts. The CBI was investigating 65 of these. There is a regional concentration in terms of criminal cases. Bihar, UP, Jharkhand and Madhya Pradesh comprise 28 per cent of all MPs but account for over 50 per cent of MPs with high-penalty criminal cases. The party-wise position of MPs is that the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) leads in the proportion of criminal cases (43.5 per cent).

In respect of criminal cases with severe penalties (five or more years’ imprisonment), RJD tops the list with 34.8 per cent of MPs, BSP with 27.8 per cent and the Samajwadi Party with 19.4 per cent. Congress MPs in this category account for 7.6 per cent of their total number in Parliament. For BJP it is 10.9 per cent.

A former chief minister, when asked about the 22 ministers in his Cabinet with criminal antecedents, said, “I don’t bother about the ministers’ past. After joining the government they are not indulging in crimes and want to help suppress criminal activities. Ask the people why they have elected them”.

On July 9, 1993 the Government of India constituted a committee, under the chairmanship of home secretary, with secretary, Raw, Director, Intelligence Bureau, Director, CBI, Special Secretary (Home) as members, to take stock of all available information about the activities of criminal syndicates and mafia organisations which had developed links with and were being protected by government functionaries and political personalities.

Director CBI told the committee that all over India crime syndicates have become a law unto themselves. In smaller towns and rural areas, musclemen have become the order of the day and hired assassins are a part of these organisations. The nexus between criminal gangs, police, bureaucracy and politicians has come out clearly in various parts of the country.

The existing criminal justice system, essentially designed to deal with individual offences/crimes, is unable to deal with the activities of the mafia. The provisions of law with regard to economic offences are weak and there are insurmountable legal difficulties in attaching or confiscating property acquired through mafia activities.

When pressed further to know what action had been taken to end criminalisation, the then Union home minister S.B. Chavan had said that he had forwarded the committee’s reports to the state governments for necessary action. That was the end of efforts to prevent criminalisation of politics and society.

Political power has flowed from the barrel of the gun in states where in criminals have adorned elective offices of not one but all political parties.

No politician or a political party is in the business of politics for dharma-karam and politicians are quick to seize all opportunities for electoral gains. The caste card is unabashedly played to drum up support. Whenever a question is put about how they intend to eliminate criminalisation of politics, the standard response is that political parties must arrive at a consensus. Politicians will have consensus only when it suits their interests and it will never suit them to have a person with a clean record whose electoral victory might be doubtful.

After all what matters in politics are numbers, whether they are procured by hook or crook, temptations of pelf or power. Middle class people talk about criminalisation and they are the ones who do not go out to cast their votes on the ground that either it is too cold or too hot or they have another engagement or they do not want to stand in a queue. As countrymen we get a chance once in five years to elect our rulers. Instead of lamenting about the sorry state of affairs, why don’t we go out and discharge our duties as citizens and elect the best possible candidate? This is the only way to end criminalisation in politics. Especially since our governments aren’t just unable to end criminalisation, they are simply unwilling to do so.

It is worthwhile to quote what former US President Ronald Reagan said: “Politicians may think prostitution is a grim, degrading life. But prostitutes think the same of politics. Getting a lecture on morality from a politician is like getting a lecture on chastity from a whore”.

Focus: Can Criminals Really Be Kept Out Of Indian Politics?

By M H Ahssan / INN Bureau

The Supreme Court has struck a blow against criminals in politics. But evildoers will continue to hold sway unless political parties reform themselves. Everyone knows Raja Bhaiyya, the dreaded don from Uttar Pradesh who earned his first criminal case as a teenager and who has a symbiotic relationship with the prisons either as an inmate or as the minister tasked with running them. But ever heard of Bhaiyya Raja?

