Showing posts sorted by relevance for query Telangana. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query Telangana. Sort by date Show all posts

Friday, July 19, 2013

Telangana Roadmap Is Ready, The Road Is Going Nowhere

By M H Ahssan / INN Bureau

Granting statehood will help the party curtail Jagan’s influence, but it could deepen the fissures within the Congress. With the 2014 polls looming large, the Congress has started making the right noises on the creation of Telangana. Party general secretary Digvijaya Singh’s first step after he took over as Andhra Pradesh in-charge has been to announce the decision to create a roadmap for the possible bifurcation or trifurcation of the state. However, the move — being vouched by Telangana Congress leaders as being final and decisive — has opened a minefield of future political ramifications.

On the ground, there is hope for ending uncertainty and confusion, which has lasted as long as the Telangana movement itself, while leaders of all political parties are mulling over the consequences, both political and economic.

Wednesday, November 26, 2008

Are You Ready To Eat Telangana Biryani?

What is common between Hyderabadi Biryani and Telangana? The answer is both simple and complicated. First let's talk about the simple answer. Biryani is cooked by more than one person; it takes a lot of time to cook; it tastes best when served hot and it turns stale in just one day. Similarly, the formation of Telangana too would require more than one political party; it's formation too will take a lot of time; it would taste best if formed immediately and it will take merely one political season to rot its demand.



Now talk about the complicated comparison. With less than six months left for the Assembly and General Elections, almost all political parties in Andhra Pradesh are vying to carve out Telangana pie. But just like the Biryani, all political parties seem to be blissfully unaware of the perfect recipe.



Rice, meat, ghee, oil and garam masala are the common ingredients of Biryani. Similarly, Telangana too would require Congress, TDP, BJP, NTP, TRS, Praja Rajyam and other political parties. For Biryani, one needs to get a defined quantity of each ingredient which should be properly mixed and heated for a defined period. Similarly, Telangana would need a proper consensus among all political parties. Any increase or decrease in any ingredient will spoil Biryani's taste. Similarly, strong opposition or support for Telangana will spoil the taste of Andhra politics.



Just for a little more gyan, let's talk a bit more about Biryani's history. No body knows for sure when the Biryani was cooked first, but it was confined to royal kitchens till independence. Later, it became a permanent item in the menu of all marriage celebrations and also entered the market through hundreds of Irani hotels in Hyderabad. Initially, Irani hotels served only mutton biryani but soon they also introduced chicken biryani. It was followed by Kalyani Biryani, Lal Biryani, Shahi Biryani, Mughlai Biryani, Zafrani Biryani, Kaju-ki-Biryani and a lot of other varieties.



Each variety has a different taste. Even the Mutton Biryani served in two different hotels will taste different. Further, Mutton Biryani prepared by the same chef, will have a different taste when he does it second time. Therefore, it is now an established fact that there is no defined recipe for Biryani and each chef will cook it in his own way. But very few people notice these differences and everyone enjoys whatever is served to them in the name of Biryani.



The demand for creation of Telangana too has a long history. In 1969, the Telangana Praja Samithi launched a mass agitation for Telangana. It also won almost all assembly and Lok Sabha seats in the region in the next elections. But the movement was given an unceremonious burial when the TPS was merged into Congress. For almost three decades, no politician dared to revive the demand for Telangana since such demands were viewed with great suspicion.



After 1994 assembly elections, BJP revived the issue and went to the extent of giving the slogan of "one vote, two states" during 1998 elections. Two years later, K.Chandrasekhar Rao floated Telangana Rashtra Samithi. The demand got political recognition during 2004 elections and TRS was able to win 26 assembly and 5 Lok Sabha seats, of course, with a tie-up with the Congress party. Nearly five years later, now almost all political parties are supporting separate Telangana.



Let's again go back to the comparison. Biryani has no clear definition except for the fact that it is the most favourite food of all Hyderabadis. Likewise, in the present political circumstances, Telangana too has no clear definition, but now it has become the most favourite poll slogan that all parties are trying to adopt. A chef thinks that Biryani with attractive looks and perfect aroma was more important than the recipe. Similarly, for politicians, a bunch of 10 districts and the slogan "Jai Telangana" are important and not the strategy which would ensure its creation.



I think creation of Telangana is not as easy as it is being projected by the political parties. In 2004 elections, both TRS and Congress maintained that if people want Telangana, then they just need to vote for them. People did so. A few days later, TRS chief Chandrasekhar Rao started setting deadlines and after losing full five years, now he believes that Telangana will be a reality after next elections. But being a sub-regional party, it will be impossible for the TRS to get the statehood even if it wins all 109 assembly and 16 Lok Sabha seats of the region.



