By M H Ahssan
India on Monday launched an Israeli-made RISAT 2, or radar-imaging satellite, on board its domestically built rocket the Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle, from Sriharikota, a barrier island off the southern Indian state of Andhra Pradesh.
The launch is seen as a vital step towards securing India's borders and deterring cross-border infiltration in the wake of the deadly terror strikes which have rocked India in recent months, particularly the Mumbai attack on November 26, 2008, that killed up to 200 people and destroyed property worth millions.
The 300-kilogram RISAT will orbit about 550 kilometers above the Earth. It was designed by Israeli Aerospace Industries and is equipped with Synthetic Aperture Radar (SAR) technology. SAR systems, according to experts, take advantage of the long-range propagation characteristics of radar signals and the complex information processing capability of modern digital electronics to provide high-resolution imagery. The photos provided by the technology have such a high-resolution that even car number plates can be read.
According to defense experts, it was a lack of the SAR capability in Indian satellites that stopped the nation from detecting Pakistan militants who had entrenched themselves in Kashmir prior to the Kargil war, an 11-week conflict between India and Pakistan in 1999.
The need for satellites with such technology has since been acutely felt in India. India's current surveillance satellites cannot function to their optimal level at night or during the monsoon season. The RISAT-2 will also be able to detect and monitor incoming ballistic missiles.
The RISAT's "all-weather capability" will enable it to process images, irrespective of cloud cover or inclement weather. In addition to defense and surveillance, the satellite can be used in disaster management situations like floods and in agricultural planning, a boon for India where nearly two-thirds of the populace are farmers.
The new satellite will become part of India's fleet of successfully launched satellites. India began its space program in 1963, and its ISRO (Indian Space Research Organization) recently joined the United States, Russia, China, Ukraine and the European Space Agency in offering commercial satellite launch services.
The successful launch last November of the Chandrayaan-1, India's first unmanned moon probe, demonstrated that India had the capability to penetrate the global satellite market. Chandrayaan-1 made space history as the cheapest contemporary lunar mission ever launched. With a budget of some $100 million, its price tag was almost half of China's Chang'e 1 mission ($187 million) and about one-fifth of Japan's Kayuga ($480 million). Experts say low labor costs are the major reason for India's comparative price advantage in satellite production and launching.
The ISRO was initially set up to carry out scientific research, but now also earns money from commercial launches in a global market worth an estimated $2.5 billion each year.
The RISAT launch also has geopolitical overtones, due to the Israeli connection. The importance of the satellite has been magnified by the fact that earlier Indo-Israeli satellite ventures were scrapped due to objections by Arab states which viewed them as a threat to their "defensive integrity".
The RISAT's launch has given Indo-Israeli relations new momentum in the strategic areas of space and defense. India helped Israel launch its own spy satellite TecSAR, another SAR-enabled satellite, last January. In a controversial break from its longstanding military space policy of strategic self-reliance, Israel launched TecSAR aboard India's Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle rather than its indigenous Shavit rocket.
Two more Indo-Israeli satellites will be launched over the next two years, according to defense ministry sources. Aside from cooperation in space exploration, India has bought over US$5 billion worth of Israeli military equipment since 2002. Israel has reportedly helped train Indian military units and given Indian commandos instruction in counter-terrorist tactics and urban warfare.
The beginnings of Indo-Israeli defense cooperation dates to the Kargil era when the right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party government, under premier Atal Bihari Vajpayee, acquired "anti-terror" Israeli expertise for operations in Kashmir. During the Kargil conflict, New Delhi sought Israeli support to defend against a Pakistani invasion. In return, Israel reportedly supplied military equipment and unmanned aerial vehicles. India has used a variety of Israeli surveillance devices along its border with Pakistan.
When the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government, led by Congress leader Sonia Gandhi, swept into power in 2004, India-Israeli cooperation in the field of defense was again pursued. Air-to-surface missiles, anti-missile defense projects, advanced radars, electronic warfare systems and third-generation night-fighting capabilities are all on the collaboration agenda. By 2008, bilateral trade between India and Israel had exceeded $4 billion and Israel was India's second-largest military supplier.
Heightened fears of terror attacks in India have propelled cooperation with Israel to greater heights. India's defense budget was ratcheted up 24% this fiscal year by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's UPA government as its military fast-tracked acquisitions in the wake of the Mumbai massacre. The $29.4-billion defense allocation comprises 15% of the entire budget for the financial year beginning April 1. Finance Minster Pranab Mukherjee has stated that the amount could be increased even further.
"We are going through tough times," said Mukherjee in February. "The Mumbai terror attacks have given an entirely new dimension to cross-border terrorism."
Tuesday, April 21, 2009
A tax on carbon credit trade: ARE WE PREPARED?
By M H Ahssan
The Income Tax department is reportedly mulling a tax on carbon credit trade and the revenue potential of the proposed impost is said to be about Rs 1,000 crore a year. What are the implications of the move for the industry?
Carbon credits (CCs) are meant to provide a way to reduce greenhouse emissions on industrial scales by the capping of total annual emissions. The market assigns a money value to shortfalls, if any, through trading. The credits can be exchanged between businesses or bought and sold internationally at the rates prevailing at the time the deal is made. They can also be used to finance carbon reduction schemes between trading partners in a country or around the world.
A CC is defined as the unit related to reduction of one tonne of CO2 (carbon dioxide) emission from the baseline of the project activity. Under International Emissions Trading (IET), countries can trade in the international CC market to cover their shortfall in allowances. Those countries which have surplus can sell these to countries who have capped emission commitments under the Kyoto Protocol. This enables a developed country to buy CCs off the shelf through the instrumentally of a ‘climate exchange’. IET is an administrative approach to control pollution by providing fiscal incentives to reduce emissions.