Trends in the Indian Real Estate Market

By M H Ahssan

When Ram Kumar, a Non-Resident Indian brought a 1000 sq feet flat in Delhi, India for Rs 30 Lakhs in 2004, he thought he was over-paying for it. Today, not only has the value of the flat more than doubled, but Ram, who is based in Austin, Texas, is truly estatic, that for the first time, his real estate investments are giving him such a return. He has not only brought into upcoming projects but is also scouting for more. Says Ram “ This market have not even reached 20% of it’s potential. Any investment in real estate here is bound to be profitable.” That statement clearly sums up the Indian Real Estate Market. Going by recent trends the India properties market, is not only booming, but growing by leaps and bounds. Research data estimates that the Indian Real Estate Market is expected to grow from the current 14 billion dollars to a whopping 102 billion dollars in the next 10 years.

Since the September 11th attack in the US, investments in Indian markets have gathered pace. India has encouraged Non Resident Indians (NRIs) and Foreign Investors with tax incentives and relaxation of foreign direct investments (FDI) rules. The dramatic change in sentiments is clearly visible in India’s bulging foreign exchange reserves, which are at a record high of over 120 billion US dollars. And the Reserve bank of India has further relaxed the rules for NRIs with respect to repatriation of foreign exchange on real estate investments. Besides being a safe destination, India offers 15 to 25 per cent returns, perhaps the highest in the world. 30 per cent of all high major real estate transactions in Mumbai are accounted by NRIs.

Moreover, with increasing volatility in stock markets and falling interest rates, many investors have started considering investment in commercial and residential properties. The bottom-line is that this is the time to go shopping for property; as the market has started firming up already. As the organised market develops, real estate as an investment is one of the better options available today. In fact the main growth thrust is happening due to faourable demographics, increasing purchasing power, existence of customer friendly banks and housing finance companies, professionalism in real estate and favourable reforms initiated by government to attract global investors.

So which would be the potential growth areas to look for? The main growth sectors include residential real estate, commercial real estate, retail sector, industrial sector hospitality and healthcare sectors. The commercial real estate sector is led by the booming information technology and information technology enabled services industry. Estimated demand from this sector alone is estimated to be 150 million sq feet of space in cities throughout India by 2010.

In residential real estate there is a shortage of almost 20 million units, of which 7 million are in urban India. The increasingly organized retail sector is also a magnet for growth. With Mukesh Ambani controlled Reliance Industries and many other top industrial houses entering into organized retail in a big way, the growth potential is enormous. There has been a mushrooming of retail projects all over the country. The real estate investment sector has never had it so good. But it was not always like this.

Ever since India started liberalizing its economy, the international property investors' refrain has been that though the country opened up its most crucial infrastructure sectors to foreign investments, it is still reluctant to allow FDI in the property market. The government justified this by citing political and security compulsions. However, realizing the huge investment potential in India, Chesterton Meghraj estimates that the country will require investments of $24 billion over the next five years and that development of the real estate segment is crucial for its economic growth. The same belief led the erstwhile National Democratic Alliance government to permit as a part of the budget proposal, FDI in township development, information technology parks, special economic zones and hospitality sectors.

But many feel the liberalization was half-hearted. For instance, though the new policy allows a 100% FDI stake in a venture - which, incidentally, is allowed in few sectors - there are stumbling blocks in the form of clauses, such as a minimum lock-in period of three years before original investment can be repatriated, and a project completion mandate that a minimum of 50% must be completed within five years of possession of land. This is why there were few proposals in the initial years. But over the last six months, a slew of foreign construction groups have been seeking government clearance to invest in the country. A few major FDI proposals that have taken place include :

• Dubai-based Emaar Group has invested $100 million in a township project in Hyderabad that includes a hotel and a golf course.

• Jakarta-based Salim Group is to invest over $100 million in a 309-acre (124 hectares) township project in Kolkata. This Rs500 million ($11 million) project will be developed as a joint venture between Salim Group and the Kolkata Municipal Development Authority.

• High Point Rendel of UK, US-Based Edaw Ltd and Kikken Sekkel of Tokyo have teamed up to work on a township development project in Jharkhand.

• Canada-based Royal Indian Raj International Corporation is coming up with $791 million for Royal Garden City, a fully integrated township in Bangalore. The total development will include 35,000 residential units with an investment of approximately $2.9 billion and is scheduled to be completed by 2015 in various phases. This is the highest FDI investment till date.

