‍Reforestation To Improve Green Cover Through 'Seedcopters' In Telangana

Telangana will take up reforestation of forest lands allotted to tribes under a special legislation, as part of efforts to improve the green cover.

Chief Minister K. Chandrashekhar Rao approved a proposal for collaborative research on reforestation of ROFR (Recognition of Forest Rights) lands.

The government, through the forest department, will promote planting of trees by the individuals and communities in these lands as most of these lands are not having irrigation facilities and are poor in fertility and productivity.

"This is with a view to bring these lands under tree cover and as part of the Haritha Haram project to increase the tree cover in the state from 24 percent to 33 percent," said a statement from the chief minister's office.
An area spread over 40 hectares will be set apart at Mulugu forest in Medak district for the collaborative research between the forest and horticulture departments.

Forest rights over 3.41 lakh hectares of forest land were recognized in favour of about one lakh people and 744 communities in the state since 2008 under Scheduled Tribes and other Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006.

The forest department with collaboration from horticulture university take up experiments with different types of horticulture, silviculture and agriculture species so as to improve the economic status of the individuals and communities and also to maximize and harness the productivity of these lands.

The State has reported a recorded forest area of 26,904 sq km which is 24.00% of its geographical area. The Reserved, Protected and Unclassed Forests are 75.65%, 22.07% and 2.28% respectively, of recorded forest area.

Forests play a major role in supporting livelihood activities of rural poor and tribals, mitigating the threat of global warming besides, conserving the fertile soil and vulnerable Wildlife. For the year 2015-16, forestry and logging contribution is 0.4 percent to State GVA and 3.3 percent to agriculture & allied sector’s GVA.

Forest area in Telangana is 27,292 sq. km. accounting for 24.35 percent of total geographical area. Out of 27,292 sq.km, Reserved Forest area is 19,696.23 sq. km, Protected forest forms 6953.47 sq. km and the rest 642.30 sq. km is unclassified.

Forestry in Bangaru Telangana

Forests play a major role in supporting livelihood activities of rural poor and tribals, mitigating the threat of global warming besides, conserving the fertile soil and vulnerable Wildlife. For the year 2015-16, forestry and logging contribution is 0.4 percent to State GVA and 3.3 percent to agriculture & allied sector’s GVA.

Forest area in Telangana is 27,292 sq. km. accounting for 24.35 percent of total geographical area. Out of 27,292 sq.km, Reserved Forest area is 19,696.23 sq. km, Protected forest forms 6953.47 sq. km and the rest 642.30 sq. km is unclassified. 

In terms of District wise forest cover, Adilabad has largest area under forest, followed by Khammam. However, in terms of percentage area under forest, Khammam stands first with 48.9 percent of total geographical area under forests, followed by Adilabad with 44.9 percent and Warangal with 28.88 percent.

National Forest Policy of India envisages a minimum of 33 percent of the total geographical area under forest/tree cover to maintain environmental stability and ecological balance; that are vital for sustenance of all life-forms including human, animal and plants.

The role of forests as carbon sinks endows them added recognition as an important environmental factor. However, except in two districts, area under forest cover is less than desired 33 percent.

Telanganaku Haritha Haram

Telanganaku Haritha Haram, a flagship programme of the Government, envisages to increase the present 24% tree cover to 33% of the total geographical area of the State. The thrust areas to achieve the above are two-fold; i) initiatives in notified forest area such as rejuvenating degraded forests, ensuring more effective protection of forests against smuggling, encroachment, fire, grazing etc., ii) major fillip is sought to be given to Social Forestry for achieving the second objective.

In the areas outside the notified forest, massive planting activities will be taken up in areas such as; road-side avenues, river and canal bank, barren hill, tank bunds and foreshore areas, institutional premises, religious places, housing colonies, community lands, municipalities, industrial parks, etc.

The Telanganaku Haritha Haram programme was launched on 3rd July, 2015. 230 Crore seedlings are proposed to be planted in the State during the next three years. Out of which, 130 crore seedlings are proposed to be planted outside the notified forest area (10 crore within HMDA limits, and the remaining 120 crore in rest of the State).

It is also proposed to plant, and rejuvenate the viable rootstock to achieve 100 crore plants inside the forest areas by way of intensive protection of the forests. The field functionaries of various line Departments have undertaken identification of sites for planting and prepared village Action Plans.

The Village Action Plans will be consolidated at Mandal level and finally at the District level to form District Action Plan. At State level, two committees; the State Level Coordination and Monitoring Committee, and the State Level Steering Committee will oversee the progress of the Telanganaku Haritha Haram programme.

Revenues from Forest

Forest products in the State include timber, bamboo, firewood and charcoal, beedi leaves and miscellaneous. The income accrued from forestry sector in the State is Rs.148.28 crore in 2013-14, Rs.82.08 crore in 2014- 15 and Rs.71.33 Crore in 2015-16 (upto November 2015).

Reforestation Through Seedcopters

The Telangana government in partnership with Marut Drones, a city-based startup, is set to launch a drone-based afforestation project named 'Hara Bahara', under which seed balls will be dropped in barren and empty forest lands to turn them lush green abode of trees.

Fifty lakh trees will be planted in about 12,000 hectares of land in forests across the state under this project.

State IT and Industries ministry unveiled 'Seedcopter Drone' by Marut Drones and launched poster campaign for 'Hara Bahara'. Seedcopter, an aerial seeding solution for rapid and scalable reforestation, will bring community, science and technology together for an inclusive, sustainable and long-lasting solution.

This project uses drones to disperse seed balls over thin, barren and empty forest lands to turn them into lush green abode of trees. The process begins with a field survey and mapping of the terrain area to understand the ecosystem and demarcate the areas needing urgent attention. #KhabarLive #hydnews 

‍‍‍‍‍Are Telugu States Usher 'Privileges To Brahmins' Under 'Upper Caste Politics' Influence?

The Telugu States (https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Telugu_states) govts know that while Brahmins (https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brahmin#:~:text=Brahmin%20(%2F%CB%88br%C9%91%CB%90,of%20sacred%20learning%20across%20generations) are electorally insignificant, they can influence others.

Telugu state governments in south India, representing both sides of the Hindutva divide, have strengthened their outreach programmes for Brahmins, in order to remain politically relevant among the community and counter opposition parties’ attempts to woo them.

In the Telugu-speaking non-BJP-ruled states of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, the Brahmin population is negligible and their mandate politically insignificant. But none of these states’ governments have taken their eyes off this influential community, frequently unveiling schemes to incentivise education and employment, or to perpetuate ‘their’ Vedic culture.

Of course, the benefactors of these initiatives must show proof of caste — that they are Brahmins by birth — as most of them are from the economically weaker sections.

In Andhra, the Brahmins have always thrown in their lot with the Reddy community since a fight with the erstwhile Chandrababu Naidu government. But are they happy with Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy, particularly when the opposition BJP tomtoms itself to be the “protector of Hindu dharma?”

Meanwhile, Telangana Chief Minister K. Chandrashekar Rao publicly lives the life of a ‘devout Hindu’. And while there’s hardly any representation of Brahmins in his government, he continues to put them on a pedestal — now and then, he gets vocal in his demand for a Bharat Ratna for former prime minister P.V. Narasimha Rao, who hailed from the community.

Intellectuals, however, point out it is farcical to base policy outreach on the feudal concept that Brahmins are powerful.

The Andhra government’s Vedic education scheme for Brahmins has come in for particular criticism. Political scientist Pratap Bhanu Mehta wrote (https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/brahmin-welfare-schemes-social-justice-7495186/) that the state cannot provide support to a profession whose eligibility is determined by birth. If Vedic studies are good for Brahmins, they should be good for all, he argued.

Both the Andhra Pradesh and Telangana governments have designated Brahmin welfare departments — set up in 2014 and 2017 respectively — and portals, which describe the community as ‘brilliant’ and ‘big’ thinkers.

The Telangana Brahmin Samkshema Parishad — the government body working for the upliftment of the community — says on its website (https://brahminparishad.telangana.gov.in/FirstPage.do) that BRAHMIN stands for “Broad and Brilliant in Thinking; Righteous and Religious in Livelihood, Adroit and Adventurous in Personality, Honesty and Humanity in Quality, Modesty and Morality in Character, Innovation and Industry in Performance and Nobility and Novelty in approach”.

Andhra Pradesh’s site (http://www.andhrabrahmin.ap.gov.in/bwc/aboutus.aspx) defines the community as “Big Thinking, Resource Leveraging, Attitude (positive), Hard Work, Modesty, Integrity and Neo Thinking”.

Both state governments offer financial assistance for higher education, entrepreneurship, skill development, coaching for competitive exams — primarily for the economically weaker groups within the community.