Carbon Emission Right (CER) is a type of financial derivative product that gets its value from reduction in emission of greenhouse gas. The trade in CERs can be on the spot or on forward basis. Ccs create a market for reducing emissions by giving a monetary value to the cost of polluting the air. Emissions become an internal cost of doing business and are visible on the balance sheets .
CER can be acquired through self generation or through trading. Developing countries like India can set up carbon reducing projects approved by UNFCCC. When such projects go on stream, these generate CERs. These CERs can be sold through the climate exchange. The companies can also buy and then sell CERs at profit. Carbon accounting implies that the country concerned has first to measure the amount of CO2 released by various industries, determine the limit of allowable emissions and then work out the system of generating CERs. Presently, these are no accounting standards/or guidance notes for accounting CERs which ICAI will have to work out.
As for the income-tax treatment, CERs are to be treated as ‘intangible assets’ held with the registry of such rights. CERs acquired from others will have to be accounted for on cost basis. The profit and loss on these will have to be worked out with reference to sale price. Self generated CERs will not appear in the balance sheets. Their existence will have to be disclosed in the accounting policy in the published accounts.
As CERs are capital assets, the profit or loss arising on disposal of acquired CERs will have to be disclosed on that basis. If these are held for more than 36 months, these will have to be treated as ‘long term capital assets’ and taxed on that basis. If self generated, CERs are sold, there will be no liability for tax as these will have no cost.
The Income Tax department is reportedly mulling a tax on carbon credit trade and the revenue potential of the proposed impost is said to be about Rs 1,000 crore a year. What are the implications of the move for the industry?
Carbon credits (CCs) are meant to provide a way to reduce greenhouse emissions on industrial scales by the capping of total annual emissions. The market assigns a money value to shortfalls, if any, through trading. The credits can be exchanged between businesses or bought and sold internationally at the rates prevailing at the time the deal is made. They can also be used to finance carbon reduction schemes between trading partners in a country or around the world.
A CC is defined as the unit related to reduction of one tonne of CO2 (carbon dioxide) emission from the baseline of the project activity. Under International Emissions Trading (IET), countries can trade in the international CC market to cover their shortfall in allowances. Those countries which have surplus can sell these to countries who have capped emission commitments under the Kyoto Protocol. This enables a developed country to buy CCs off the shelf through the instrumentally of a ‘climate exchange’. IET is an administrative approach to control pollution by providing fiscal incentives to reduce emissions.
Carbon Emission Right (CER) is a type of financial derivative product that gets its value from reduction in emission of greenhouse gas. The trade in CERs can be on the spot or on forward basis. Ccs create a market for reducing emissions by giving a monetary value to the cost of polluting the air. Emissions become an internal cost of doing business and are visible on the balance sheets .
CER can be acquired through self generation or through trading. Developing countries like India can set up carbon reducing projects approved by UNFCCC. When such projects go on stream, these generate CERs. These CERs can be sold through the climate exchange. The companies can also buy and then sell CERs at profit. Carbon accounting implies that the country concerned has first to measure the amount of CO2 released by various industries, determine the limit of allowable emissions and then work out the system of generating CERs. Presently, these are no accounting standards/or guidance notes for accounting CERs which ICAI will have to work out.
As for the income-tax treatment, CERs are to be treated as ‘intangible assets’ held with the registry of such rights. CERs acquired from others will have to be accounted for on cost basis. The profit and loss on these will have to be worked out with reference to sale price. Self generated CERs will not appear in the balance sheets. Their existence will have to be disclosed in the accounting policy in the published accounts.
As CERs are capital assets, the profit or loss arising on disposal of acquired CERs will have to be disclosed on that basis. If these are held for more than 36 months, these will have to be treated as ‘long term capital assets’ and taxed on that basis. If self generated, CERs are sold, there will be no liability for tax as these will have no cost.
THE 'KING MAKER' OR 'STAR MAKER'
By M H Ahssan
Chandrababu Naidu looks like the man who will be sought after, once election results are out. He will be a kingmaker if he gets anything over 20 Lok Sabha seats.
Chandrababu Naidu, a posterboy of India’s economic reforms in the mid-1990s, is a chastened man today. He has reinvented himself politically and says he had made a mistake in the past by remaining too focused on economic reforms while not looking after the immediate needs of the poor. Redistributive justice cannot wait till reforms produce results and major intervention is required in the short run. Naidu has internalised this as he leads the opposition charge in the most critical state of Andhra Pradesh which returns 42 members to the Lok Sabha, the third largest after Uttar Pradesh and Maharashtra.
No wonder Andhra Pradesh is being described as a swing state, which will decide the fate of the Congress-led UPA at the Centre. Chandrababu Naidu is fully aware of the possible role he might play at the Centre after the Lok Sabha and assembly polls in the state. “Everyone knows I played a critical role in the formation of the United Front government. I am sure I will play a role this time too if the need arises”, he says confidently.
His body language would suggest he is already sensing power. “Many internal exit poll surveys suggest we are well ahead of the Congress after the first phase of polling. Even the state intelligence bureau has indicated that,” he says. “Another sign is the Congress leader Y S R Reddy’s desperation in raising the bogey, in the second phase campaign, that the people of Andhra might lose Hyderabad to a newly created state of Telengana. How is the Congress High Command endorsing such duplicity,” Naidu asks.