• CESMA International Pvt Ltd, a subsidiary of the Singapore government's housing agency, along with the Andhra Pradesh state government, is promoting a township in Hyderabad.

• Lee Kim Tah Holdings (a Singapore-based company) with an investment of $115 million is developing a 100-acre mega township along with commercial complex and related social infrastructure near Mumbai.

• The Andhra Pradesh Housing Board has approved a 50-acre township in Vijaywada. CESMA International will construct houses and apartment blocks here.

• Malaysian developer IJM is working on a township spread across 35 acres in Hyderabad near Hi-tech City.

• Ho-Hup Construction Company Berhad is coming up with a 125-acre development project at Shamshabad in Hyderabad along with the Andhra Pradesh Housing Board.

• SembCorp Engineers and Constructors Pte Ltd, Singapore, is working on eight projects in Mumbai, Pune and Bangalore. The company has invested $50 million.

• Universal Success Enterprise Limited of Indonesia has signed a memorandum with Delhi-based developer Unitech Ltd for a $155-million information technology park and housing project in Kolkata.

• Singapore's fifth-biggest property group, Keppel Land Ltd, made its first foray into India after buying land in India's software capital Bangalore for $13 million. Keppel Land, which is partnering Puravankara Projects Ltd, is developing the first phase of a condominium project located in an area known for high-tech campuses. It will be launched in early 2006.

• Singapore-based Evan Lim & Co Pte Ltd is associated with a township development project in Visakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh.

More over, land in India is mostly freehold land. In fact certain important markets like Mumbai in Maharashtra are seeing a dramatic increase in land availability as textile mills lands in the heart of the city are opened up to redevelopment.

The other big opportunity, say industry sources, is the involvement of state governments in large-scale government projects like development of the surplus land of Mumbai Port Trust or that of sick public sector firms. State governments have realized that they can make more money if they get into joint ventures with private developers than just selling the land. This is an ideal opportunity for foreign investors because such arrangements reduce entry-level costs.

But not all real estate investments are so easy. In India, it is very difficult to find large plots near big cities. Foreign investors prefer to stick to larger cities because returns there are more lucrative.

Moreover, a minimum lock-in period of three years from completion of a project is mandated, which nullifies an investor's flexibility to play around with the time frame or phasing the project when circumstances get beyond control. The other problem that acts as a dampener for foreign investors is the insistence of local financial institutions on a personal guarantee from property developers over and above the land as collateral. Another problem is that local banks and financial institutions also tend to loosen their purse strings when property prices are rising because that raises the value of their collateral, but when prices fall, they pull out, triggering a bust.

Still, all agree that the potential of India's real estate sector is huge. It is one of the most attractive markets for two reasons. One, with a billion-plus population, the opportunity is huge; no other market is going to witness this kind of growth both in commercial as well as residential and retail markets. Two, the industry has an average rate of return on capital in excess of 30% and it is not unusual for local developers to achieve IRR of as much as 50%. Clearly, India rocks in real estate. You cannot disagree.

Focus: Where Are The Free School Textbooks For Children?

By Rati Kumar in Bhopal

In August last year, the a vernacular newspaper reported from Varanasi, that none of the students of class I, II and III had school text books. The whole of July had gone by without anything being taught in schools and the students spent most of their time playing. Varanasi is just as an example; the situation across the country is equally disappointing.

According to the Right to Education (RTE) Act 2009, every child in a primary school should have text books available on time i.e. at the beginning of the academic year. But the reality is far from what the Act stipulates. In fact, most children do not receive school books and even those who do, don’t necessarily get all the books and rarely at the beginning of the academic year.

HONOUR FATIGUE - SOLDIERS OF MISFORTUNE

By M H Ahssan

BEFORE THE HOME MINISTRY RAISES NEW PARAMILITARY BATTALIONS, IT NEEDS TO ASK WHY THE OLD ONES ARE QUITTING IN DROVES.