Such schemes, however, are not exclusive to the Brahmin community in the states. There are designated departments working for backward communities, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, offering almost similar financial assistance to promote empowerment.

There is not a single Brahmin minister in KCR’s cabinet, nor in Jagan’s, except Deputy Speaker Kona Raghupathi. There are only a handful of Brahmin legislators in both states, which reflects the fact that Telangana has less than 3 per cent Brahmin voters while Andhra has 5 per cent. But Brahmins are important to both the CMs, say analysts.

There are also financial assistance schemes to promote ‘Vedic culture’ and ‘Vedic education’ in the community. The Telangana Brahmin Parishad offers a scheme named ‘Vedahitha — Vedic Students’, which pays each Brahmin student a sustenance grant of Rs 3 lakh after the successful competition of ‘Smarta’ studies and Rs 5 lakh after finishing ‘Agama, Kramantha and Ganantha’ studies.

A similar scheme in Andhra pays as high as Rs 36,000 annually for a period of six years.

In Telangana, the government bears 75 per cent cost of construction of ‘Brahmin Sadans’ at district and mandal levels under its ‘Brahmin Sadan Scheme’.

Andhra’s ‘Vasishta Scheme’ provides coaching for competitive exams such as the civil services, paying candidates’ boarding and lodging charges.

One of the eligibility criteria for all these schemes is that the beneficiary and the parents should be Brahmins.

From 2015 to 2019, mostly under Chandrababu Naidu, Andhra spent Rs 216 crore on welfare schemes for the community.

The Andhra government also offers financial assistance for funeral expenses of a deceased from a Brahmin family, if the family cannot afford it.

Political analyst Telakapalli Ravi told #KhabarLive, “Considering our society, Brahmins still play a major role in public opinion. They hold influential positions. Though their economic and political power may not be much, several government advisers belong to the community, and there are bureaucrats in top positions.”

Ravi added that chief priest of the famous Tirumala Temple, A.V. Ramana Deekshitulu, had a certain amount of influence in former CM Chandrababu Naidu’s government.

But that does not mean there are no poor Brahmins, he pointed out.

In Telangana, KCR’s most recent sop to Brahmins was the year-long Narasimha Rao birth centenary celebrations he announced in 2020. A statue of the former PM was erected in Hyderabad in June, which the CM himself inaugurated. The ruling Telangana Rashtra Samithi, in the graduates MLC polls, named his granddaughter a candidate, and she ended up winning.

“KCR does not give the community much power but keeps them on a pedestal, conveys that he is respecting them,” Ravi said.

Prof. Kodandaram Reddy, founder of political party Telangana Jana Samithi, said the community is present mostly in urban pockets.

Brahmin voters dominates 12 urban assembly constituencies in the state out of the total 119, according to Telangana BJP leader Ramchander Rao.

Compared to Andhra Pradesh, the Brahmin community in Telangana was not initially influential due to the zamindar (landlord) culture and the Nizam rule. But things changed and certain sub-castes from the Brahmin community such as ‘Karnam’ took over maintaining village records and looked after revenue, Kodandaram Reddy said.

Meanwhile, political analyst Pratap Bhanu Mehta said that secularism and social justice have become “farcical ideas” in these states. He opined that politics and public policy were being reduced to “jati-based” mobilisation in the most absurd way.

“Can you think of anything more grotesque than the idea that in the 21st century the state provides support to a profession whose eligibility is determined by birth? If Vedic education is unalloyed good, why should it not be open to all, subject to conduct rules? How can the state discriminate and confine it to Brahmins identified by birth? This cannot pass any constitutional smell test,” he wrote.

“…this is exactly the perversion of social justice discourse that was set in motion post-Mandal where the question of deeply entrenched historical discrimination was confused with backwardness and poverty in general,” Mehta added.

Other analysts say the state governments continue to keep Brahmins in good humour because of their ‘reverential position’ in society, despite the negligible vote bank.

Independent activist Sky Baba said: “Decades-old feudal systems believed if Brahmins were in an authoritative position, everything would automatically be in place. These governments are still following that sentiment.”

But think of the regression this represents in politics. Recognising caste to overcome discrimination was one thing. But entrenching it as a compulsory identity, certified by the state, and reproducing birth-based entitlements are a perversion of social justice.

Politics and public policy is being reduced to jati-based mobilisation in the most absurd way. Dalits were poor on account of their caste, which is why caste was recognised.

Now the state wants to ensure that all who are poor are permanently stamped with their caste by an official seal. The free for all that is ensuing for reconfiguring caste-based benefits, the demands of local domicile reservation, are signs of pessimism about the economy.

Much heat will be generated about how to distribute the current and shrinking pie of jobs and resources along jati lines. But no one is getting seriously upset about the fact that the pie is not growing as fast as we need it to.

The benefits for Brahmins may seem like a reductio ad absurdum of our politics, a little farce. But behind it is a great tragedy, of a nation with diminishing prospects for everyone, encouraging them to reach into the narrowest-minded conceptions of identity and calling it social justice. #KhabarLive #hydnews

‍BPL Families Replaces Firewood Instead Of LPG In Rural Telangana As Gas Price Rises

As the LPG steep rise in domestic cylinder prices and drastic cut in subsidy amount over the past two years have been forcing consumers from BPL (below poverty line) sections switch back to firewood and kerosene.

This trend is seen more in villages and interior areas when compared to cities and towns. The demand for refills has come down significantly from these sections indicating how consumers are shunning LPG and switching back to age-old methods of using firewood and kerosene for cooking purposes.

The agencies handling the mid-day meals scheme in government schools are also hit by rising prices of LPG and are switching back to firewood, unable to afford costlier cylinders.

"There are nearly 1.14 crore domestic LPG connections in Telangana. Of them, 30 lakh connections pertain to BPL sections. They were given connections under the state government's Deepam scheme and the Centre's Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana. There is a sharp reduction in ordering refills from these sections," said D. Ashok Kumar, president, Greater Hyderabad LPG Distributors Association and also the president of Association of Bharat Gas Distributors and Associates of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh.

"When PM's Ujjwala Yojana was launched in 2016 for BPL sections, the price of a cylinder was Rs. 590. Today, it has increased to Rs. 930. They are receiving a subsidy amount of just Rs. 40 into their bank accounts later as part of direct benefit transfer scheme. We have seen a 25 percent drop in refill orders from these sections for the past few months. However, this trend is seen more in rural and interior areas than in towns and cities, where firewood is available," Kumar added.

Government schools across Telangana reopened from September 1 after a 17-month break due to Covid-19 pandemic. Students are being served mid-day meals in all government schools from September 1.

Collectors and education officers of respective districts who are making surprise inspections of schools to assess the conditions in schools are shocked to find school premises filled with smoke as agencies cooking meals are using firewood unable to bear higher LPG price.

Nirmal district collector Musharraf Ali Farqui issued notices to two schools recently when he found agencies using firewood to cook meals against the norms. Though the Centre and the state government reimburse cylinder cost to these agencies later, it takes a few months to get the bills passed.

"They need one or two cylinders per week to cook meals depending on the enrollment of students in a school. They are finding it difficult to pay higher LPG price initially and wait for months to get their bills from the government. To overcome this, they are switching back to firewood in villages and interior areas," official sources said. #KhabarLive #hydnews

‍‍'‍Kolam, The Raj Gonds Riddles' Of Andhra Pradesh - A Sheer Reflection On Telangana Languages

“Riddles are probably the oldest extant forms of humour”, says Encyclopaedia Britannica. They are also the vehicles of heritage knowledge for every community. They were in vogue from the earliest literary texts of Vedas.

The following riddle from Rigveda is popularly cited (for ex: by Velaga Venkatappayya in Podupu Kathalu, 2008, p. vii).
Dwaanuparnaa sayujaa rakhaayaa samaanam
Vriksham parisha swajaate yoranyah
Pippalam swaadyatti ankyovashnannabhi baaka reti

Thereafter many Itihasas, Puranas, poetic works, stories, Jain and Buddhist texts and Bible mention the riddles and they are more popular among the rural people. The peoples’ memory is rightly emphasised by Devendra Sathyarthi (in “Indian Children’s Rhymes and Chants”, Modern Review, October – November, 1936, p. 39): “The people were the victims of great catastrophes, but none could kill the children’s indigenous games and home spun songs”.

During the evening times of leisure the village elders, boys and girls gather in the courtyard of a village/street elder and pose riddles to each other to uncover the intended meaning. Not only are they humorous in spelling out rhythmically by expressing the beauty of the language and vocabulary, but also carry the knowledge of their environs indirectly suggesting ‘learn to live’. This way the riddles are not only entertaining but also educative.