Officially Congress maintained a strategic silence although some Congress leaders made periodic statements demanding statehood for Telangana in the last five years. There is no clarity as to whether the Congress-led UPA Government will constitute the second States Reorganisation Commission or will it introduce a Telangana resolution in the State Assembly. But political pundits are just speculating that Congress will do either of these to boldly face the next elections. BJP claims that it can form Telangana if voted to power in both the State and the Centre. But BJP knows fully well it cannot form the government in Andhra Pradesh at least after next elections. Recently TDP supremo Chandrababu Naidu joined the Telangana bandwagon and now the Praja Rajyam chief Chiranjeevi also joined in the chorus.



No political party including the Telangana Rashtra Samithi is clear about the roadmap for Telangana. No body is clear as to how a separate state would be carved out of the country's fifth largest state. They don't have any answers for both short-term and long-term questions. Will it be a state consisting of 10-districts? What will happen to Khammam district which partly falls in Telangana & partly Andhra? If the state is bifurcated, then what will happen to the four districts of Rayalaseema? Will Anantapur, Kurnool, Cuddapah and Chittoor be merged with coastal Andhra? Or will the state will be trifurcated by giving statehood to Rayalaseema? How water resources will be shared between the newly created states? Which newly created state will get compensation or more compensation from the Centre -- Andhra or Telangana?



There are hundreds of hotels in Hyderabad that sell Biryani. Despite a major difference in rate, taste and quality, the hotels do not compete with each other. Several hundred tons of Biryani is sold in Hyderabad every day, because the hoteliers know that the only USP to sell this dish is its name. Just supercede anything with "Biryani" and people will buy it and also enjoy it without major complaints.



Similarly, it appears that politicians have started believing that the only USP to win the next elections would be Telangana. Just say "Jai Telangana" or at least don't object to others saying "Jai Telangana" and you will emerge a winner. Going by the present political trend, it can be predicted that Telangana will be the major issue during the next elections. Only the poll outcome will tell whether voters find the party with correct Telangana recipe or one that again ends up making a mish mash out of Telangana in the next elections.

Monday, July 22, 2013

Exclusive: A Long 'Bumpy Road' Ahead For Telangana State

By M H Ahssan / INN Bureau

Granting statehood will help the party curtail Jagan’s influence, but it could deepen the fissures within the Congress. With the 2014 polls looming large, the Congress has started making the right noises on the creation of Telangana. Party general secretary Digvijaya Singh’s first step after he took over as Andhra Pradesh in-charge has been to announce the decision to create a roadmap for the possible bifurcation or trifurcation of the state. However, the move — being vouched by Telangana Congress leaders as being final and decisive — has opened a minefield of future political ramifications.

Monday, August 19, 2013

Analysis: Decoding India's Telangana Conundrum

By Mayurika Reddy / Hyderabad

This week, India's ruling United Progressive Alliance coalition decided to create Telangana - a new state that will be formed out of the existing state of Andhra Pradesh. National and social media have been abuzz with the issue, keeping the country "informed" of parliamentary developments through minute-by-minute live feeds. 

The media frenzy reached a crescendo with the announcement by the central government (led by the Congress party) had endorsed the formation of the state. But why such commotion? The last time new states (three) were carved out of larger states in 2000, there was not such a hue and cry. 

Monday, January 13, 2014

Raising '153 MLA Seats' Will Spell Doom For Telangana

By Ramesh Reddy | Hyderabad

The Andhra Pradesh Reorganisation Bill-2013 fixes the Parliamentary constituencies for the successor states and Assembly constituencies for residuary Andhra Pradesh. Where the Telangana Assembly is concerned, there is unequal treatment. While Section 16 sets the total figure for Telangana Assembly constituencies at 119, Sections 17 and 18 of the Bill provide only for a “Provisional Telangana Legislative Assembly” consisting of the current 119 MLAs. 

It omits the list of the Assembly constituencies in the Second Schedule (Table A), to be filled later by the Election Commission. The Election Commission (advised by five local MLAs!!) will then restructure all Telangana Assembly constituencies before the election of a permanent Telangana Legislative Assembly.

Monday, December 15, 2008

Fate of AP and Thoughts on Kamma, Reddy and Kapu!

By Gudipoodi Srihari

Today you find every one conscious of the fate of A.P., making this issue a debate point, as to whether or not the state would be split into Telangana and Andhra. Some feel if it happens it is a retrograde step, going back to the early days of 1954, when Andhra State was first formed with Tanguturi Prakasam Pantulu as its first chief minister functioning from Kurnool as state Capital. We earned the statehood after the martyrdom of Potti Sriramulu, who laid his life for this cause, fasting unto death.

At that time other part of Andhra Pradesh was existing as Hyderabad state, with Burgula Ramakrishna Rao, as chief minister, after military action undertaken by the then central Home minister Sardar Patel, the Iron Man. He redeemed the state from the hands of the Sixth Nizam, a ruler then, ending the Muslim rule and uniting this with Indian Union.