Surinder Kang joined the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) as a constable in 1990. Twenty years later, he’s risen no more than just one rank: he’s a havaldar now. What has risen dangerously over the years, though, are his chances of dying on duty.

So Kang, at 40, has sought voluntary retirement. He wants his pension (even if it is just 2/3rd of what he would otherwise get), an easier job — and he does not want to die. Needless to say, Surinder Kang has a different real name.

What makes Kang’s story extremely disturbing is that it is not an individual story of disillusionment: it is symptomatic of a rampant and growing feeling in the paramilitary. At a time when the Home Minister is speaking of raising dozens of new paramilitary battalions, apart from Kang, hundreds of other men with real names and real fears and real grievances are queuing up to quit the services. In fact, according to official data, an unprecedented 14,422 jawans applied for premature voluntary retirement from service (VRS) in 2009 — up 85 percent from the previous year and 112 percent from 2007. Compare this with the fact that only 4,622 soldiers sought voluntary retirement from the Indian Army — which is three times larger than all the paramilitary forces put together — in the same period, and the contrast becomes painfully stark.

So, why the exodus?
A few days ago, EN Rammohan, former Director General of the Border Security Force (BSF), submitted his one-man enquiry report to Home Minister P Chidambaram on what went wrong in the recent Dantewada massacre, in which Maoists ambushed and killed 76 CRPF jawans. Predictably, the report blamed “leadership failure” and “a lack of coordination between the CRPF and the state police”. Based on this, a few individual heads down the ranks will roll. But if the government stops at that, it will have misread the crisis and lose a crucial opportunity for introspection and drastic overhaul.

The truth is the Dantewada massacre is only one kind of cautionary tale about what ails the Indian paramilitary. The cautionary tale of Surinder Kang runs much deeper and is more alarming.

IF ONE were merely to read the surface signs, it might seem a fear of dying is propelling the exodus. The year 2010 has barely begun and already 79 CRPF men have died.

The number was 58 in 2009. The stark contrast with Indian Army VRS figures also seems to suggest that battling one’s own countrymen has become much tougher and more wearisome than battling enemies outside — both physically and psychologically. As Gautam Kaul, a retired IPS officer who served as Additional Director General of CRPF in 1997-98, says, “Both death in action and voluntary retirement are higher in the CRPF and BSF than in the Army. The spurt in political and civil unrest in the country does not match [the] planning and preparedness of these paramilitary forces. The demand is massive and the paramilitary forces just can’t meet the demand.”
But fear of dying does not seem to be the key reason Surinder Kang wants to leave the CRPF. Something deeper nags him. Kang has 20 long years of fighting guerilla wars and insurgencies. He has been posted thrice in Jammu and Kashmir, twice in the Northeast, and two times each in Lalgarh and Bastar.

Besides this, he has been on election duty in Gujarat, Bihar, Delhi, West Bengal and Orissa. Kang is 40 now and has grayed a little. He is extremely fit and no amount of training can bring you his experience. But Kang has queued up for VRS. He is resolved to leave the forces and work as a small-time private guard at some ATM or private industry. Kang has realised the country does not honour those who serve it. Now, he wants to be with his family at any cost.

“I spent one third of my 20 years in the CRPF just travelling. Of these 20 years, I could spend only three years with my children. I took medical leave to get married. I could only reach my village five days after I received news of my father passing away. I am the eldest in my family but I couldn’t even perform the last rites. I couldn’t COVERSTORY attend three of my four sisters’ marriages. I had to arrange a separate house for my wife and kids after my father’s death because my brother threw them out from the joint family house. But if you take any of these problems to your officers, they just shoo you away.”

Kang is not the only one. Disillusion is simmering like an epidemic beneath the disciplined skin of the paramilitary, and its reasons straddle a wide spectrum: poor work conditions; demeaning terms of service; long years away from families; arbitrary orders and a niggling sense that their life is cheap and death would come without honour.

Just walk around the paramilitary headquarters in Delhi and this honour fatigue begins to unravel. Talk to a constable under a tree and word spreads that someone is asking about their troubles. The jawan inside the canteen, the jawan walking with heaps of files to the grievance department, the jawan loading trucks, all stop to listen in. Everyone wants your number on a scrap of paper. They can’t talk now, but they all have a story to tell.