One of the most ancient races that have been carrying the heritage of riddles is of Kolams. Renowned anthropologist Professor Haimendorf made the following observations on the Kolams (The Raj Gonds of Andhra Pradesh, pp. 32, 38 & 345-48) — “The population that can best claim the epithet ‘aboriginal’ is the Kolams or Kolavars … several thousand members of the tribe are found scattered over the greater part of the Adilabad district from the uttermost corner of Kinwat to the taluqs of Sirpur and Lakshetipet in the east and south. Most Kolams speak a distinct tribal language, but some groups in the west have exchanged this for Marathi while in the east there are communities of telugised Kolams. In their own language, the Kolams call themselves Kolavar, but in Gondi they are called Pujari, in Telugu Mannevarlu, and in Marathi and in Urdu Kolam. Their tribal language known as Kolami is a Dravidian tongue and belongs, like Gondi, to the intermediate group of Dravidian languages, agreeing in some points with Telugu and in others with Tamil and connected forms of speech. The Kolami spoken in Adilabad is unintelligible to Gonds and judging from my limited word lists it seems, at least in vocabulary, to have closer affinities to Telugu than to Gondi… Those outlying groups who have fallen under the sway of either Marathi or Telugu culture and lost with their language many of their old customs occupy a different position; they are in the process of becoming a Hindu caste, and between them and the Gonds there is no feeling of common tribal tradition”.

His observations made some points clear — one, Kolams are one of the most ancient tribes in South India (across erstwhile Adilabad district in Telangana). This is why the Government of India recognised them as a Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group (PvTG). Their population is almost stagnant for the past three decades — 1991 to 2021 — oscillating between 40,000 and 45,000 while the population of all other communities in India are increasing. Two, the Kolams speak a language of their own and it belongs to “intermediate group of Dravidian languages”, like Gondi and Telugu. Linguists starting from Bhadriraju Krishnamurti (Telugu Verbal Bases Comparative and Descriptive Study, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1961, p. 269) recognised Kolami as one among the 11 languages belonging to the Central Dravidian branch of proto Dravidian language. Third, the Kolams living on the borders are losing their language and culture to those of Marathi and Telugu. This is a threat to their ancestral heritage.

Fourth, the Kolam vocabulary is more akin to Telugu than to Gondi. Well-known linguist P. S. Subrahmanyam concludes that the Kolavagotti (language of Kolams as they call it) imbibed many words from Telugu. Therefore it can be presumed that their homeland might be the Telugu land itself (Draavida Bhaashalu, 1977, p. 42 & Kolavagotti, jstor, 1998).

However, other scholars like M. Rama Rao (Temples of Tirumala, Tirupati and Tiruchanur, TTD, 1999, p. 3) trace the roots of Kolams to the down south, i.e. Tirumala Hills called Vengadam in the remote past: “Vengadam was inhabited by an uncivilised tribe of hunters known as the Kalvar. Their chieftain was Pulli, who was a fierce and powerful master. He and his people spoke a language which was different from the language of Tamilaham. The Vengadam hill was known to many poets of the Sangam age as famous for its forests, for its elephants, for its streams and for its drunken bouts”.

It appears to be true, because the word Kalvar is similar to Kolvar; kal meaning offshoot. There are still some villages by name like Kollam Penta and Komman Penta (in Nallamala forests in Nagarkurnool district) that suggest their migration from south to north through the hinterland of Telangana, during the times of far histories.

The word kollam and even kolam also means rangoli. Rangoli is elaborate among the Kolams and festivals can not happen without them. And, kolam was very popular with the people of Indus valley civilizations, some 4,000 to 5,000 years ago. This way the ancestry of the Kolams goes back to proto-historic times and their language stands as a link between the south and north Indian regions.

However, now the two observations of Professor Haimendorf – losing of Kolam language and culture to their associated dominant peoples and its affinity to Telugu – prompt us to study the language of the ancient race of Kolam. As such, five years ago I started encouraging Athram Mothiram to collect folk songs of his own tribe Kolam. Initially he did not find ‘great things’ in the folklore, but as I went on convincing him on the importance of his ‘community memory’ which is entering the endangered zone, he finally utilised an opportunity and recorded the riddles spelt out in leisure time by Kolam students studying classes 3rd to 10th in the Government run residential school in Endha, Utnoor Mandal, Adilabad District, during the closing months of 2019.

Further, few months earlier Athram Mothiram participated in another similar evening session in a Kolam village Choupanguda, Wankidi Mandal in Kumram Bheem Asifabad District with six teenagers and a youngster – Athram Ravi (12), Anasuya (15), Kova Renuka (15), Sidam Kavita (15), Kova Prasad (13), Kova Bheemrao (26) – and recorded the riddles (altogether 112).

The riddles in their language Kolami are labelled sitah and are posed randomly in an enthusiastic flow. Yet, earlier scholars tried to present the riddles in a systematic manner and a scholar on the subject Archer Taylor divided them into five groups – animal related, human related, tree related, things related and non comparable riddles. But a primary study of the riddles of the Kolams leads us to divide them under the following categories:
1. House, food and health related riddles
2. Forest and environment related riddles
3. Agriculture related riddles
4. Culture and education related riddles

Till recent times, the Kolams lived upon food gathering, hunting and a primitive agriculture stage. Therefore, we find more number of their riddles (62) revolving around the things related to the ways of acquiring food in the forested environs (25) and from their primitive cultivation (18). Since they are strong believers in appeasing their deities by playing musical instruments during their fairs and festivals, we come across those things in the riddles (4). Education is a relatively latest addition to the social system and this is also evident in their riddles (3).

The house related riddles are about house plastering, swing, clothesline, door, pot hanging ring, wooden pillar, sweeping, termites, bore pump, lamp, ladder, dog tail, neem fruits, umbrella, andugu tree, oil presser, log and thorns. Food related items include popcorn, spatula, custard apple, tamarind fruit, egg, castor oil, mahua flowers, fire ash, bean support log, stove, cake piece, pan, millstone rawa, bitter gourd, match stick, fire, salt, onion, brinjal, nutmeg and maize. Human related things are shade, spit, nose, cry, leather sandals, old people, kid, comb, navel, eyes, nails, teeth, tattoo and lice. Forest related riddles are about Vemapli tree, Buduma fruits, Morri nuts, Aare leaf, wild bitter gourd and bamboo shoot. Birds like sparrow, gijigaadu and peacock and terrestrial animals like rats, ants, porcupine, boar, scorpion, chameleon, squirrel, fishermen – fish, burrowing quail and partridge appear to be humorous riddles. Environment is reflected through the riddles to unfold the intended meanings of stars, valley, stream, air and moon.

Agricultural equipment is expressed through the riddles on machan, paise, axe, ship, causeway, goad, blacksmith, cart axle. Cattle related riddles include the meanings of cow, cow udder, tail and the crops include millet, sesame, fangs, cotton, groundnuts and maize.

There are riddles that talk about musical instruments like Dol, Kaalikom, Dandaari cap and flag. Book and pen are also dealt in few other riddles. The above words are very close to Telugu vocabulary.
To cite a few riddles: the Kolami riddle “iduput mudipi” can be translated as “idupulo mudi” in Telugu; another Kolami riddle “thutthur thummeng, netthur thothed” can be translated as “thurrmane thummedaku netthuru ledu” in Telugu; the Kolami riddle “sikding ver thod, jinkskung jaaga thod” can be translated as “chikkuduku veru ledu, jinkaku jaaga ledu” in Telugu.

A general observation of the Kolami words let us find them with similar spelling and phonetic sound of the Telugu words. For example: the Kolami word gol is gollu in Telugu; chimni is same in both the languages; neenda in Kolami is needa in Telugu; satri in Kolami is chatri in Telugu; cheeme in Kolami is cheemalu in Telugu; the Kolami word pelaa becomes plural word pelaalu in Telugu. Thus, there are slight differences between the two languages, especially in respect of prepositions and verbs. Most of the Kolami words end with nasal sounds which can not be written so easily.

This appears as one of the reasons for the absence of script for the language.
Several scholars made considerable efforts to understand the language and vocabulary. Emeneau’s classic work (1955) presents a detailed grammar, vocabulary (with cognates for Dravidian words and identification of loans from Indo-Aryan and other sources), a discussion on the relationship of the language with the other ones of the Dravidian family, a chapter on the features of the Adilabad dialect as found in P. Sethumadhava Rao’s work (A Grammar of the Kolami Language, 1950) and a few texts. Other tribal languages Naikdi and even Naiki of Chanda can be considered as dialects of Kolami for all practical purposes, say linguists P. S. Subrahmanyam.