That was also the time when the patriots in Telangana were struggling to realize this dream of retrieval of land of Telugus for Telugus. They included great names like Burgula, Madapati Hanumantha Rao, Jamalapuram Kesava Rao who was known as Telangana Kesari a la Andhra kesari -Tanguturi Prakasam and many more persons aspiring for this merger of Telugus of Telangana with Telugus of Andhra. At the same time, the Communist party of India was also craving for the formation of 'Visalaandhra', combining Telangana with main land of Andhra.

History of Telugus says that 'Andhra' is the original word found in 'puranas' too. Pt.Jawaharlal Nehru was convinced of the need of formation of states on linguistic basis. Accordingly the state of Andhra Pradesh was formed with Burgula, also a staunch linguist, acceding to the realization of this dream. Parts of Hyderabad state joined with Karnataka and Maharastra and states were formed on linguistic basis. Everything had settled down well, for good. This is the flashback before the formation of the State for Telugus called Andhra Pradesh on November 1, 1956. It was a real struggle for Andhras to get the state out of the hands of C.Rajagopalachari, who was working against the interest of re-organization of states on linguistic base. At that time, Andhrites were more in number in Madras city and hence demanded to make Madras as the capital of Andhra relinquishing the rights of Tamils on the city. But Rajagopalachari succeeded to keep the city of Madras with Madras state, later named as Tamilnadu. It was said that Andhra leaders preferred to forego the city in the interest of forming their own state of Andhra. Hence Kurnool became their capital.

The story repeats now. Some argue to keep Hyderabad independent state on the lines of New Delhi , administered by central government. This time the division is among the Telugus themselves. The issue now is not the language but the backwardness of Telangana, compared to Andhra. But few know the conditions in Telangana at the time of formation of A.P. Today's Telangana is much advanced, compared to the situation in fifties, some say. Most of the barren land in Telangana area came under cultivation purely because of the migration of farmers from Andhra area. Some of the enterprising men of Andhra area sold their properties there and settled in Telanagana parts in districts like Nizamabad, Khammam, Warangal and even Karimnagar. At the same time persons from the equally barren districts of Rayalaseema too migrated to these parts and launched industries and contributed to the industrialization of Telanagana.

A peep into history tells us that this backwardness in the Telangana was the result of the rule of Nizams and the domination of landlords, working for the Nizam, maintaining their fiefdom. But the large parts of Deccan and the coastal belt of Andhra was all nothing but Andhra, once called Trilinga Desam. Muslim rulers attacked Golconda and other areas and appropriated these lands, thus segregating from the rest of Andhra. They also invaded and appropriated some parts of Kannada and Maratha lands and finally they too added to the Hyderabad state, in the last Muslim rule of Nizam. This rule lasted almost three centuries till the rule of last Nizam. All this land also constitutes main Telugu land. Orugallu ( Warangal) was the birth place of pure Telugu (Achha Telugu), without any Sanskrit words in the sentence or verse. That was pure Telugu. Children were being taught verses and prose in this Achha Telugu, along with the Sanskritized Telugu. One should understand that invasion of the land called Telangana of Deccan plateau by Muslim rulers divided us, though our language and culture being the same. The changes in Telangana culture and language were due to the culture of the invaders. The end of the rule of last Nizam, paved way for the rule of Telugus for Telugus and by Telugus. The merger of Telangana with the rest of the Telugu land called Andhra which included Rayalaseema completed the map of Telugu Desam, that is Andhra Pradesh or 'Visalandhra', call it anyway you like.

Today Hyderabad has turned into a global city, purely because of the efforts put in by all Telugus and also people from other parts of the country. Like the way coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema are parts of Telugu land, Telangana too is part of same Telugu land. The Telugu and Telugu culture are binding factors. I am sure that majority people in Telangana too believe that the change in their lives and the progress they made in different walks of life are the result of this combined strength of Telugus.

Why then this demand for separate Telangana. - Not once but twice? This is not the demand of the people but of the hurt politicians – hurt because they were put away from the seat of power. Or felt belittled or ignored. The only way left for them to take revenge is by dividing the land, like the way children of the same mother demanding their share like the Amana brothers did. It is because of the aspirations of the politicians, who for one reason or the other raised the bogey of separation. The first agitation for a separate Telangana in 1969 was raised by persons who lost political power. They thought that if Telangana is separated, some of them could become the rulers of Telangana. It was power game but not special love for Telugus and Telugu land.

Now a new situation has developed. The eastern parts of Andhra, central coastal people and Rayalaseema too started demanding separate states. Every one of them is taking this as clue to the disgruntled Telugus of Andhra coastal belt those wanted their land ides to separate Telangana. Which means our state is seeking for breaking into four parts. This is surely an alarming situation, if they are really serious. Andhra Pradesh is now fifty years old. We celebrated its Silver Jubilee recently. Quit people belonging to other parts of the state those settled in Telangana and Hyderabad .