Naidu raises all these and many other issues in a fiery public speech in the heart of Nellore town, and the crowds lap up every bit of his rhetorical posers. If the Nellore public meeting is anything to go by, Naidu appears to be on a roll. One has not seen such a spontaneous response from the crowds in recent times. Going by local media reports he has been getting such crowd response in most of his public meetings and has gathered political momentum lately. The sense one gets after talking to people is they want to give Naidu a chance. Clearly, Naidu looks like the man who will be sought after, post-May 16. He will be a kingmaker if he gets anything over 20 Lok Sabha seats.
A conversation with Naidu revealed an interesting political facet of the man. He has clearly learnt from past mistakes. “I ruled for nine years in Andhra and was regarded as a pioneer of economic reforms. But I made one big mistake. I got carried away by praise from economists and academics and lost touch with the common man. I have, therefore, learnt a lesson and reinvented myself,” he says. He still believes in reforms but equally on substantive “intervention as the poor cannot wait for succour”.
Going by Naidu, the new lesson for every politician seems to be to do exactly the opposite of what ivory tower economists suggest! For instance, economists always pooh-poohed the idea of giving rice at Rs 2 a kg which was put forth by N T Rama Rao and later replicated by DMK of Tamil Nadu. But this has now become par for the course as national parties have also followed suit.
This election, Naidu seems to have caught the imagination of Andhra people with his unique cash transfer scheme which he explains in all his public meetings. The scheme is about a direct transfer of cash to those below poverty line and the not so poor in a graded manner. Being adept at the use of technology Naidu emphasises in all his meetings that this cash transfer will be made directly through an ATM card and will be handed to the woman of the poor household.
The emphasis on direct transfer without intermediaries is not without reason. The Congress in Andhra too has implemented many social sector schemes but corruption has eaten into a good 50% of such funds, says Naidu. The Telugu Desam leader alleges that corruption and criminality have created an anti-incumbency sentiment in the state.
But has he done the math for transferring such a big sum every month to the poor? The below poverty line poor household will get Rs 2,000 a month, the above poverty line poor will get Rs 1,500 and Rs 1,000 in a graded manner. The total expenditure on this could be Rs 10,000 to Rs 12,000 crore. Asked how he will raise such a big sum, Naidu says the money will have to come from the growing economy. He alludes to user charges from telecom, roads and so on which are still booming.
Sharp politician that he is, Naidu eschews going into further details. But he surely has caught the imagination of the people with some of his schemes. One also saw Naidu attracting a lot of the young voters in his meetings. He cleverly uses technology to appear more modern than his rivals. For instance, he has set up a call centre in each of his 294 assembly constituencies to get daily feedback. He has a thousand dedicated phone lines free to communicate.
Naidu said his other big mistake was he did not immediately withdraw support to the NDA government when the Gujarat riots happened. It cost him dearly at the elections and the minorities got alienated from the TDP. He now claims to have managed to win back some of the confidence of the Muslims who constitute about 14% of the state voting population.
Naidu also significantly asserted he would play the role of a facilitator if the Third Front got a good tally at the hustings. “I have been working with leaders of the Third Front to create an alternative set of policies,” he said. Naidu also seems serious about working on a common minimum programme of the Third Front, post-elections. He says the common features of all manifestos can be put together after the polls.
He is confident the Third Front can notch up over 150 seats, in which case the Congress would be pressured to support the Front. No doubt, he is a man to watch in the weeks ahead.
Chandrababu Naidu looks like the man who will be sought after, once election results are out. He will be a kingmaker if he gets anything over 20 Lok Sabha seats.
Chandrababu Naidu, a posterboy of India’s economic reforms in the mid-1990s, is a chastened man today. He has reinvented himself politically and says he had made a mistake in the past by remaining too focused on economic reforms while not looking after the immediate needs of the poor. Redistributive justice cannot wait till reforms produce results and major intervention is required in the short run. Naidu has internalised this as he leads the opposition charge in the most critical state of Andhra Pradesh which returns 42 members to the Lok Sabha, the third largest after Uttar Pradesh and Maharashtra.
No wonder Andhra Pradesh is being described as a swing state, which will decide the fate of the Congress-led UPA at the Centre. Chandrababu Naidu is fully aware of the possible role he might play at the Centre after the Lok Sabha and assembly polls in the state. “Everyone knows I played a critical role in the formation of the United Front government. I am sure I will play a role this time too if the need arises”, he says confidently.
His body language would suggest he is already sensing power. “Many internal exit poll surveys suggest we are well ahead of the Congress after the first phase of polling. Even the state intelligence bureau has indicated that,” he says. “Another sign is the Congress leader Y S R Reddy’s desperation in raising the bogey, in the second phase campaign, that the people of Andhra might lose Hyderabad to a newly created state of Telengana. How is the Congress High Command endorsing such duplicity,” Naidu asks.
Naidu raises all these and many other issues in a fiery public speech in the heart of Nellore town, and the crowds lap up every bit of his rhetorical posers. If the Nellore public meeting is anything to go by, Naidu appears to be on a roll. One has not seen such a spontaneous response from the crowds in recent times. Going by local media reports he has been getting such crowd response in most of his public meetings and has gathered political momentum lately. The sense one gets after talking to people is they want to give Naidu a chance. Clearly, Naidu looks like the man who will be sought after, post-May 16. He will be a kingmaker if he gets anything over 20 Lok Sabha seats.
A conversation with Naidu revealed an interesting political facet of the man. He has clearly learnt from past mistakes. “I ruled for nine years in Andhra and was regarded as a pioneer of economic reforms. But I made one big mistake. I got carried away by praise from economists and academics and lost touch with the common man. I have, therefore, learnt a lesson and reinvented myself,” he says. He still believes in reforms but equally on substantive “intervention as the poor cannot wait for succour”.