Thus, Kolami is not only related to the Telugu language but also to other tribal languages and carries historical community memory through the folklore like riddles. All the dialects of the language Kolami are on the edge of disappearing now. If their folklore is not studied and recorded, the humankind will lose the much needed diversity. I hope this benign effort will serve the interests of the scholars on the subject to take up further works like this to preserve the endangered community’s heritage memories. #KhabarLive #hydnews 

‍Jagan, Sharmila 'Rift Politics' Visible During YSR Tribute Meet At Idupulapaya And Hyderabad

Andhra Pradesh CM Jagan Reddy and sister Sharmila have not had the best of ties since July, when she launched her YSR Telangana Party (YSRTP) in Telangana without her brother’s backing.

Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy skipped a meeting to celebrate the legacy of his father and former Congress CM Y.S. Rajashekara Reddy, further fuelling speculation of a rift with his sister Y.S. Sharmila.

The meeting in Hyderabad Thursday, the 12th death anniversary of YSR, was hosted by Jagan’s mother Y.S. Vijayalakshmi. While the Andhra CM gave it a miss, it was attended by sister Sharmila.

Earlier in the day, however, Jagan had accompanied his mother Vijayamma and sister Sharmila to pay homage to his father at the YSR Ghat in Idupulapaya, Kadapa district, Andhra Pradesh. Even then, sources said, there was a “coldness” between the siblings.

“Though they came together, they did not talk to each other much even though they were there for about 40 minutes,” a source close to the family told ThePrint. “It seems like there was pressure from the mother to appear together and not fuel further speculation. They attended it together but it was more to save face.”

The two siblings have not had the best of ties since July, when Y.S. Sharmila launched her YSR Telangana Party (YSRTP) in Telangana without her brother’s backing.

Back then, Sajjala Ramakrishna Reddy, an advisor to the Andhra government and a member of Jagan’s YSRCP, clarified that the chief minister was against the idea of a political party in neighbouring states.

Since then, speculation has been rife that the rift between the duo has only grown.

The ‘YSR commemoration meeting’ Thursday held significance as the 12th year is related to the Hindu water festival Pushkaralu, which occurs once in 12 years.

Experts say this was planned as YSR was known to be connected to water and took personal interest to revamp the state’s irrigation system.

They added that it was also held in Hyderabad in an attempt to leverage Sharmila’s political party in Telangana.

“I believe the meeting was organised to reignite memories of YSR for people in the Telangana region. Inviting YSR’s contemporaries is a statement Sharmila is trying to make about the support she has,” political observer Palwai Raghavendra Reddy said.

“The presence of invitees from Andhra-Rayalaseema regions might not help her greatly electorally but it is certainly good for optics.”
Sources said that mother Vijayamma, who holds an honorary position in Jagan’s YSRCP, was personally involved in sending out invitations. They added that invitations were sent to over 250 people, which included former civil servants, and political party leaders who once worked with YSR in the Congress.

A majority of YSR loyalists in the Congress party did not attend the meeting.
Sources in the Congress said the party had, both in Andhra and Telangana, issued a diktat directing leaders not to attend, saying the meeting was “politically motivated”.

Despite that, at least three Congress leaders attended, including former Rajya Sabha member KVP Ramachandra Rao.

YSRCP leaders, although a majority of them are based in Andhra Pradesh, voluntarily abstained from attending the meeting.

A senior government official, also a close aide to the Reddy family, told ThePrint on condition of anonymity, that he was also invited to the meeting but refrained from going following “orders from the top”.

“Most of the party leaders were in Andhra and all of them celebrated YSR’s legacy in their own constituencies — in mandals and villages. So, they were all busy there,” YSRCP MLA Abbaya Chowdary told ThePrint.

Y.S. Sharmila has always campaigned for brother Jagan — be it before the 2019 assembly elections when he won by a thumping victory or in 2012, when she managed to keep YSRCP active with a 3000-km padayatra after Jagan was jailed in connection with a disproportionate assets case.

She has, however, never been part of his government or the cabinet. But party insiders told ThePrint that she had asked for her rightful share in the form of a Rajya Sabha nomination, which her brother denied. They added that the chief minister is not keen on power sharing within the family.

Their political tussles have begun showing in their personal lives. Unlike every year, Sharmila did not visit her brother Jagan on Rakhi this time around. She instead wished him on social media platform Twitter, and tied Rakhis on a few of her party leaders.

Sharmila has also begun referring to herself as the “daughter of YSR” — right from her Twitter bio to her public meetings. On her father’s death anniversary Thursday, she tweeted that YSR always pushed her to win even if she was fighting alone.

Stuck in the rift between the siblings is Vijayamma, who is now visibly supporting Sharmila in her political venture. For long in the shadows of her husband and then son, Vijayamma has begun coming to the fore.

She attended Sharmila’s first public meeting in Khammam in April and also sought blessings for her daughter. She was also present at the YSRTP’s grand launch in Hyderabad on 8 July.
Speculation is now rife that Vijayamma, who has largely been inactive in Jagan’s YSRCP, might give up her position in the party to support Sharmila.
“For her, both her children are the same. She has perhaps now decided to support Sharmila,” a senior YSRCP leader said on the condition of anonymity.

“She stood by Jagan when it was necessary and now it is Sharmila’s turn. She cannot do that while holding a position in Jagan’s party. In fact, Jagan’s wife Y.S. Bharati (though officially not part of the party) has a better say in the YSRCP than the mother.” #KhabarLive #hydnews

‍‍Will Andhra Pradesh People Ever Forgive Congress Party?

In the context of the manifest as well as probable consequences of the bifurcation of combined Andhra Pradesh, the moot question for the Congress is: Will the people of residual Andhra Pradesh ever forgive us?

The grand old party, due its 'misguided' strategy, is yet to come out of the clutches of the 'Frankenstein' monster it had unleashed by way of bifurcation. There is no doubt that the people of Telangana benefited more from bifurcation than those of residual AP, considering that bifurcation per se was carried out by flouting all democratic norms and without even a proper discussion in Parliament.  

Of course, the Congress was aware that it would lose the goodwill of voters in the Andhra region, considering that the very dea of bifurcation was initially rejected by the legislature of the undivided AP by voice vote.

The Congress had forged post-poll alliance with the YSR Congress party headed by YS Jaganmohan Reddy. The Congress thought that there would be no political harm for itself in the 2014 elections due to AP's bifurcation should it fail to get a single seat. It was confident of getting support from the eventual winner with a good number of seats. With this reading, the Congress looked confident of getting maximum Lok Sabha seats in Telangana, ahead of the UPA government granting the new state. This was on top of the possible support coming from Andhra with its arrangement with YSRC should it emerge victorious.  

Now, the Congress is planning to restart its political journey in Andhra Pradesh with it new-found promise of Special Category Status (SCS) that was assured by then Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh on the floor of the Rajya Sabha. Later, it was denounced by the BJP government, though arguments in favour of the residuary state of Andhra Pradesh were then made by none other than M. Venkaiah Naidu in the Upper House.

In fact, Venkaiah Naidu had suggested that SCS should be given for 10 years, instead of the five-year period assured by the Prime Minister. The Congress picked up the slogan of SCS that was rejected by the BJP government, though it had previously backed SCS.

The Congress got political life and life support from the people of undivided AP twice. The Congress got 41 Lok Sabha seats out of 42 in AP in the 1977 elections, after it faced a humiliating defeat all over the country in the post-Emergency period that turned the destiny of Congress. People of AP had given 30-plus Lok Sabha seats in two  consecutive elections  -- 2004 & 2009 that literally helped the UPA rule the country for 10 years as there was no other state in the rest of the country that had given the party such huge number of seats. The Congress' plight then can be understood from the fact that in Uttar Pradesh, the Congress got only two seats (Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi).

Hence, the Congress is trying woo Andhra Pradesh without treading on the tender toes of Telangana people.  Its USP is that it granted T-State knowing fully well the fact that it would badly affect its political prospects in the residuary state of AP. It is OK if it is seen as having had a hidden understanding with the YSRCP of Jaganmohan Reddy on possible post-poll support.

Considering the negative implications of taking up SCS, especially in the context of Telangana Rashtra Samiti's oft-repeated assertion that 'Andhra' leaders had given a short shrift to Telangana region in the combined AP, the Congress has started making it clear that its support for SCS to AP would not be at the cost of the interests of people of Telangana.

Former president of AICC Rahul Gandhi had a series of meetings with Andhra leaders on the possibilities left for reaching out to people of AP. Naturally, it was pointed out that the grand old party had deceived the people of Andhra in the process of bifurcation. Nobody had a clear answer when Rahul Gandhi reportedly asked: "Will the people of Andhra Pradesh ever forgive us?"  