In Nizam days the government recognized a person as Hyderabadi, if he lived in Telnagana for a minimum of 15 years. Only then they were getting seats in educational institutions. Now you find many persons born and brought up here. Their elders contributed to the economy of these parts. The separate Telangana agitation and separate Andhra agitation met with natural death because of the wisdom shown by the rulers in the center and state. Jalagam Vengal Rao ruled the state almost at this time of jinx and set everything in order and implemented the six point formula announced by Indira Gandhi., besides taking other measures in trying to keep balance between these two parts - Andhra and Telangana. Andhra Pradesh state fell back to normalcy even during the long rule of Telugu Desam party.

Again the political ambitions of disgruntled politicians raised their heads. In his second term of rule, Chandrababu Naidu, appeared to have ignored the importance of Telangana leader K.Chandra Sekhara Rao and gave him an insignificant portfolio in his cabinet, like he did in his first term rule after he snatched the power from NTR. Rest is history unfolding before our eyes.

This time it was the turn of KCR to launch a separate Telangana Party with the name Telangana Rashtra Samiti and seek separation from Andhra.

The Telangana Rashtra Samithi and Congress joined hands shared seats and contested last General elections and defeated the ruling party- then TDP. The governments in state and centre brought some of the TRS leaders to power.

Meanwhile the BJP leader A.Narendra also tugged with KCR. Both were ministers in the center and some of TRS MLAs joined state cabinet. KCR and Narendra kept up the pressure on Sonia Gandhi to break the state. As a protest, the TRS ministers in Assembly first resigned. Later after some time, KCR and Narendra also resigned on pressure.

The language has changed into threats or hurling insults against Andhra leaders in public meetings. The incumbent Chief Minister is the main target, like Brahmananda Reddy in the first agitation held by Telangana Praja Samithi. Challenges and counter challenges between M.Satyanarayana Rao and KCR and again between K.Kesava Rao and KCR forced KCR to resign his MP seat and contest for Karimnagar seat raising the bogey of Separate Telangana. He became a hero overnight after winning the seat with huge majority.

There were examples of many other leaders winning parliamentary seat with bigger majority without any promises. P.V.Narasimha Rio was one. If this bait of 'every vote you give me is for separate Telangana' was not there the result would have been different, some say. Yet this winning with stunning majority has now become an issue to claim that entire Telangana people seek separation. This time the coastal and Rayalaseema Telugus reacted fast. Now every region in Andhra Pradesh wants separation. What is wrong in asking for it, says KCR. This means the bread of Andhra Pradesh should be cut into four parts – Telangana, east Andhra, Central Andhra and Rayalaseema.

How funny the entire theme is reduced to! This is slowly gaining farcical look. Funnier is the way, like the stock market, the real estate market goes up and down in these areas, according to the news they receive about the formation or no formation of Separate Telangana state. Those who hold huge properties in Andhra area change sides and seek separate Andhra. And those who have huge properties in Telangana area express their opposition for the division of Andhra Pradesh. There is no leader to lead Andhras in coastal area. Therefore Chiranjeevi's name is kicked up as possible contender launching his own party, which still continues to be no more than a rumor. Even the Telangana men in congress began playing double game, thinking that KCR would simply walk away with Telangana.

What is the role of people in this whole drama? They are all silent voters. For one who witnessed many elections, one realizes that the wind of change comes not by judging the rule of the party but by a wind of sentiment. Presently people think that Telangana sentiment is working. If this emotion dies down and elections are held after a big gap giving enough time for the people's mind settles down, you will find different results. No wonder the wish of the Telangana people might also tilt in favor of united Telugu land, after assessing their living standards and growing opportunities in Andhra Pradesh. Better everybody keeps silence for some time and allow the formation of second SRC. There is talk of rising of Kapu power if Chiranjeevi gets into politics. The Kammas too aspire for power. So are Rayalaseema's Reddy rulers. Otherwise, why this talk of too many separate states in A.P emerge? The two earlier agitations took a toll of big life. It is time for the UPA in the center to take strong decisions, with pragmatic outlook.

Monday, January 06, 2014

Opinion: Who Cares For The Andhra Pradesh Minorities?

By Syed Amin Jafri (Guest Writer)

On the eve of 2009 general elections, the buzzword in political discourses in this part of Andhra Pradesh was ‘Samajika Telangana.’ The then newlylaunched Praja Rajyam Party of megastar Chiranjeevi had promised ‘Samajika Telangana’ even as other parties too lent their support to this concept. Telangana Rashtra Samithi had even promised to make a dalit as the first chief minister of Telangana and a Muslim as deputy chief minister. Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Backward Classes and minorities found a mention in the vocabulary of Telangana leaders. 
    
Now, when the 2014 polls are round the corner and Telangana state looks like becoming a reality, Samajika factor seems to be conspicuously missing from the agenda of the political class.