Of how they have lived in torn tents with no drinking water. Of how the holes were big enough for heat waves and pouring rain. Of how the officers live in concrete houses with three servants. Of how it’s not the government, but their own departments that ensure the welfare schemes never reach them. Of how salaries are cut even when they are injured on duty. Of how a jawan does not get paid if he is in hospital for more than six months. The recurring theme is “pressure: — of how there is too much “dabav” from commanders to blindly follow orders. Of how most of these orders are things that fall outside the purview of duty. Of how they are never consulted even while their lives are at stake. Of how they all plan to take voluntary retirement as soon as they complete 20 years of service.

There’s a jawan from Uttaranchal who has been trying to get a transfer to his home state of Gujarat for the last five years. His wife is mentally ill and unable to look after his three young children. “The officers tell me to get my wife treated in Uttaranchal,” says he. “But our camp is in the mountains, in the middle of a jungle. How is this possible?” Once he returned a few days late from a visit home. His wife’s ill-health was not a good enough shield. He lost an entire month’s pay.
Another jawan has spent 16 years in the CRPF — six in Jammu and Kashmir, three in Assam, three in Tripura, and three in Manipur. Too scared to talk at the CRPF headquarters, he calls late at night to share his story.

During a posting in Srinagar, he was charged with indiscipline and lost 15 days of pay for daring to complain about inedible food and cockroaches in his dal. When he fell sick in Tripura, he couldn’t get a car to get to hospital. “I had to hire a jeep,” says he. “Only if 15-20 constables fall sick and need a car together, there’s a chance of us getting it. Otherwise the cars are busy ferrying the officers’ children. This country got independence in 1947, but we still live like slaves. Our officers order us to do unauthorised things; we have no right to express ourselves. They tell us to barge into people’s homes and pick up bricks and cement and construct our quarters. They pocket lakhs of welfare money; they take commissions from ration shops.

We pay Rs 1,326 per month for food. The bills are for A-grade rations but we get C-grade food. The commander is like the king of a battalion. He runs it the way he wants. As a driver, I am sent all the time for unauthorised pick ups. All the risk of being caught is on me. You live under so much pressure, you either shoot yourself or shoot someone else. I am just waiting to complete 20 years so I can get a part of my pension and then I’ll quit."

The angry stories duplicate endlessly. A jawan from Gorakhpur with 17 years of service behind him speaks of how he was not granted leave to be in time for his first child’s delivery, though he was posted just a few hours away in Allahabad. When he reached a week later, his son was dead. “After the 6th Pay Commission, we were supposed to be given Rs 2,000 education allowance and a travel allowance, but I haven’t got it yet,” says he. “The officers find ways to make sure we don’t get this education allowance. Just a school certificate is not enough. They ask for bills for the child’s uniform, shoes, notebooks. How are we going to run around getting all this when we barely get leave?”

(A jawan is entitled to two months of earned leave in a year but they rarely get leave on time. “A battalion has seven companies and all the seven companies are located at different locations. The battalion commandant sits at Chandigarh. How can a jawan get leave on time if he is located in Dantewada and his commandant is in Chandigarh,” says Gautam Kaul. “Better systems have to be thought through.”)

Clearly, the issue of family — and an inability to provide adequately for them — looms large for the jawan. “We had witnessed an exodus in the paramilitary forces in 1991 too when violence had escalated in Jammu and Kashmir,” says Prakash Belgamkar, retired DIG (Operations), CRPF. “We had discovered then that a soldier’s motivation revolves around his family. But he becomes a nomad after joining the forces. The nucleus of his nuclear family goes away. He has no fixed address, his life gets fragmented.”