However, all of them underlined that a committed approach towards realisation of SCS would enable the party to win back the confidence of AP people to some extent so that the party can regain lost ground in the not-so-distant future. The leaders also drove home their point that proximity with Chandrababu Naidu of TDP would be detrimental to the interests of the party. According to them, the Congress can bank on 7-8 per cent of the voters in AP.  But for its truck with TDP, its vote bank would have been 10% of voters.

Political strategist and psephologist Prashant Kishor (PK) has been asked to look into the ways in which the party can reach out to people of AP after overcoming the minus points related to bifurcation. PK had worked with YSRCP, which emerged victorious in the 2019 polls winning 151 Assembly seats out of 175, creating history. Despite being asked to work for YSRCP again in 2024 by none other than Jagan at a thanksgiving programme, Prasanth did not agree this time.

Congress had to first choose one person to head the party in the state in place of P. Sailajanath. The name of former Chief Minister N.Kiran Kumar Reddy surfaced. Despite Kiran's reluctance to helm the Congress over its questionable role in the bifurcation episode, he is being pressurized to accept the responsibility.

Will this high-profile man accept the offer made by the party's high command is a big question? Before Kiran gives an answer, the Congress per se has a long troublesome journey ahead. #KhabarLive #hydnews

‍‍‍Why Telangana ‍‍Congress Fixed A Price For Huzurabad Ticket?

Political hulchul begins in Huzurabad bypoll likely to be scheduled in lasy week of this month. Even as the Telangana Rashtra Samithi and Bharatiya Janata Party have intensified their campaign for the upcoming by-election to Huzurabad assembly seat, the Congress party is still lagging behind its rivals in all aspects.

While former minister Eatala Rajender has already been finalised as the BJP candidate, the TRS leadership recently announced the candidature of youth leader Gellu Srinivas Yadav to fight the by-elections.

Both the candidates have already been touring different parts of the constituency, though the Election Commission of India is yet to take a call on the announcement of schedule for the by-election. But the Congress is still waiting for muhurtam to finalise its candidates.

Though there are reports that the Pradesh Congress Committee has zeroed in on the candidature of former minister Konda Surekha for Huzurabad, the party is trying to create an impression that it is following a democratic process in the selection of the candidate.
It has called for applications from candidates interesting in contesting the by-poll, so that the party would select the best among them.

According to PCC working president Mahesh Kumar Goud, interested candidates can apply for the party ticket from 10 am on Wednesday to 5 pm on September 5.

What is worse, it has set a price for the party ticket to fight the Huzurabad by-poll. The aspiring candidates should submit a demand draft for Rs 5,000 along with the application for the party ticket and this amount is non-refundable.

A committee of the PCC comprising Bhatti Vikramarka, Damodar Rajanarasimha, Ponnam Prabhakar, T Jeevan Reddy, D Sridhar Babu, Warangal DCC president Nayini Rajender Reddy and Karimnagar DCC president Satyanarayana would interview the applicants on September 6.

The committee would then send the report to the AICC by September 10 and the AICC in turn would finalise the candidate, Mahesh Kumar Goud said.
One wonders why the PCC is following this process, instead of identifying the suitable candidate for Huzurabad straightaway, like how the TRS and the BJP have done.

“If the PCC wants to follow this process, why has it consulted Konda Surekha earlier? It looks like the PCC wants to make as much money as possible from the applicants. In any case, the party knows the chances of winning Huzurabad by-poll are very bleak. Why all this farce?” a Congress leader asked. #KhabarLive #hydnews

‍Will 'Metro Rail' Ever Chug In Old City Areas In Hyderabad?

Lack of funds, interest and selfish reasons the metro rail project is not able to extend till old city areas in Hyderabad. The political-will is the main reason behind this delay. And it will continue for long till the politicians feel pressure from public.

Not anytime soon, according to the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) who have been demanding that the Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) government release Rs 1,000 crore funds for the Hyderabad Metro Rail Project as promised in the Telangana budget this financial year. 

While the eastern parts of the old city have access to the metro via the Malakpet station. The western region of the area is completely cut off. And residents await the promised metro stretch of six kilometres from Mahatma Gandhi Bus Station (MGBS) metro station to Faluknuma as part of the second phase, which was promised by the Telangana government before the 2018 elections. 

The Hyderabad Metro Rail, which was inaugurated in 2017, in its first phase covers a distance of 69.2 kilometres across three corridors, from Miyapur to LB Nagar, from Jubilee Bus Station (JBS) to MGBS and from Nagole to Raidurgam. It runs along the middle of the Old Mumbai Highway, dividing city blocks and communities. In cities like Bengaluru and Chennai, parts of the metro run underground and blend into the city. In Hyderabad however, the metro rail stands out. It’s a fully elevated, grey concrete structure that stands apart from the city landscape. 

However, some transport researchers argue that it provides little last-mile connectivity and doesn’t connect the parts of the city with larger population density. And the people with perhaps the least access to the metro are from the predominantly Muslim, old city of Hyderabad. 

Syed Amin Ul Hasan Jafri, a Member of Legislative Council from AIMIM says the Hyderabad Metro Rail Project at the time of its planning did not carry out any public consultation with locals of the old city.
“The east side of the old city has access to the Hyderabad Metro at Malakpet metro station and also to the Multi-Modal Transport System (MMTS), but those who are on the west have to commute and spend more to reach the metro or the MMTS,” says Jafri. 

On the western part of old city, you have Hussain Alam, Patter Darwaza, Purana Pul, there is Mangalghat, Dhoolpet and Begum Bazaar, says Jafri ”These are slums with high population densities but none of these areas is covered by the metro or the MMTS,” he adds. 

The Telangana government before the state election in 2018 had made announcements over Phase 2 of the Hyderabad Metro extending the lines from Raidurgam to the Rajiv Gandhi International Airport (RGIA) at Shamshabad. The plan also included extending the metro line from LB Nagar and from Faluknuma to Shamshabad. However, these plans are yet to come to fruition. 

In October 2020, the L&T Group, who took over the project in 2013,  had expressed their intention to exit the Hyderabad Metro Rail Project, citing losses. The metro is operated by L&T Metro and the Hyderabad Metro Rail Limited (HMRL), representing the government side, through a Public-Private Partnership (PPP).

L&T Metro says that it suffered a net loss of Rs 382 crore from the Hyderabad Metro Rail Project in FY 2019-20. The loss has been attributed to the closure of the metro service for 170 days during the COVID-19 pandemic induced lockdowns. The year before, the company had reported a profit of Rs 16,344 crore and losses of Rs 149 crore. The Hyderabad Metro reportedly has cost overruns to the tune of Rs 16,000 crore. 

“To overcome the huge financial burden on us, and for some respite, we are exploring different options with all related stakeholders. Due to COVID-19, Hyderabad Metro Rail operations were suspended for about 170 days. Presently, our prime focus is to continue operations adhering to safety norms," a spokesperson of the L&T Metro Rail (Hyderabad) Limited told #KhabarLive at the time. 

“Now the operator is seeking compensation in the form of aid, this puts further strain on the state,” said Jafri. Reports suggest the Telangana government has turned down L&T Metro’s request for aid but has instead offered to assist in procuring soft loans. “The state is already facing a financial crunch and L&T Metro has overspent on the metro construction by Rs 3,756 crore. Now they have no money for completing the remaining stretch to Faluknuma, nor do they seem to have funds for Phase 2,” he adds. 

Professor C Ramachandraiah, an Urban Transportation expert from the Centre for Economic and Social Studies, says one must pay attention to how the Hyderabad Metro Rail Project was planned in the first place. 

Before the L&T Metro came into the picture, the project in July 2008 was first awarded to Maytas, an infrastructure firm promoted by Satyam Computer Services for a projected cost of Rs 12,132 crore. Maytas would lose the project a year later in 2009 when the promoters of Satyam were found to be indulging in financial fraud. 

This was in erstwhile Andhra Pradesh, when the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) led by Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu was in power. The project was awarded on a Build Operate Transfer (BOT) model to Maytas by the then Government of Andhra Pradesh (GoAP). The Detailed Project Reports (DPRs) were prepared by the Delhi Metro Rail Corporation (DMRC) at the time headed by E Sreedharan. DMRC was made a consultant for the project.

Prior to the project being awarded to Maytas, the HMRL refused to make the DPRs of the project public, says Ramachandraiah, this is despite filing Right to Information appeals, he adds.