Tuesday, November 18, 2008

THE TELANGANA AGITATION

By M H Ahsan

The Telangana agitation started in the first week of January 1969 in Khammam when students demanded the implementation of the Telangana safeguards enumerated in the Gentlemen's Agreement. It soon spread to different parts of Telangana. The students got divided into two groups: one demanding the implementation of safeguards and the other demanding a separate Telangana state.

Non-Gazetted Officers threatened direct action on January 11, 1969, if their demands were not met. At the outbreak of the agitation, the Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh called for an All-Party Meeting and announced that there was a perfect unanimity among the leaders to 'achieve full integration of Andhra Pradesh State.

Two issues were discussed and agreed upon:

1) The appointment of a senior civil service officer to decide the question of Telangana surpluses

2) Relieving of all domicile persons from Telangana posts and providing jobs for them in the Andhra region.

Following the All-Party Accord of January 1969, the State Government issued orders for the transfer of non-domicile public employees from Telangana. The Government order on these transfers was the Public Employment Act of 1957. The rules were challenged by Andhra employees in the Andhra Pradesh High Court. The High Court struck down the Public Employment Act and the Rules. The Government appealed to the division bench of the High Court.

A few other Andhra employees led by A.V.S. Narasimha Rao filed a separate writ petition in the Supreme Court on February 4, 1969, challenging the validity of the Government Order and also the Public Employment Act of 1957 and the Rules. The Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court gave its judgement on March 28 quashing the Government Order.

As a follow-up measure of the All-Party accord, the Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh arranged for the accounting of Telangana surplus funds. Kumar Lalith, Deputy Comptroller and Auditor General, assessed the surplus funds as Rs.34.10 crores.

The Telangana agitation continued in the meantime. In the beginning it was leaderless. Madan Mohan, a lawyer, formed a forum known as the Telangana Praja Samithi (TPS) in February 1969. Chenna Reddy was sympathetic to these leaders. Violence increased. Firing was often employed to disperse violent crowds. The TPS organized conventions in many towns across Telangana and soon got strengthened. Chenna Reddy came out openly in support of a separate Telangana and K.V. Ranga Reddy gave his blessings to the movement. Law and order continued to deteriorate.

The Prime Minister Indira Gandhi discussed the problem with leaders of the Opposition in Parliament on April 9,1969. Except for the Swatantra Party all others did not support a separate state. The Prime Minister Indira Gandhi rejected the demand for the ouster of Kasu Brahmananda Reddy from the leadership of the Andhra Pradesh Congress.

The Prime Minister announced an Eight-Point Formula on April 11,1969 to ensure the development of Telangana. In consonance with this formula, the Centre appointed two committees:

1. Committee of Jurists under former Justice K.N. Wanchoo to suggest measures to provide constitutional safeguards for the Telangana people in the matter of public employment

2. Committee under Justice Bhargava to assess the revenue surpluses of Telangana.

In spite of these measures the agitation mounted and grew in intensity. Bandhs, hartals and processions were very frequent. Demand for a separate state became the central theme of the agitation.

The Prime Minister visited Hyderabad on June 4, 1969. She met leaders of different groups and political parties. Subsequently, then Union Home Minister, Y. B. Chavan, also visited Hyderabad to have discussions. Consensus reached on two things:

(1) The dismissal of Brahmananda Reddy's ministry.

(2) Proclamation of Presidential rule in Andhra Pradesh.

Realizing that the agitation was very strongly motivated, particularly about the dismissal of his government, Brahmananda Reddy tendered his resignation on June 27. The Congress leadership sent Congress President Nijalingappa and a senior member Kamaraj Nadar, to seek the verdict of the State Legislature Party. The Congress Legislature Party affirmed its support to Kasu Brahmananda Reddy and suggested that he should continue until normalcy was restored and a peaceful changeover should be opted, giving the leadership to someone from Telangana.

The Telangana leaders felt that agitation politics alone would not be sufficient to dethrone Brahmananda Reddy. This realization made the TPS enter into the electoral politics. It won a by-election in June 1970, defeating the Congress (R). By this time, the Congress had already split at the national level and the TPS supported the leadership of Indira Gandhi. Brahmananda Reddy also supported her.

In the December of 1970, Indira Gandhi dissolved the Lok Sabha and announced a mid-term poll. The TPS eventually contested all the 14 seats to Parliament from Telangana and won 10 out of them. In spite of her overwhelming majority in the Lok Sabha, Indira Gandhi did not give any leverage to the TPS which opted for a compromise in September 1971 and merged with the Congress (R). The deal involved:

1. Continuation of Mulki Rules;

2. Separate budget and accounts for Telangana

3. Separate Pradesh Congress Committee for Telangana

4.Resignation of Brahmananda Reddy in favor of a Chief Minister from Telangana.

