By M H Ahssan
India should promote an inclusive solution to the crisis in Sri Lanka
As the Sri Lankan Armed Forces (SLAF) attack what is claimed to be the last stronghold of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in Mullaithivu, a huge humanitarian crisis has built up in the war zone, where 2,50,000 Tamil civilians remain trapped. As the SLAF and the LTTE target them — the former through indiscriminate bombing and shelling, and the latter by firing on them to prevent them from fleeing to safety — up to 35 civilians are being killed every day. According to the international liberties group Human Rights Watch (HRW), 2,000 Tamils have been killed and 5,000 wounded since the fall of the Tigers’ administrative headquarters in Kilinochchi in January.
Here’s what HRW says: “The Sri Lankan government has indicated that the (trapped) ethnic Tamil population... can be presumed to be siding with the LTTE and treated as combatants, effectively sanctioning unlawful attacks.” This permits heinous crimes against civilians, in total violation of the laws of war and of international humanitarian law, which grant immunity to non-combatants. The SLAF has “repeatedly and indiscriminately shelled areas crowded with displaced persons”, including state-declared “safe zones” and the region’s “remaining hospitals”. “The [civilians’] plight... has been made worse by the government’s decision in September 2008 to order most humanitarian agencies out...”, according to HRW.
The government has thrown a blanket of censorship over the war zone. It has failed to bring in enough food, medical supplies, and other relief, with only a minimal role for the United Nations. Continued fighting, lack of oversight, and manipulation of aid delivery have intensified the humanitarian crisis. The SLAF is keen to finish the war and declare victory before the Sri Lankan New Year in April. This will lead to a sharp increase in civilian casualties. As if to cover this up in advance, the SLAF is deliberately playing down the number of civilians originally inhabiting the zone to 70,000. The Rajapakse government claims that half of them have fled, although the number may be only a few hundred, according to the Sri Lanka Democracy Forum.
In the coming days, Colombo may declare that virtually all civilians have escaped and the SLAF can legitimately launch a no-holds-barred final offensive, including firebombing, to finish the LTTE. This is liable to lead to mass slaughter. In addition to open war in the north, the Colombo government has launched a dirty war in the south. Critics are harassed, abducted and have “disappeared”, or like journalist Lasantha Wickrematunga, killed by hired gunmen. Colombo is deviously resisting international pressure to remedy the situation and allow aid workers to return.
The European Union has called for an immediate ceasefire so that civilians can leave the conflict area, and asked the LTTE to lay down arms. It has also asked the government to “engage in an inclusive political process which addresses the legitimate concerns of all communities”. The government balks at this and says if the LTTE lays down arms, there would be no need for a ceasefire. It claims civilians are exclusively targeted by the Tigers.
India has demanded an end to civilian killings and a political settlement that addresses Tamil grievances through devolution of powers. The Rajapakse government is particularly keen to stave off Indian pressure. Sri Lankan army chief Sarath Fonseka has exaggerated the “threat” that the LTTE’s air wing poses to India and warned that their planes could penetrate 150-170 km inside Indian territory.
The LTTE has proved ruthless towards Tamil civilians. With each battlefield defeat, it treats them with ever-greater brutality, subjecting them, including children, to forced recruitment and deadly labour on the battlefield. The LTTE, probably the most murderous and pathologically militarised group in South Asia, with a long history of assassinating all those who disagree with it, deserves no sympathy. But that should blind no one to the unitarist and chauvinist framework under which the Rajapakse government operates.
Sinhalese chauvinists wrongly see the Tamils as “outsiders” although they have inhabited the island for 2,000 years. India bears a special responsibility vis-a-vis Sri Lanka — not only because it is a big neighbour with a large Tamil population, but because of its past interventions there. New Delhi committed a grave blunder in the early 1980s by training and arming the LTTE, which soon turned against India. India committed a second blunder in 1987 by sending in the Indian Peace Keeping Force. This was a disastrous misadventure, which failed to accomplish the objective of disarming the Tigers.
After Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination, India followed a hands-off policy. But in recent years, it has covertly given, and continues to provide, military assistance to Colombo, including radar surveillance, logistical support, armaments and helicopters. Without India’s support, the SLAF couldn’t have scored major military victories. It isn’t enough for India to ask Sri Lanka to evacuate the trapped Tamil civilians and implement the 13th constitutional amendment, enacted at India’s behest, which mandates provincial councils and merger of the north and the east.
India must pull its full political weight by mobilising a diplomatic campaign and making specific time-bound demands: a series of safe corridors, international monitors, protection of civilians under international supervision, and permission for extensive relief operations. Above all, India must ask for extensive devolution of powers and a non-unitary state structure, with a bicameral legislature. This alone can achieve fruitful results while preventing the massacre of civilians.
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