But controversy broke when Sreedharan wrote to then Deputy Chairman of the Planning Commission, Montek Singh Ahluwalia, in September 2008 pointing out discrepancies in the project. Sreedharan raised concerns over the BOT model of awarding infrastructure projects to private companies. He also pointed out that the routes were planned to benefit the real estate sector. The GoAP was unhappy with the letter and the DRMC parted aways from the project as consultants, shortly after.

To clear the air, Sreedharan in 2008 expressed in a report, “When we discovered that the metro lines were altered and extended (DMRC had objected to this) to areas where the successful BOT operator had extensive private landholdings — a metro connection would enhance the market value of these plots four or five times — we began to feel that the tendering process was clearly not transparent enough and we withdrew from our role as prime consultants.”

Jafri says these changes in the plans have impacted connectivity for the old city. “The plans were prepared in a hurry, the DPRs that were prepared did not survey many areas with high population density and there were controversies surrounding the way GoAP awarded the project to Maytas. The company didn't even have any prior experience building a metro. The state is also dragging its feet to complete the doubling of rail tracks for the MMTS, connecting Faluknuma to Shamshabad,” he adds. 

The AIMIM leader alleges that the originally planned routes were altered and the DPR was tailored to benefit Maytas. “If the government did the project, the plans would have been made after talks with the public, it would have served more people. But here the government agencies were not involved, the public was not consulted.

When L&T Metro came into the picture, the DPR and routes weren’t revisited. The then government went on to approve and the then United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government also approved the project costs,” he says.
However, Jafri says that even if the metro line is extended to Faluknuma, it does not address the connectivity issues plaguing the old city. 

The area already suffers from poor bus connectivity and the existing Hyderabad Metro route to Faluknuma won’t help the locals to travel within the area, says Rathnam, a city-based transport researcher. The Telangana State Road Transport Corporation (TSRTC) has two bus depots at Falaknuma and Farook Nagar, and he adds that people will choose the buses as it’s cheaper.

However, Rathnam also says, “these buses are useful to commute outside the old city, they don’t service within the localities. Most of the streets are narrow, which is one reason why the buses don’t service interior routes of the old city. Also the routes are loss making for the corporation. They had tried operating mini buses in the interior routes. Unfortunately, they gave up too soon before a ridership could be built,”

Residents thus therefore mostly rely on shared autos. “The men use bikes, the women mostly walk. Using shared autos can be expensive as they have to switch autos because of no direct routes to destinations. This will be the case even if the metro comes, it is going to be equally expensive. The metro routes are being designed to follow the existing bus routes that are how the metro route has been planned. It gives residents an option to move in and out of the old city but travelling within still remains an unaddressed issue,” he adds. 

A response from L&T Metro is awaited and the story will be updated when they respond. HMRL Managing Director, NVS Reddy declined to comment on this story.

Seeing all the reports, versions and updates, it is quite evident that technically it is not viable to run the metro rail in old city and a strong political support helps to stop the process. Let's wait and see the public reaction and other civil societies version and government review on this long-pending project. #KhabarLive #hydnews 

‍Will ‍BJP Expose Ruling TRS Party Corruption In Telangana?

As a matter of fact, this time any political party will easily grab the power from ruling TRS party with gaining public confidence, solving the much awaited promises and assure the easy life without much hard work. All these BJP can provide in the state if the party becomes Secular and much transparent in terms of getting vote bank in Telangana.

https://youtu.be/W1ybKQKOsVU

Time is running out for the seven-year-long dictatorial rule of Telangana Chief Minister K Chandrasekhar Rao.KCR has played with the lives of students who led the separate statehood movement. He became the CM by playing politics, not leading the movement.

In 2014, on the Floor of Assembly, he vowed to fill 1.07 lakh vacant posts in various departments. In 2017, he announced filling up of over 1.12 lakh posts and promised to issue notifications annually.

However, the number of vacancies in government departments has now piled up to 2.5 lakh. There are many vacant teaching and non-teaching posts in universities even as many government schools have been closed. There has been no instance of filling even one teacher post.

No efforts were made to fill Group-I, junior college, degree college teacher and university teachers posts. In fact, except in the police department, no other vacancy has been filled.The number of districts has been increased, but no effort was made to recruit people needed to administer the districts.

For the post of police constable, PhDs, and those who have done MTech have applied, indicating the desperation of the unemployed. The number of unemployed has shot past the 50 lakh mark if the number of applicants for various posts is any indication.

https://youtu.be/UqgXe-1HHUc

A glance at the Statistics and Programme Implementation Department’s periodic labour force survey statistics or state-wise unemployed data being maintained by the Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy reveals that the unemployment rate has reached 25 to 33 percent in Telangana. At many places, the unemployed are resorting to suicide.Is this the Bangaru Telangana promised by KCR?

It’s clear that KCR is victimising students who played a crucial role in the Telangana statehood movement.It’s clear that during the past seven years, those who benefited the most are his family members and those nursed by him.Corruption under the KCR regime has reached dizzy heights.

Thousands of crores of corruption is taking place in projects, contracts, construction of projects, sand quarrying, liquor sales and in almost every transaction but nobody raises a voice against KCR.For example, the Kaleswaram project, which was estimated to cost less than Rs 40,000 crore, has been revised to Rs 1.30 lakh-crore. Not surprisingly, the government is accused of swallowing the funds meant for migrant workers.

KCR has shown the door to many leaders – like Ale Narendra, Vijayashanti and now Eatala Rajender – who questioned his activities.His coterie consists of all those who play second fiddle to him. After coming to power for the second time, his ego has become inflated as he feels he cannot be challenged.

KCR went back on his promises like three acres of land to Dalits, construction of 7 lakh 2BHK houses, stipend for unemployed, waiver of crop loans, free KG-to-PG education and construction of a hospital in every constituency.

The Covid second wave exposed the shortcomings of the public health infrastructure. He is also accused of diverting BC, SC and ST Sub-Plan funds to other purposes. Besides misusing Central funds, KCR diverted the funds meant for infrastructure development projects to implement vote bank politics.

The government did not build new projects, but re-designed old ones and inflated the cost many times over to loot public money.KCR claimed credit for implementation of the free vaccination programme, five kg of rice to the migrant workers and old age pension. In fact, the Centre should be given credit for these programmes.

Buying votes by spending crores, bringing MLAs elected on other party tickets into the TRS fold, repressing those who question him are some of the skills nurtured by the CM.The debt burden of the State in 2014 was Rs 60,000 crore and has now risen to Rs 4 lakh-crore.

KCR promised to celebrate September 17 as Telangana Liberation Day, but failed to implement it. Moreover, KCR is in league with communal forces who are heirs to Razakars.

Against the Constitution, he provided 12 percent quota for Muslims. There is no check to the atrocities of the Majlis because of the appeasement politics being practised by KCR.

Majlis leader Asaduddin Owaisi, who opposed triple talaq, is supporting the atrocities perpetrated against women in Afghanistan saying that even more severe atrocities are being perpetrated against women in India.KCR joining hands with people like Owaisi, who wants to see Muslims confined to the Medieval Age to protect his interests, is atrocious.People are realising that the seven year rule of KCR exploited the state.

Cracks are now appearing in the fort of KCR.The people are witnessing the failures of KCR; his popularity graph is on the decline. People have realised that there is no congruence whatsoever between his sayings and doings.

That is why the Praja Sangrama Yatra by BJP Telangana president Bandi Sanjay has received overwhelming support. It shows the fall of KCR is imminent. #KhabarLive #hydnews 

‍‍Parents Rattled Between Govt Orders And Schools For Schools Reopening On September 1, Court Stayed GOs In Telangana

Several schools in Hyderabad have asked parents to sign 'consent forms' that say management takes no responsibility for health of children on reopening from September 1. Now, Telangana High Court stayed the government orders on reopening of schools. This is considered as a major relief to parents and educational institutions in the state.

The “lack of clarity” and “suddenness” with which the Telangana government has ordered the reopening of educational institutes has left parents in the state worried. And this has been exacerbated by ‘consent forms’ from three schools that seek to absolve the management of all responsibility towards children’s health.

After last week’s state government order asking all educational institutions — from kindergarten to post-graduation — to resume physical classes, several schools in Hyderabad sent forms to parents seeking their consent for children returning to schools from 1 September.

However, at least three schools also asked parents to sign a declaration, which states that the school management is not responsible for children’s health or any “untoward incident”.

In a form sent by Sujatha High School, one of the oldest schools in the city, the management asked parents to take responsibility for their child’s health.

They were asked to undersign a statement on the form, accessed by ThePrint, which read: “I declare that I am sending my child to the school at my own risk and responsibility and that I will not hold the school responsible for my child’s health.”

Delhi School of Excellence, which has branches across the city, sent out a similar form in which parents were asked to declare they are “sending their ward to the school willingly and will not hold the school responsible for any untoward incident”.