Going by Naidu, the new lesson for every politician seems to be to do exactly the opposite of what ivory tower economists suggest! For instance, economists always pooh-poohed the idea of giving rice at Rs 2 a kg which was put forth by N T Rama Rao and later replicated by DMK of Tamil Nadu. But this has now become par for the course as national parties have also followed suit.
This election, Naidu seems to have caught the imagination of Andhra people with his unique cash transfer scheme which he explains in all his public meetings. The scheme is about a direct transfer of cash to those below poverty line and the not so poor in a graded manner. Being adept at the use of technology Naidu emphasises in all his meetings that this cash transfer will be made directly through an ATM card and will be handed to the woman of the poor household.
The emphasis on direct transfer without intermediaries is not without reason. The Congress in Andhra too has implemented many social sector schemes but corruption has eaten into a good 50% of such funds, says Naidu. The Telugu Desam leader alleges that corruption and criminality have created an anti-incumbency sentiment in the state.
But has he done the math for transferring such a big sum every month to the poor? The below poverty line poor household will get Rs 2,000 a month, the above poverty line poor will get Rs 1,500 and Rs 1,000 in a graded manner. The total expenditure on this could be Rs 10,000 to Rs 12,000 crore. Asked how he will raise such a big sum, Naidu says the money will have to come from the growing economy. He alludes to user charges from telecom, roads and so on which are still booming.
Sharp politician that he is, Naidu eschews going into further details. But he surely has caught the imagination of the people with some of his schemes. One also saw Naidu attracting a lot of the young voters in his meetings. He cleverly uses technology to appear more modern than his rivals. For instance, he has set up a call centre in each of his 294 assembly constituencies to get daily feedback. He has a thousand dedicated phone lines free to communicate.
Naidu said his other big mistake was he did not immediately withdraw support to the NDA government when the Gujarat riots happened. It cost him dearly at the elections and the minorities got alienated from the TDP. He now claims to have managed to win back some of the confidence of the Muslims who constitute about 14% of the state voting population.
Naidu also significantly asserted he would play the role of a facilitator if the Third Front got a good tally at the hustings. “I have been working with leaders of the Third Front to create an alternative set of policies,” he said. Naidu also seems serious about working on a common minimum programme of the Third Front, post-elections. He says the common features of all manifestos can be put together after the polls.
He is confident the Third Front can notch up over 150 seats, in which case the Congress would be pressured to support the Front. No doubt, he is a man to watch in the weeks ahead.
I am the next CM, declares Chandrababu Naidu
By M H Ahssan
Confident that the electorate will vote him to power, TDP president N Chandrababu Naidu declared on Monday that he was going to be the next chief minister of the state. So confident is Naidu that he made this assertion in the present chief minister Y S Rajasekhara Reddy’s home district of Kadapa.
The confidence seems to have seeped into the cadres as well. Even as Naidu’s chopper was landing in the government polytechnic college helipad close to the public meeting venue municipal stadium here on Monday, one worker shouted: “Adigo, mana bhavi mukhya mantri vastunnadu. Jejelu kottandi (Our future CM is here, welcome him).”
After blessing a toddler eagerly handed over by a TDP woman activist and cutting a 59-kg to mark his birthday, Naidu thundered: “I am going to be the next CM of the state and you are in safe hands,” much to the delight of the crowds which went into raptures. “No one is going to stop the Mahakutami march, more so the corrupt Congress. Wait for May 16 and your woes will end forever as I am going to come back with a bang,” the TDP supremo declared.
Raising his pitch on seeing the response from the women and youth, Naidu sounded a warning to Y S Rajasekhara Reddy in his Kadapa den by saying, “Our Grand Alliance is going to sweep the polls. We will win not less than 105-120 seats in the first phase and it’s only a matter of time before YSR and his henchmen are ousted from power,” the TDP chief said.
In between, Naidu stuck to his routine free sop spree announcements. As he got down the dais, not before prodding the people to take a vow only to vote for the TDP candidates, Naidu told TOI, “It’s a one-sided election and YSR is heading home.” He said: “The massive response indicates that people see our party’s policies as a silent and universal ratification of my eminence and the rise of TDP. Certainly, we will bag a sizable number of seats even in coastal and Rayalaseema districts.”
Making it clear that he won’t be sparing YSR and his son Jaganmohan Reddy, he said all the corrupt money made by the ministers and YSR and Jagan would be restored to the people since it is “public money.”
But what stood out in the midst of a hot afternoon meeting was his bold assertion of becoming CM even before the second phase polling. The fact that he wants to be seen as a great hope for the people of the state is perhaps a reflection of the voter mood in the state as well, an analyst said.
Asserting that the TDP’s stars are shining, senior leader Nagam Janardhan Reddy said the Congress biting the dust is old news. “How many seats our party is going to win is all what matters now.” Nagam further said: “In fact, our calculations are veering round forming the government on our own.”
Kamalapuram strongman M V Mysoora Reddy however played it safe. “We may win 80-90 seats in Telangana and north coastal Andhra. More than the colour TV and cash transfer schemes, it’s the anti-government vote which is working for us,” he emphasised.
He added that the poor performance and corruption have provided an ideal environment for Naidu to set his best foot forward. “It may be an apocryphal anecdote, but Naidu’s claim has a ring of truth to it,” Venkataswamy, district TDP general secretary chipped in.
It remains to be seen whether the party would be able to reproduce the 1999 magic, as Naidu boasts he will.
Confident that the electorate will vote him to power, TDP president N Chandrababu Naidu declared on Monday that he was going to be the next chief minister of the state. So confident is Naidu that he made this assertion in the present chief minister Y S Rajasekhara Reddy’s home district of Kadapa.