But no lessons seem to have been learnt since 1991. Far from any internal memos in the Home Ministry sounding alarm signals about the surge in VRS applications, or directives in paramilitary headquarters urging officers to motivate jawans, the dominant mood seems to be callous complacency: there’s more where those came from. “Yes, we have seen a spurt in voluntary retirements,” says CRPF spokesperson Ajay Chaturvedi. “But there are enough applications coming in of boys who want to join. We have filled in the vacancies. We have raised six new battalions in a year. We don’t have a crunch anymore. There’s nothing to worry.”

A wise administration would stop men like Kang, if it could. Their experience is hard won, and no training course can duplicate that. But the official position seems to be just about numbers. Building morale, quality and pride in work is not on the radar. Retaining experience seems unnecessary. In a poor country, there will always be replacements. There will always be fresh fodder for all cannons.

To get a real sense of the implications of the diving morale of the paramilitary jawan, one needs to understand first the nature and work of the paramilitary forces. India has about 7 lakh paramilitary forces which include the Central Reserve Police Force (strength 2.30 lakh); Border Security Force (strength 2.15 lakh); Central Industrial Security Force (strength 1.12 lakh); Assam Rifle (strength 50,000); Indo- Tibetan Border Police (strength 74,000) and a Sashastra Seema Bal (strength 29,000). The tasks of these battalions range across fighting internal counter-insurgencies, protecting heritage sites and national installations, providing relief during calamities, controlling riots, providing VIP security and executing election duties. (Their motto is ‘Any Task, Any Time, Any Where’ and ‘Duty unto Death’ — as opposed to the army’s which is ‘Shoot to Kill’. But far from pride, this seems to evoke cynical scorn in jawans now.)

Though law and order are State subjects that, ideally, should be handled by the State police, the National Crime Record Bureau confirms there is a shortage of two lakh policemen in the country. This places an added burden on the paramilitary forces. As former Home Secretary Madhukar Gupta says, “There is a diversity of challenges from terrorism to insurgency today, which has affected rotation and training of these paramilitary forces. This does lead to stress. The private security business has also attracted them away from the forces.

This is an evolving situation and the government has to take major initiatives to improve things.” The story about the diving morale of the jawan then is not just a story about individual griping. It should be of national concern. The jawan is the primary interface between civilians and the State in a conflict zone. Their conduct is crucial to the history of these conflicts. They need to be sensitised not brutalised. Kashmir, the Northeast, Chhattisgarh, Lalgarh (in West Bengal), Narayanpatna (in Orissa) are all rife with stories of malafide behaviour by jawans. But how can any virtuous cycles set in? As a jawan in Lalgarh says after his friend was refused a visit to his pregnant wife, “I was so angry, I wanted to shoot someone.”

Difficulty in getting leave and family anxieties though are not the only reasons jawans are quitting in droves. The terms of service, over all, seem to need a major revision. A retired IPS officer who has served in the CRPF, ITBP and CISF in different capacities says, “Why shouldn’t the paramilitary jawans leave? I pity them for sacrificing their lives when our pay commissions do not even recognise them as ‘skilled’ workers.”

This seems merely the tip of a huge iceberg of service dissatisfactions. Army men are considered skilled workers, while paramilitary jawans trained to fight in some of the most dangerous and difficult circumstances are not considered “skilled” enough. A jawan gets a salary ranging from Rs 12,000 to Rs 15,000 (same as a civilian clerk); and an additional Rs 3,000 if he is on a ‘hard posting’ in a ‘difficult area’. (It is typical of Indian bureaucracy that while J&K and the Northeast are considered ‘difficult areas’, Chhattisgarh, Bastar and Lalgarh are yet to feature in this category though many more jawans have been killed in service here than elsewhere.) A jawan also gets Rs 1,100 — Rs 1,300 for rations but has to pay for his own mess expenses on the field, often having to find rations and cook for themselves.

Apart from these living conditions, many veterans say the essential command structure of the paramilitary forces is flawed. Kaul believes too many agencies have authority over a jawan and that contributes hugely to the low morale. “As director general of a paramilitary force, I am only entitled to perform house-keeping jobs for a jawan. I can train him and monitor his service record, but I have no powers to decide on his battalion movement and deployment,” says he. Only Home Ministry officials perform this critical job: they have the list of battalions, they assess the demand and assign locations.