Another well-known institution in Hyderabad, the Gitanjali Group of Schools also asked the parents to take sole responsibility for their child’s health and asked them not to hold the school accountable in case he or she is infected despite the precautions taken.

“It is impossible to determine who has it and who does not given the current limits in virus testing,” read an internal circular from the school.

All three of these forms, meanwhile, also listed out the precautionary protocols the schools will be taking against Covid to keep the children safe, such as social distancing and mandatory masking.

Ashish Naredi, member of the Hyderabad Schools Parents Association (HSPA) — an independent organisation that mostly includes parents of children who attend private schools — and a parent of a Class 8 student, called the language used in the forms reprehensible.

“Parents and schools are not against each other. What we have to ensure is the safety of the children. The language used by these schools in the consent form is reprehensible. It’s like schools are shrugging off the responsibility of child’s health. How will a parent sign such a declaration form in such times,” Naredi told #KhabarLive.

When #KhabarLive reached Delhi School of Excellence via call and Gitanjali Group of Schools over email for a comment but received no response till the time of publishing of this report. Sujatha High School, meanwhile, declined to comment over a phone call.

No response was received from Hyderabad District Education Officer R. Rohini either, when reached over text message and call, till the publishing of this report.

Parents of school children have also criticised the lack of clarity in the state government order calling for reopening of schools. Unlike other states, the K. Chandrasekhar Rao-led government has not designed a formal modus operandi for the resumption of physical classes.

The Telangana government released a memo on 24 August announcing the reopening of educational institutions. On the same day, in another circular, the government released a list of basic Covid protocols to be followed which included sanitising premises and taking symptomatic children to healthcare centres. No other protocols specific to resumption of schools have been released yet.

According to Seema Agarwal, another member of the HSPA, “No clear instructions are given to the parents. It is left to their whims and fancies on how they want to operate.”

She further noted that a survey conducted among 300 parents of the association, revealed that about 87 per cent of them were not willing to send children to offline classes.

“I am actually surprised how the government just said that all institutions can re-open without listing out some detailed guidelines. I think the first step before calling any child to school is making sure all teachers are vaccinated, at least with first dose,” Naredi said.

Meanwhile, It is known that the Telangana government has decided to reopen schools and colleges in Telangana from tomorrow after a halt for a long time. However, the Telangana High Court on Tuesday ruled that the opening of schools is not mandatory and imposed a week-long stay on the Government Order.

The High Court said that students need not attend classes in any of the public schools or private schools.

The High Court has also ordered that no schools should force the students to come to school and also asserted that the management should not take any undertaking from the parents regarding the Covid-19. The High Court agreed with the petitioner that there is no scientific study to start the schools. It remains to be seen how the government would respond to the High Court order.

The High Court heard the Public Interest Litigation (PIL) filed by private teacher Balakrishna against the direct teaching to pre-primary and primary classes in the schools. The petitioner contended that direct teaching was inappropriate amid the coronavirus third wave thread.

The petitioner alleged that the government has decided to start educational institutions without any scientific study and guidelines. The High Court heard the case on Tuesday and stayed the re-opening the schools.  #KhabarLive #hydnews

‍‍‍‍KCR Triggers 'Telangana Sentiment' With Dalit Bandhu Scheme Speeches

Whenever there is a crisis time for Telangana Rashtra Samithi, party president and chief minister K Chandrasekhar Rao has the knack of whipping up the Telangana sentiment to attract the people and run down the opposition.

With the by-election to Huzurabad assembly seat turning out be prestigious for him and the TRS facing an acid test, the chief minister has once again took out the weapon of Telangana sentiment to trigger passions among the people.

He sought to equate the Dalit Bandhu scheme, which he had launched recently as a pilot project in the poll-bound Huzurabad, with the Telangana statehood movement spearheaded by the TRS.

At the review meeting held at Karimnagar, KCR vowed that he was ready to sacrifice his life for the implementation of Dalit Bandhu, like the way he had done for achieving the separate statehood for Telangana.

“Implementation of Dalit Bandhu is like fighting for Telangana statehood. Like I fought for the statehood, I will fight till the last drop of my blood for the comprehensive development of Dalits,” the chief minister said.
KCR asserted that with strong will and commitment anything could be achieved.

“We have achieved Telangana state with our will power and commitment. With the same will, Telangana state is being developed with determination. With the same determination, comprehensive development of Dalits would also be achieved,” he said.

He called upon the Telangana society to come forward for the economic and social development of the Dalits, eradicating the discrimination against the Dalits. 

“We have made the beginnings for the Dalita bandhu Maha Yagna. We will implement the Dalit Bandhu project, which is being implemented on a pilot basis in Huzurabad with support from you all. Not only in Telangana, we will make the scheme a lesson which the entire country should learn,” the CM said. #KhabarLive #hydnews

‍Why ‍KCR Ignored Dalit Leaders In Dalit Bandhu Scheme In Telangana?

The Telangana Rashtra Samithi president and chief minister K Chandrasekhar Rao who launched the pilot project of the much-publicised Dalit Bandhu scheme at Huzurabad on August 16 with a lot of fanfare, seems to have ignored Dalit leaders from within the party.

When the scheme was launched at Huzurabad, all his cabinet colleagues were there on the dais, besides TRS candidate from Huzurabad.

However, he did not invite senior Dalit leaders like former deputy CM Kadiyam Srihari or Tadikonda Rajaiah or even Mothkupalli Narasimhulu, who recently defected to the TRS.

Apparently, these Dalit leaders have felt humiliated for not being taken into confidence while launching the scheme. They were not made part of the discussions on the scheme at all.

Especially Kadiyam Srihari, who was expecting that KCR would seek his suggestions and make him an important part of the implementation of Dalit Bandhu scheme, has been sulking for the last few weeks for being ignored.

He indirectly expressed his grievance before the media and it was promptly highlighted.

Realising that it would give yet another weapon to the opposition parties to make it a big issue, the Telangana chief minister began pampering the disgruntled Dalit leaders.

During his visit to Warangal to attend a marriage on Thursday night, KCR called Kadiyam and held discussions with him. He invited Kadiyam to the review meeting on Dalit Bandhu being held in Karimnagar on Friday.

It is learnt KCR would entrust a key responsibility to Kadiyam.
There are also reports that KCR had spoken to Mothkupalli, too. And the chief minister is likely to make Mothkupalli as the chief of Dalit Bandhu coordination committee to be constituted soon. #KhabarLive #hydnews

‍Why ‍TRS Leaders Attack Opposition With Objectionable Slurs In Public?

The Telangana Labour Minister Ch Malla Reddy, referring to the alleged cowardice of Congress president Revanth Reddy, called him a ‘eunuch’.

Slapping his thigh in typical Telugu action movie style, Telangana Labour Minister Ch Malla Reddy on Wednesday, August 25, dared Telangana Congress president Revanth Reddy to resign and recontest in the Malkajgiri parliamentary constituency. The challenge was in response to the allegations made by Revanth Reddy, the Malkajgiri MP, against the Minister during the Dalita-Girijana Deeksha held in Muduchintalapalli in Medchal-Malkajgiri district. At the meeting, Revanth accused Malla Reddy, the former MP of Malkajgiri, of being a land grabber while addressing him as a "joker" and "broker."

Reacting to this, the Minister launched into a tirade, hurling the choicest of abuses against the Congress leader. Besides using many slurs, including casteist ones, the Minister, referring to Revanth’s alleged cowardice, called him a ‘eunuch’. All this was while addressing a live press conference. Earlier this month, another TRS legislator from Malkajgiri, Mynampally Hanumanth Rao also used similar expletives while attacking BJP Telangana president Bandi Sanjay, thereby bringing down the dignity of their office and also lowering the public discourse through their vile verbal attacks.
While Malla Reddy regretted using the casteist slur ‘Pichakuntla’, which is a marginalised caste, and apologised for offending the people of the Pichakuntla community, no apology was offered to eunuchs who too are a marginalised group, living in the fringes of society.

This disturbing trend of public representatives lowering the level of discourse has real-life implications leading to conflicts, says political analyst T Lakshminarayana. “It is extremely unfortunate and saddening that rather than enhancing the level of dialogue, the public representatives who are seen as role models of society are indulging in such vicious attacks, that too publicly.”

“If an elected representative speaks in such a derogatory manner, it only emboldens their supporters to be more vicious in attacking their opponents. It is an approval. And this will inevitably lead to violence. Should a public representative create violence?” Lakshminarayana asks, condemning the actions of both the leaders.
Lakshminarayana adds, “When a public representative says something odd, it becomes a talking point in the media. And the language the representative uses gets normalised, which is dangerous. So, public representatives should exercise caution and not lose their cool in public.”