The confidence seems to have seeped into the cadres as well. Even as Naidu’s chopper was landing in the government polytechnic college helipad close to the public meeting venue municipal stadium here on Monday, one worker shouted: “Adigo, mana bhavi mukhya mantri vastunnadu. Jejelu kottandi (Our future CM is here, welcome him).”
After blessing a toddler eagerly handed over by a TDP woman activist and cutting a 59-kg to mark his birthday, Naidu thundered: “I am going to be the next CM of the state and you are in safe hands,” much to the delight of the crowds which went into raptures. “No one is going to stop the Mahakutami march, more so the corrupt Congress. Wait for May 16 and your woes will end forever as I am going to come back with a bang,” the TDP supremo declared.
Raising his pitch on seeing the response from the women and youth, Naidu sounded a warning to Y S Rajasekhara Reddy in his Kadapa den by saying, “Our Grand Alliance is going to sweep the polls. We will win not less than 105-120 seats in the first phase and it’s only a matter of time before YSR and his henchmen are ousted from power,” the TDP chief said.
In between, Naidu stuck to his routine free sop spree announcements. As he got down the dais, not before prodding the people to take a vow only to vote for the TDP candidates, Naidu told TOI, “It’s a one-sided election and YSR is heading home.” He said: “The massive response indicates that people see our party’s policies as a silent and universal ratification of my eminence and the rise of TDP. Certainly, we will bag a sizable number of seats even in coastal and Rayalaseema districts.”
Making it clear that he won’t be sparing YSR and his son Jaganmohan Reddy, he said all the corrupt money made by the ministers and YSR and Jagan would be restored to the people since it is “public money.”
But what stood out in the midst of a hot afternoon meeting was his bold assertion of becoming CM even before the second phase polling. The fact that he wants to be seen as a great hope for the people of the state is perhaps a reflection of the voter mood in the state as well, an analyst said.
Asserting that the TDP’s stars are shining, senior leader Nagam Janardhan Reddy said the Congress biting the dust is old news. “How many seats our party is going to win is all what matters now.” Nagam further said: “In fact, our calculations are veering round forming the government on our own.”
Kamalapuram strongman M V Mysoora Reddy however played it safe. “We may win 80-90 seats in Telangana and north coastal Andhra. More than the colour TV and cash transfer schemes, it’s the anti-government vote which is working for us,” he emphasised.
He added that the poor performance and corruption have provided an ideal environment for Naidu to set his best foot forward. “It may be an apocryphal anecdote, but Naidu’s claim has a ring of truth to it,” Venkataswamy, district TDP general secretary chipped in.
It remains to be seen whether the party would be able to reproduce the 1999 magic, as Naidu boasts he will.
Group rivalries play a decisive role in Nellore
By M H Ahssan
It has all the trappings of a humdinger in Potti Sriramulu Nellore district what with Congress and TDP involved in a neck-andneck fight in the lone Lok Sabha and 10 Assembly constituencies.
A politically volatile and active district in the coastal region, a triangular contest among Congress, TDP and PRP is on the cards but the real fight is veering round TDP and Congress. While TDP is banking on its colour TV and cash transfer schemes, the Congress is riding on YSR’s welfare agenda.
Notwithstanding the colourful campaigning in Nellore LS seat with TV artistes conducting roadshows to lure the voters, the Congress candidate Mekapati Rajmohan Reddy appears to have edge over his TDP rival V Venugopal Reddy.
Being a Reddy bastion, Mekapati is leaving no stone unturned to garner the community’s votes.The PRP candidate for this parliamentary constituency is Jana Ramchandraiah Goud.
Apart from meticulously working on his campaigning, Mekapati is going around with only a single appeal. “I am your representative and one amongst you. Vote for me and I will stand by you.” With the Anam family throwing its weight behind Mekapati, his winning chances have brightened, said one analyst.
Ironically, local minister Anam Ramnarayan Reddy is on a sticky wicket in Atmakur assembly seat with TDP’s K Lakshmaiah Naidu and PRP’s Khajavali Shaik giving him sleepless nights. Apart from group rivalry between former CM N Janardhan Reddy (NJR) and the Anam family, the change in the contours of the constituency in delimitation has upset the minister’s calculations. “NJR could play a spoilsport in Atmakur, thus giving an edge to the TDP candidate,” a close follower of the veteran leader said.
If Ramnarayan is finding the going tough, the case of former railways chief PRO P Krishnaiah, husband of Union minister Panabaka Lakshmi, who is testing his luck in political waters from Gudur is no better. Pitted against B Durgaprasad of TDP and Babu Ravindra of PRP, Krishnaiah is swimming against the rough tide. “Though he is banking on his SC vote bank, Krishnaiah is again undone by the lack of support from NJR,” a source said.
In Nellore Rural seat, Venkataramana Reddy of PRP has established a clear lead over his Congress and TDP rivals. “He has become popular among the local voters with his door-to-door canvassing,” a local PRP leader said.
Another interesting battle is in Sarvepalli where former TDP minister S Chandramohan Reddy is up against Congress candidate Adala Prabhakar Reddy. While Prabhakar is wooing the voters on the government’s Krishnapatnam port project, modernisation of Penna delta and laying of BT roads, Chandramohan is harping on Chandrababu Naidu’s pet schemes. “The colour TV and CTS schemes are a big hit here. I am confident of upstaging my rival,” Chandramohan said.
In Sullurpet (SC) constituency, the Congress is facing the rebel trouble. Sources said Congress’s V Saraswathi has a fight on her hand from her own party men. She is facing PRP’s G Eswaramma and TDP’s P Ratnam. Kavali, another heavilypopulated assembly constituency, has a large number of SC/ST and Muslim minority votes. “The seat may witness a photo finish between Congress and TDP candidates,” a source said.