The Telangana agitation did not achieve its important goal of a separate state, but secured assurance of safeguards for the region. Its achievement was quite significant. It wrested for the first time the Chief Ministership from the politically dominant Andhras. However, the new Chief Minister, P.V. Narasimha Rao (former Education Minister in the State Cabinet) was an integrationist and politically a light weight in the Reddy dominated Telangana politics. Ten portfolios in his ministry went to Telangana, three of them belonging to the erstwhile TPS.

THE TELANGANA AGITATION

By M H Ahsan

The Telangana agitation started in the first week of January 1969 in Khammam when students demanded the implementation of the Telangana safeguards enumerated in the Gentlemen's Agreement. It soon spread to different parts of Telangana. The students got divided into two groups: one demanding the implementation of safeguards and the other demanding a separate Telangana state.

Non-Gazetted Officers threatened direct action on January 11, 1969, if their demands were not met. At the outbreak of the agitation, the Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh called for an All-Party Meeting and announced that there was a perfect unanimity among the leaders to 'achieve full integration of Andhra Pradesh State.

Two issues were discussed and agreed upon:

1) The appointment of a senior civil service officer to decide the question of Telangana surpluses

2) Relieving of all domicile persons from Telangana posts and providing jobs for them in the Andhra region.

Following the All-Party Accord of January 1969, the State Government issued orders for the transfer of non-domicile public employees from Telangana. The Government order on these transfers was the Public Employment Act of 1957. The rules were challenged by Andhra employees in the Andhra Pradesh High Court. The High Court struck down the Public Employment Act and the Rules. The Government appealed to the division bench of the High Court.

A few other Andhra employees led by A.V.S. Narasimha Rao filed a separate writ petition in the Supreme Court on February 4, 1969, challenging the validity of the Government Order and also the Public Employment Act of 1957 and the Rules. The Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court gave its judgement on March 28 quashing the Government Order.

As a follow-up measure of the All-Party accord, the Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh arranged for the accounting of Telangana surplus funds. Kumar Lalith, Deputy Comptroller and Auditor General, assessed the surplus funds as Rs.34.10 crores.

The Telangana agitation continued in the meantime. In the beginning it was leaderless. Madan Mohan, a lawyer, formed a forum known as the Telangana Praja Samithi (TPS) in February 1969. Chenna Reddy was sympathetic to these leaders. Violence increased. Firing was often employed to disperse violent crowds. The TPS organized conventions in many towns across Telangana and soon got strengthened. Chenna Reddy came out openly in support of a separate Telangana and K.V. Ranga Reddy gave his blessings to the movement. Law and order continued to deteriorate.

The Prime Minister Indira Gandhi discussed the problem with leaders of the Opposition in Parliament on April 9,1969. Except for the Swatantra Party all others did not support a separate state. The Prime Minister Indira Gandhi rejected the demand for the ouster of Kasu Brahmananda Reddy from the leadership of the Andhra Pradesh Congress.

The Prime Minister announced an Eight-Point Formula on April 11,1969 to ensure the development of Telangana. In consonance with this formula, the Centre appointed two committees:

1. Committee of Jurists under former Justice K.N. Wanchoo to suggest measures to provide constitutional safeguards for the Telangana people in the matter of public employment

2. Committee under Justice Bhargava to assess the revenue surpluses of Telangana.

In spite of these measures the agitation mounted and grew in intensity. Bandhs, hartals and processions were very frequent. Demand for a separate state became the central theme of the agitation.

The Prime Minister visited Hyderabad on June 4, 1969. She met leaders of different groups and political parties. Subsequently, then Union Home Minister, Y. B. Chavan, also visited Hyderabad to have discussions. Consensus reached on two things:

(1) The dismissal of Brahmananda Reddy's ministry.

(2) Proclamation of Presidential rule in Andhra Pradesh.

Realizing that the agitation was very strongly motivated, particularly about the dismissal of his government, Brahmananda Reddy tendered his resignation on June 27. The Congress leadership sent Congress President Nijalingappa and a senior member Kamaraj Nadar, to seek the verdict of the State Legislature Party. The Congress Legislature Party affirmed its support to Kasu Brahmananda Reddy and suggested that he should continue until normalcy was restored and a peaceful changeover should be opted, giving the leadership to someone from Telangana.

The Telangana leaders felt that agitation politics alone would not be sufficient to dethrone Brahmananda Reddy. This realization made the TPS enter into the electoral politics. It won a by-election in June 1970, defeating the Congress (R). By this time, the Congress had already split at the national level and the TPS supported the leadership of Indira Gandhi. Brahmananda Reddy also supported her.