Condemning the transphobic remarks made by both Malla Reddy and Hanumanth Rao, Meera Sanghamitra, a transwoman and activist, told #KhabarLive, “This is not the first time that such transphobic comments have been made by elected representatives, regardless of party affiliations. The first thing when someone tries to politically critique someone, they say, ‘Are you wearing bangles?’ or ‘Are you a eunuch?’ Every time a politician makes such deplorable remarks, it not only reveals their patriarchal mindset but they also degrade a community that is already marginalised.”

“It is not that we have objected to these kinds of derogatory remarks in the past, but since they consider the trans community as dispensable, they don’t show any sensitivity,” Meera adds. #KhabarLive #hydnews 

‍‍Kinnerasani Eco-Tourism Project Struck Between Lack of Political Will And Govt Apathy In Telangana

The Kinnerasani Eco-Tourism Project commenced in 2015 and went on briskly till 2018 and later due to the political tensions and clashes the project became neglected. Now  this project need attention for revival as water resources developed in Telangana.

People are blaming Kothagudem MLA Vanama Venkateswara Rao for not following up on Kinnerasani Eco-Tourism Project by way of getting clearances from forest department and getting funds. This has led to the project, started six and a half years ago, getting delayed.

Earlier, former MLA Jalagam Venkat Rao of TRS had focused on development of tourism in Kothagudem district. As part of it, a budget hotel, boat club and revival of Addala Meda (glasshouse) was planned. The Addala Meda had been built by Singareni Collieries Company Limited (SCCL) and was a famous spot in Kinnerasani. However, it was destroyed by Maoists by planting landmines.

It may be recalled that NITI Aayog released funds Rs. 3.23 crore for renovation of dilapidated cottages and give boost to tourism within Kinnerasani Wildlife Sanctuary spread over 633 square kilometers and populated by a variety of wildlife species.

Following NITI Aayog’s initiative, then Kothagudem MLA Jalagam Venkat Rao followed up with the state government and got Rs. 7.53 crore allotted for the project.

The Kinnerasani Eco-Tourism Project commenced in 2015 and went on briskly till 2018. However, things changed after that. Venkat Rao lost the election to Vanama Venkateswara Rao of Congress, who went on to later join the TRS. But Venkat Rao has not shown interest in completing the pending works.

The project is also languishing due to forest department putting in various queries for giving permission to set up a sewerage treatment plant (STP) and laying a road for connecting the budget hotel. Though the forest department gave land for the hotel and cottages, it is not clearing the land required for constructing the road and other utilities.

Ramakrishna, an engineer looking after the project, said: “Sewerage treatment plant is very important. Sewage cannot be let into the Kinnerasani River. Some land is required for setting up the STP. But forest department is not giving permissions,” he maintained.

Forest officer Damodar Reddy said they have no objection to the Kinnerasani project in the permitted area. “In the process, we cannot allow works in the forest area that damage the environment,” he maintained.

K. Surender, a citizen of Kothagudem said, “Political will is needed to settle these issues. Local MLA Venkateswara Rao must take the project seriously. Otherwise, it will continue languishing,” he added. #KhabarLive #hydnews

‍‍‍‍‍Can Poor Equipped Educational Institutions Shield Students From Covid In Telangana?

Fortunately or unfortunately we all have come to a situation where 'caution' and 'precautions' have become the watchwords of 'normal' life. Covid-19 has caused inestimable damage to human life, shattering norms in sphere.

Despite reeling under the impact of the pandemic, the governments in many states, including Telangana, are readying to reopen schools. At this point, nobody knows at what cost. Reopening schools implies a lot. Students will not be airlifted from homes to schools. They will take crowded buses. Apart from enough number of buses, schools need to be equipped with everything that prevents Covid infection so as to shield students completely. That is a tall order.

We are yet to overcome the impact of the second wave and the third way is said to be round the corner. Are we prepared to cope with the impending third wave? What steps have been taken to shield the future citizens of India from the virus? Just reopening schools is not enough. The authorities should have taken all precautionary steps before announcing the reopening of schools. We have had a bad experience of opening schools and closing them immediately after the surge of the second wave.

It is a fact that virtual classes have had a negative psychological impact on students, with everyone glued to smart phones or laptops for hours together during classes. The governments had made arrangements to make online classes trouble-free and tension-free. During the last two years schools have been virtually abandoned, with even basic staff not attending to their duties due to fear of Covid.

As education has become a lucrative business, many educational institutions do not flinch from admitting students into different courses even if they do not have the capacity to accommodate them. Most of the classrooms are overcrowded. For a classroom that can accommodate 20 students, double the number is admitted. It means students will never have proper space among them, let alone social distancing norms of keeping alternate seats vacant.

After the second wave peaked, claiming a lot of human lives, oxygen plants were opened in most of the hospitals. Now everything said to be 'right'. Restrictions on cinema halls have been lifted. Ultimately, students, whether they go to schools or cinema halls, will be exposed to the virus. Are all the schools or classrooms spacious enough to accommodate students as per the prescribed norms? Except for a few private and government schools or colleges, most of the educational institutions are in a bad shape.

They operate in private and congested buildings with no proper ventilation in the classrooms. In this pathetic condition, if schools and colleges are allowed to open, and students attend classes; will there be a shield to protect them from the deadly Covid, particularly the Delta variant that is spreading fast? So, pragmatic steps are required to prevent incalculable damage.
Even nations that have the best of medical facilities are cautious in this regard.

In spite of massive vaccination and spacious schools, they are protective of students' lives. There is strict implementation of Covid norms. Medical experts are warning that the new wave is slow in spread, but will be massive in its impact. The rising Covid cases Kerala is indicative of this.

All told, the vaccination of Indians leaves much to be desired. Against this background, if schools and colleges are opened, where is the guarantee that nothing untoward will not happen? Opening of educational institutions can wait.

The spread of the virus must be contained first. For that to happen, a well-planned strategy is needed. As students are engaged with virtual classes, there is no urgency in driving them to schools or colleges without making the institutes completely safe. #KhabarLive #hydnews

Telangana government mandating physical classes from September 1, is causing serious concern among parents.

The safety of children, who are required to go to school starting September 1 with the government mandating physical classes from that date, is causing serious concern among parents.

It is not that parents do not want to send their children to school, it is just that the absence of assurance of safety against Covid-19 once out of home is what appears to be holding parents back from fully backing the government decision to reopen schools for physical classes.

“I do not have the kind of money to take care of my six-year-old daughter if something happens to her. But, with no online classes, I have to send my daughter to school because I do not want her to miss any class,” says Kavita Konaboina.

For Namish Mehta, sending his two children to school is not a difficult choice to make, provided every safety and sanitation measure is attended to. The school they go to has security cameras and parents should be given access to them so they can check how things are being run, he says.

It is not just the practically enforced sending of children to schools that is bothering parents. Crowding, says Ashwin Kumar, is a serious concern.

“I have two little daughters going to the same school, but should I take the risk when there is no vaccination available for children,” he asks.

On other hand, social media platforms such as Twitter, some parents worried over how easy it was for their kids to catch a cold or a fever, while others were hoping that the state will have a change of mind and allow a mix of online and in person classes, so parents can choose an option that works best for them.

There is utter confusion among school and college managements, and parents, on the reopening for physical classes from September 1 as the state government continues to push educational institutions to reopen their doors to students.

Not every parent wants to send his or her child to school given the fact that there has been no assurance from the government on student safety other than ordering that every school and college should take up a thorough physical cleaning.

A post on Facebook that asked the question “How many of you are ready to send your kids back to schools or colleges from 1st September?”, and the responses to it pretty much summed up the mood with respect to how ready people are to see their children back in classrooms.

“Once the Covid caller tune ends then we will think,” was one witty response, but that summed up the biggest worry over sending children to schools and colleges – the possibility of children catching Covid-19.

On other social media platforms such as Twitter, some parents worried over how easy it was for their kids to catch a cold or a fever, while others were hoping that the state will have a change of mind and allow a mix of online and in person classes, so parents can choose an option that works best for them.

The challenges of safety, and student attendance are particularly acute when it comes to primary classes with children as young as five years being required to attend physical classes.

“The parents are not ready, we are also not ready to have little kids in classes. Some children may be looking forward to going to school because they may be missing out on playing with friends. But if something happens to a kid, can the parents take it? The school managements I am certain, cannot,” said Suman Earth, founder and chairman of Abode Montessori and Multiple Intelligence School. “No chance can be taken with pre-school and primary school students,” he added. #KhabarLive #hydnews