It has all the trappings of a humdinger in Potti Sriramulu Nellore district what with Congress and TDP involved in a neck-andneck fight in the lone Lok Sabha and 10 Assembly constituencies.
A politically volatile and active district in the coastal region, a triangular contest among Congress, TDP and PRP is on the cards but the real fight is veering round TDP and Congress. While TDP is banking on its colour TV and cash transfer schemes, the Congress is riding on YSR’s welfare agenda.
Notwithstanding the colourful campaigning in Nellore LS seat with TV artistes conducting roadshows to lure the voters, the Congress candidate Mekapati Rajmohan Reddy appears to have edge over his TDP rival V Venugopal Reddy.
Being a Reddy bastion, Mekapati is leaving no stone unturned to garner the community’s votes.The PRP candidate for this parliamentary constituency is Jana Ramchandraiah Goud.
Apart from meticulously working on his campaigning, Mekapati is going around with only a single appeal. “I am your representative and one amongst you. Vote for me and I will stand by you.” With the Anam family throwing its weight behind Mekapati, his winning chances have brightened, said one analyst.
Ironically, local minister Anam Ramnarayan Reddy is on a sticky wicket in Atmakur assembly seat with TDP’s K Lakshmaiah Naidu and PRP’s Khajavali Shaik giving him sleepless nights. Apart from group rivalry between former CM N Janardhan Reddy (NJR) and the Anam family, the change in the contours of the constituency in delimitation has upset the minister’s calculations. “NJR could play a spoilsport in Atmakur, thus giving an edge to the TDP candidate,” a close follower of the veteran leader said.
If Ramnarayan is finding the going tough, the case of former railways chief PRO P Krishnaiah, husband of Union minister Panabaka Lakshmi, who is testing his luck in political waters from Gudur is no better. Pitted against B Durgaprasad of TDP and Babu Ravindra of PRP, Krishnaiah is swimming against the rough tide. “Though he is banking on his SC vote bank, Krishnaiah is again undone by the lack of support from NJR,” a source said.
In Nellore Rural seat, Venkataramana Reddy of PRP has established a clear lead over his Congress and TDP rivals. “He has become popular among the local voters with his door-to-door canvassing,” a local PRP leader said.
Another interesting battle is in Sarvepalli where former TDP minister S Chandramohan Reddy is up against Congress candidate Adala Prabhakar Reddy. While Prabhakar is wooing the voters on the government’s Krishnapatnam port project, modernisation of Penna delta and laying of BT roads, Chandramohan is harping on Chandrababu Naidu’s pet schemes. “The colour TV and CTS schemes are a big hit here. I am confident of upstaging my rival,” Chandramohan said.
In Sullurpet (SC) constituency, the Congress is facing the rebel trouble. Sources said Congress’s V Saraswathi has a fight on her hand from her own party men. She is facing PRP’s G Eswaramma and TDP’s P Ratnam. Kavali, another heavilypopulated assembly constituency, has a large number of SC/ST and Muslim minority votes. “The seat may witness a photo finish between Congress and TDP candidates,” a source said.
Malas, Muslims keep Cong hopes afloat in AP
By Sudheer Galla
Not far from this town which boasts of booming professional colleges, on a narrow, but well-tarred road leading to Tenali, a group of daily wagers rest from their labour, preparing to catch “autos” that will take them back to their village of Amartalur.
Their village is at some distance and they spend Rs 25 a head for the two-way trip which eats into the Rs 150 they make for cutting and manually threshing the rice crop standing in the fields. Some of them have smallish holdings but their income from that needs to be supplemented. All of them are Malas, a sizable dalit caste in the state.
As the conversation starts, one of them points to the group of 20-odd men and women and says, “Bhai sa’ab, all of us are voting for Congress.” This is a double surprise. For one, Hindi is rarely spoken or understood in these parts. Then, it is unusual for people to readily divulge voting preferences — such prompt revelations can be suspicious.
The interlocutor, who has picked up his Hindi at a Hyderabad business, does not want to give out his name, but his views seem to be shared by others around him. More predictably, the Malas complain of receiving only partial benefits of various government schemes. Not all of them got loan waivers; of they claim that only better-off farmers took advantage of them.
Yet, for all their gripes, the group has received some benefits. One said a son’s fees were waived even as the interlocutor admitted a few had received state-backed medical help. At the same time, they spoke of rising costs of dals, palm oil and rice outside the “white card” scheme.
Does their lack of enthusiasm mean they could consider other options, like TDP which has promised a cash transfer scheme? Most unlikely, says the “spokesman” who points out that the Malas are reluctant to experiment and snap their long affiliation with the Congress.
It is the same story elsewhere as in Sitarampur in Krishna district where women working in farmer Abbulu’s fields make it evident that Congress is their party.
But even with largely pro-Congress dalits, there are exceptions like the Malas at Pallipulem who complain of incomes being eaten away by the “price rise” in food items. They clearly favour the TDP. Though they perhaps represent a small section of dalits, their annoyance with high cost of rice in particular can be worrying for the ruling party.
Just as dalits look likely to stick by the Congress, the party can possibly bank on a large chunk of Muslims voting for it as well. At Parachuru in Prakasam district, Mohammed Hanif and Mastan Ali argue that they would like to see Congress lead the government at the Centre. They have a similar preference for the state and feel that the possibility of a split ticket was unlikely. Though chief minister Rajasekhara Reddy’s promise of a 4 % Muslim quota is stuck in the courts, they are hopeful that it will eventually come their way.