In the December of 1970, Indira Gandhi dissolved the Lok Sabha and announced a mid-term poll. The TPS eventually contested all the 14 seats to Parliament from Telangana and won 10 out of them. In spite of her overwhelming majority in the Lok Sabha, Indira Gandhi did not give any leverage to the TPS which opted for a compromise in September 1971 and merged with the Congress (R). The deal involved:

1. Continuation of Mulki Rules;

2. Separate budget and accounts for Telangana

3. Separate Pradesh Congress Committee for Telangana

4.Resignation of Brahmananda Reddy in favor of a Chief Minister from Telangana.

The Telangana agitation did not achieve its important goal of a separate state, but secured assurance of safeguards for the region. Its achievement was quite significant. It wrested for the first time the Chief Ministership from the politically dominant Andhras. However, the new Chief Minister, P.V. Narasimha Rao (former Education Minister in the State Cabinet) was an integrationist and politically a light weight in the Reddy dominated Telangana politics. Ten portfolios in his ministry went to Telangana, three of them belonging to the erstwhile TPS.

Saturday, January 19, 2013

'Congress Will be Routed Without Telangana in AP', Rahul Gandhi's secret survey

Congress and Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) would be routed in Telangana region in the next elections, if a separate state is not formed, revealed a secret survey conducted at the behest of AICC general secretary Rahul Gandhi.

The survey done by a private agency said the TRS would do better if it is merged with the Congress in a separate Telangana state, and the report said the two parties with the combined strength were likely to bag 12 to 14 Loksabha seats, and 70 t0 80 Assembly seats in the region. Telangana region has a total of 17 Loksabha constituencies, and 119 assembly segments.

Highly placed sources in the party said the senior leader from AP Congress engaged the private agency to do the survey and submitted the report to Rahul Gandhi a couple of days ago ahead of the Jaipur AICC session. The centre is committed to take a decision on Telangana issue before January 28.

"The Congress high command has taken Telangana issue seriously considering its political implications, especially after the self-imposed deadline is fixed. Rahul wanted us to give him authentic inputs for his personal consumption. We hired a private agency to do the survey, and we gave the report to Rahul on January 14," said a Congress MP from Telangana, who is close to Rahul Gandhi.

As a two-day brain storm session started on Friday in Jaipur as a prelude to the AICC session slated for January 20, the state Congress leaders expect the Telangana issue to figure in the deliberations on Saturday.

"So far the deliberations were on the issues such as economic reforms, and the schemes like direct cash transfer. Telangan issue may come up on Saturday in a separate committee meeting on Saturday," labour minister Danam Nagender told HNN from the venue of the session in Jaipur.

The survey report throws up some politically significant aspects such as no political party including the Congress and the TRS would singly benefit from the formation of Telangana state. And these two parties would face a win-win situation in case the Centre grants statehood for Telangana before 2014 elections. The report warns the Congress that it would be rooted out in the region if no decision is taken on Telangana. And interestingly, it says even TRS would take a hit in case Telangana state is not formed, and the party's representation in the state Assembly would reduced to a single digit. Now, the TRS has 17 MLAs, and two Loksabha MPs.

"The outcome of the survey is clear that the Congress must take a proactive step in dealing with Telangana issue, and the party must join hands with the TRS if it wants to take benefit of the formation of Telangana state. And it is inevitable for the TRS to go for the merger with the Congress," said the Congress MP.

In a measured response to the query relating to the survey report, the TRS leaders said their party is open for all the options that ensure the formation of Telangana state.

"In October last year, when the Congress leaders invited us to discuss Telangana, the issue of merger had come up. But, they retracted after a point of time during the discussion in Delhi. Now, they are saying their survey suggest them the merger. We don't want to say anything at this juncture. Our course of action depends on the political situation going to be emerged," B Vinod Kumar, a politburo member of TRS.

The survey report said the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) would gain some grounds in the region thanks to its pro- Telangana stand expressed in the all-party meeting held on December 28 2012.

But, the report has sounded a death knell for the Telangana Congress minister and legislators, who took neutral stand on the state division issue, as it predicted they would be severely punished by the voters in the next elections in either way if Telangana state is formed or not.

The reports said there would be little change for the pro-Telangana parties like BJP, and CPI as they can hardly improve their tally even if the Telangana is granted. However, the report said, the YSR Congress was expected to grow stronger thanks to the joining of defectors from the other parties including Congress, TDP, and TRS.

Wednesday, June 03, 2015

Meet The 'Icons Of Telangana' On Anniversary Celebrations

Every region has contemporary heroes who define its culture. Here is a look at some from India's newest state Telangana which celebrating its formation day week (June 2 - 7 June 2015).

Telangana, India's newest state, celebrates its first anniversary. Though both Telangana and Andhra Pradesh share the Telugu language, their trajectories, particularly in the 20th century, have been quite different, leading to very different socio-economic conditions in the two regions, said Gautam Pingle, a Hyderabad-based pro-Telangana political economist. While Telangana belonged to the princely state of Hyderabad, ruled by the Nizams, the rest of Andhra belonged to Madras Presidency, governed by the British.