This can lead to many Kafkaesque situations. One retired jawan remembers a tortuous journey in 2004 that stretched 8,000 kilometers over two months as the Home Ministry ordered his company like a pawn to move from Agartala to Gujarat via Bangladesh, Delhi, Kashmir and back to Agartala. Crowded trains, no reservations, no accommodations, no sense of why they were being deployed anywhere, and, most of all — no sense of respect. “I have fought insurgents for 20 years,” says the jawan bitterly, “but this one journey showed me my standing in my country’s eyes. How can you fool around with so many human beings on the pretext of an emergency situation?” Other jawans speak of being summoned to places for six months and being asked to stay for six years.

“Battalion movements are very frequent in the CRPF and this often leads to individual hardship. The very nature of their duty is temporary and is bound to dislocate them constantly. In the army, soldiers undertake an operation then go back to the base camp; the CRPF jawans have no fixed place to return. They are always on the move,’’ says Kaul.

This sense of the ad-hoc permeates every aspect of their lives. (For instance, it appears the Home Ministry had no idea that the CRPF had only three satellite phones till former Home Minister Shivraj PatilShivraj Patil went to Amarnath and had a sudden desire to speak to his family from the shrine. A phone was found with great difficulty for him. This is the only reason he came back to Delhi and remembered to sanction 68 satellite phones for the CRPF and an equal number for other paramilitary battalions.)

But often, this can have much more ominous implications. Kang speaks of his dread in being asked to go on an ‘area domination’ exercise in Chhattisgarh. “We hadn’t slept for days. We landed, and our induction was cut short midway, because there were no policemen for patrolling. We had no clue about the local language, culture, terrain, and most importantly, we had no intelligence about the enemy. We were there physically but had to rely on local intelligence. The paramilitary does not even have its own intelligence. So if the input is good, we succeed; if not, we become sitting ducks.”

This idea of being a ‘sitting duck’ is a powerful and repetitive leitmotif. Another retired jawan who has seen service in J&K, Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh and Jharkhand, says, “Naxalites fight with military precision. They commit mistakes but they never repeat them.” He recalls an incident in Erabore in 2005 when 200 Naxalites tried to bomb a police armory and the CRPF bunker near it. The jawans resisted the attack and informed their base camp. Help came quickly and the Naxals were repulsed.

Three months later, the CRPF battalion raided a Naxal hideout and found a document titled: Why we failed in the Erabore Police Armory Operation. The document said they had failed because they had underestimated the strength of the armory and bunker wall, and so had taken insufficient explosives, and, secondly, they had not anticipated that the CRPF’s base camp could send help that fast. A few months later, Naxals killed 23 CRPF jawans in a landmine attack. The jawans were on their way to rescue policemen trapped in an attack: the Naxals had anticipated this and laid landmines to blow the vehicle.

“We are never debriefed so thoroughly,” says the jawan. “We are constantly pushed into mindless ‘area domination’ exercises without any intelligence. We never seem to learn from our mistakes.”

What can reverse the tide then? What can stop the attrition and turn this force into a humane, yet proud and efficient line of defence? Former Home Secretary Madhukar Gupta says some initiatives were underway in his time: raising more police force, providing housing, reducing telephone rates for calls home, and counselling (when more than 10 jawans from a company apply for VRS). Prakash Belgamkar re-emphasises the need for this: “A jawan has other alternatives today. If the State wants to retain him, it has to free him of his worries about his family. If this is done, he’ll be yours for the rest of his life.” That might be only the first of many urgent correctives. The most primary one will have to be an essential change of attitude — wherein retaining men begins to matter more than merely replacing them.

INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS 'RESHUFFLE' ON CARDS?

INN News Desk

As Congress prepares for the fourth anniversary of UPA-II on 22 May, the buzz of a reshuffle in the AICC has once gained momentum.

Top party sources said a reshuffle in the party is “on the cards”.

The appointment of eight spokespersons in the first week of this month is seen as a clear indication of changes in AICC coming soon, political analysts said.