The trend in Muslim preferences seems to favour the Congress though TDP will get a larger chunk of minority support as compared to the dalit vote. In an election that has seen Congress’s front-runner status being steadily eroded, these two major vote banks are factors in keeping the party’s hopes afloat. Realising this, TDP has gone all out to woo these sections as it challenges Congress for top honours.
Not far from this town which boasts of booming professional colleges, on a narrow, but well-tarred road leading to Tenali, a group of daily wagers rest from their labour, preparing to catch “autos” that will take them back to their village of Amartalur.
Their village is at some distance and they spend Rs 25 a head for the two-way trip which eats into the Rs 150 they make for cutting and manually threshing the rice crop standing in the fields. Some of them have smallish holdings but their income from that needs to be supplemented. All of them are Malas, a sizable dalit caste in the state.
As the conversation starts, one of them points to the group of 20-odd men and women and says, “Bhai sa’ab, all of us are voting for Congress.” This is a double surprise. For one, Hindi is rarely spoken or understood in these parts. Then, it is unusual for people to readily divulge voting preferences — such prompt revelations can be suspicious.
The interlocutor, who has picked up his Hindi at a Hyderabad business, does not want to give out his name, but his views seem to be shared by others around him. More predictably, the Malas complain of receiving only partial benefits of various government schemes. Not all of them got loan waivers; of they claim that only better-off farmers took advantage of them.
Yet, for all their gripes, the group has received some benefits. One said a son’s fees were waived even as the interlocutor admitted a few had received state-backed medical help. At the same time, they spoke of rising costs of dals, palm oil and rice outside the “white card” scheme.
Does their lack of enthusiasm mean they could consider other options, like TDP which has promised a cash transfer scheme? Most unlikely, says the “spokesman” who points out that the Malas are reluctant to experiment and snap their long affiliation with the Congress.
It is the same story elsewhere as in Sitarampur in Krishna district where women working in farmer Abbulu’s fields make it evident that Congress is their party.
But even with largely pro-Congress dalits, there are exceptions like the Malas at Pallipulem who complain of incomes being eaten away by the “price rise” in food items. They clearly favour the TDP. Though they perhaps represent a small section of dalits, their annoyance with high cost of rice in particular can be worrying for the ruling party.
Just as dalits look likely to stick by the Congress, the party can possibly bank on a large chunk of Muslims voting for it as well. At Parachuru in Prakasam district, Mohammed Hanif and Mastan Ali argue that they would like to see Congress lead the government at the Centre. They have a similar preference for the state and feel that the possibility of a split ticket was unlikely. Though chief minister Rajasekhara Reddy’s promise of a 4 % Muslim quota is stuck in the courts, they are hopeful that it will eventually come their way.
The trend in Muslim preferences seems to favour the Congress though TDP will get a larger chunk of minority support as compared to the dalit vote. In an election that has seen Congress’s front-runner status being steadily eroded, these two major vote banks are factors in keeping the party’s hopes afloat. Realising this, TDP has gone all out to woo these sections as it challenges Congress for top honours.
Escape to freedom for Anantapur villages
By Mudiraj Gopal
Unlike the rest of the country, for the residents of Putlur and Yellanur mandals in Anantapur district, independence may finally be dawning on April 23, 2009, when Andhra Pradesh votes in the second phase of elections. Caught in the grip of two powerful warlords, the villagers of these two mandals have gone through a living hell till now.
Ramanjaneyulu of Putlur could not complete his Indiramma house as the officials stopped the assistance all of a sudden. When asked why, they said his name did not figure in the list of beneficiaries drawn by the district administration. Brahmaiah was denied an agriculture loan because he was not liked by the local political leaders.
Every document was in order but the bank officials said he did not get the ‘right’ approval. Kambagiri, a 50-year-old farmer, and his family have never exercised their franchise.
This is because somebody else votes on his behalf without his knowledge or consent.
All this is set to change this time around. Thanks to the delimitation process, these two mandals have been shifted from the Dharmavaram general assembly constituency to Singhanamala SC reserved seat. Trapped, coerced and dominated by rival faction leaders — J C Diwakar Reddy and M Pedda Reddy — from nearby Tadipatri till now, the inhabitants of these two mandals are a liberated lot now. And for the first time, Kambagiri and his family can actually end up casting their vote on Thursday.
Rivalry between the two Reddys had led to the Putlur and Yellanur mandals as being described as the worst faction-ridden mandals in the entire state. Murders and kidnappings are so gruesomely executed that many outsiders faint when police officials recall some of the most violent cases.
The last one such incident was the murder of former MLA M Suryapratap Reddy, a native of Timmanapalli village in Putlur mandal. On an April day in 2006, Suryapratap was waylaid when he alighted from a train at Tadipatri railway station. Chilli powder was thrown at his eyes, and he was chased and hacked to death with sickles and swords. Recently, some families of a particular village were asked to leave the area temporarily by the Pedda Reddy group as Diwakar Reddy was due to visit the area. The reason was they did not want to take the responsibility if anything happened to the particular families during the visit of the panchayat raj minister.
Locals claim the control of these two warlords over their territory is complete. “They control everything, local banks, mandal offices, police stations, land transactions, benefits of government schemes etc. Living outside the warlords’ influence is unthinkable. If they think that a family is chartering an independent path, then the reprisal begins with a warning, denial of benefits, non-cooperation from banks, police station and government offices, and finally murder. But most of these poor families do not go that far,” said a resident of Vennapusapalli, a violence-ridden village under Yellanur mandal. With the two mandals being shifted to Singanamala assembly seat, the villagers are hopeful that the warlords will cease their hold on them as the villagers are no more voters for either of the warlord.
“We are looking forward to vote on Thursday and in the coming days, hope to exercise our freedom in all other activities,” said a resident of Cherlopalle, who agreed to speak only if he was not identified.
Unlike the rest of the country, for the residents of Putlur and Yellanur mandals in Anantapur district, independence may finally be dawning on April 23, 2009, when Andhra Pradesh votes in the second phase of elections. Caught in the grip of two powerful warlords, the villagers of these two mandals have gone through a living hell till now.
Ramanjaneyulu of Putlur could not complete his Indiramma house as the officials stopped the assistance all of a sudden. When asked why, they said his name did not figure in the list of beneficiaries drawn by the district administration. Brahmaiah was denied an agriculture loan because he was not liked by the local political leaders.
Every document was in order but the bank officials said he did not get the ‘right’ approval. Kambagiri, a 50-year-old farmer, and his family have never exercised their franchise.
This is because somebody else votes on his behalf without his knowledge or consent.
All this is set to change this time around. Thanks to the delimitation process, these two mandals have been shifted from the Dharmavaram general assembly constituency to Singhanamala SC reserved seat. Trapped, coerced and dominated by rival faction leaders — J C Diwakar Reddy and M Pedda Reddy — from nearby Tadipatri till now, the inhabitants of these two mandals are a liberated lot now. And for the first time, Kambagiri and his family can actually end up casting their vote on Thursday.
Rivalry between the two Reddys had led to the Putlur and Yellanur mandals as being described as the worst faction-ridden mandals in the entire state. Murders and kidnappings are so gruesomely executed that many outsiders faint when police officials recall some of the most violent cases.
The last one such incident was the murder of former MLA M Suryapratap Reddy, a native of Timmanapalli village in Putlur mandal. On an April day in 2006, Suryapratap was waylaid when he alighted from a train at Tadipatri railway station. Chilli powder was thrown at his eyes, and he was chased and hacked to death with sickles and swords. Recently, some families of a particular village were asked to leave the area temporarily by the Pedda Reddy group as Diwakar Reddy was due to visit the area. The reason was they did not want to take the responsibility if anything happened to the particular families during the visit of the panchayat raj minister.
Locals claim the control of these two warlords over their territory is complete. “They control everything, local banks, mandal offices, police stations, land transactions, benefits of government schemes etc. Living outside the warlords’ influence is unthinkable. If they think that a family is chartering an independent path, then the reprisal begins with a warning, denial of benefits, non-cooperation from banks, police station and government offices, and finally murder. But most of these poor families do not go that far,” said a resident of Vennapusapalli, a violence-ridden village under Yellanur mandal. With the two mandals being shifted to Singanamala assembly seat, the villagers are hopeful that the warlords will cease their hold on them as the villagers are no more voters for either of the warlord.
“We are looking forward to vote on Thursday and in the coming days, hope to exercise our freedom in all other activities,” said a resident of Cherlopalle, who agreed to speak only if he was not identified.
Chittoor village to boycott Phase-2 polls
By Sudha Rani
Fed up with complete apathy of the political leaders to their plight, over 750 residents of a village in the Satyavedu Assembly constituency in Chittoor district have decided to boycott the elections and threatened to impose a fine of Rs 10,000 on any villager who defies the diktat of the elders.
The hamlet of Santhanuthulapadu, located about 6 km from Varadayaplem mandal in the Satyavedu constituency, is an SC-populated village comprising 150 families with women forming nearly 60 per cent of the 750 voters. The village has no pucca road till date. According to the locals, politicians come to them before every election, promise to get the road laid and persuade them to vote.
However, the road never materialised, they complain. Located close to the Nellore coast, the village is often lashed by incessant rains which turn the only muddy road into a dirty mess. Adding insult to injury, the villagers have to walk 6 kms to fetch drinking water.
“We have been cheated by the politicians for the past four decades. This time, we have strictly decided not to vote for anybody. Anyone violating this will have to pay a penalty of Rs 10,000 besides being banished from the village,” said G Lachamma. The wedding of at least a dozen girls could not take place because of the inaccessibility of the village, she said.
With just 48 hours left for the polls, some political leaders who trekked to this village on Monday were politely told to leave the place immediately. Ramulaiah, a village elder, said no government scheme has reached them and that sitting MLA K Narayanaswamy never visited the village after the 2004 election.
Fed up with complete apathy of the political leaders to their plight, over 750 residents of a village in the Satyavedu Assembly constituency in Chittoor district have decided to boycott the elections and threatened to impose a fine of Rs 10,000 on any villager who defies the diktat of the elders.
The hamlet of Santhanuthulapadu, located about 6 km from Varadayaplem mandal in the Satyavedu constituency, is an SC-populated village comprising 150 families with women forming nearly 60 per cent of the 750 voters. The village has no pucca road till date. According to the locals, politicians come to them before every election, promise to get the road laid and persuade them to vote.
However, the road never materialised, they complain. Located close to the Nellore coast, the village is often lashed by incessant rains which turn the only muddy road into a dirty mess. Adding insult to injury, the villagers have to walk 6 kms to fetch drinking water.
“We have been cheated by the politicians for the past four decades. This time, we have strictly decided not to vote for anybody. Anyone violating this will have to pay a penalty of Rs 10,000 besides being banished from the village,” said G Lachamma. The wedding of at least a dozen girls could not take place because of the inaccessibility of the village, she said.
With just 48 hours left for the polls, some political leaders who trekked to this village on Monday were politely told to leave the place immediately. Ramulaiah, a village elder, said no government scheme has reached them and that sitting MLA K Narayanaswamy never visited the village after the 2004 election.
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