Friday, November 28, 2008

Fear of a Saffron Telangana haunts Muslims

Persistent calls for a separate Telangana have forced the Muslim minority to take a firm stand against the demand that recalls a history of oppression , which still haunts them, says HNN Editor in Chief M H Ahsan

The fear psychosis that has gripped Majlis-e-Ittehad-ul-Muslimoon (MIM) and other organizations about the future prospects of Muslims in a separate Telangana state goes beyond the community, if one scrutinizes the manifestoes of the principal political players battling for their own turfs in that region as it lurches towards statehood.

What is at stake is not only the future of Muslims who are apprehensive over the likelihood of RSS calling the shots on behalf of the Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS). There is also a question mark over the future of economic development of Telangana, given the fact that all the dominant players, especially TRS and Praja Rajyam Party (PRP) of Telugu mega star Chiranjeevi, are bending over backward to court the landless labourers of Telangana.

Past experience has shown that when parties come to power, their own interests take precedence. Development programs are placed on the back burner unless they translate into lucrative deals for politicians. The TRS, which calls itself the pink party, symbolizing its determination to help the poor, has constructed its headquarters—Telangana Bhavan—on a one-acre plot on No.10 Banjara Hills. According to the TRS website, the party sees it as a “light house” steering the statehood movement. What arouses concern among the people is whether this light house will guide everyone towards the shores of economic development or shine its light selectively and leave others to fend for themselves.

The current political scenario suggests that all the parties are playing the game of one-upmanship to woo the farmers and landless labourers. This has also prompted the BJP to jump on board the Telangana bandwagon and feather its own nest. As a result, the political temperature in the Telangana region is shooting up, paving the way for the realignment of political forces in the region. Its impact has also been felt on the Muslim United Forum (MUF), a 12-member amalgamation comprising political, religious and social groups. What has knit them together is their common cause for a united Andhra Pradesh.

Their opposition to the formation of a new state is prompted by their deep-rooted fear that history may repeat itself, this time under the garb of a ‘Saffron Telangana’ even if the pawns on the political chess board seem to make innocuous moves by claiming that small is beautiful. As senior BJP leader Sushma Swaraj explained recently, her party has revved up the agitation for a separate Telangana state, as it supports the concept of smaller States.

But MIM dismisses such talk as a political self-deception. "Muslim opposition to a separate Telangana is not new. We opposed Telangana state during the violent agitation in 1969 too. And this opposition has continued till date," Asaduddin Owaisi, the new boss of Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (MIM), told HNN.

"So, how can Congress ignore the apprehensions of this big group of minorities," the MIM leader asked. As an indicator of the shape of things to come if a new state is formed, he cited the Vatoli incident in which a family of six Muslims was beaten and burnt to death in a Telangana village. However, the stand taken by the Muslim leadership has put the Congress brass in a dilemma. It risks alienating the community if it flows with the tide. On the contrary, it could cede ground to its political opponents, including Telugu Desam Party, which made a volta-face on separate Telangana, if it vetoes the move.

The stakes are high. MIM, which is a part of MUF and has five legislators and one MP from Hyderabad, would like to see the city as a union territory should a separate Telangana state become inevitable. "Give us our Hyderabad back," the late MIM President Sultan Salahuddin Owaisi once remarked during a meeting with the chief minister. Owaisi, who represented Hyderabad in the Lok Sabha for two decades, was obviously referring to Muslim rule over this 400-year-old city.

Muslims constitute about 40 percent of the four million population of Hyderabad. Their population in nine other districts of the region varies from eight to 15 percent. Muslim reluctance, in the face of overwhelming support for a Telangana state, has a rationale behind it, say leaders of the Muslim United Forum (MUF), of which MIM is a member. It .could sharpen the political divide and jeopardise the interests of the minorities. The forum leaders feel that the notorious Razakar movement during the Telangana armed struggle rankles the memories of the average Telangana Hindu and the political parties.

This has distorted their general perception about Muslims, whom they tar with the same brush. "Razakars” (volunteers), the brutal Muslim private army during the Nizam's regime, had persecuted innocent people in connivance with Deshmuks and other feudal landlords. Though more than 50 per cent of the population was non-Muslim, the Telangana armed struggle was basically projected as anti-Muslim," says Sk Yusuf Baba, an analyst.

Following the police action against the armed struggle during the 1950s, several thousand Muslim men were killed by hoodlums, their women raped or forced to commit suicide by leaping into wells to safeguard their honour. Muslim properties were torched and their agricultural lands were confiscated, resulting in an exodus from the affected rural areas and towns to Hyderabad. However, the deep-seated communal hatred against Muslims living in several outlying districts of Marathwada and the Hyderabad-Karnatak region of erstwhile Hyderabad state, unleashed a reign of terror and brutalities against them. But this dark chapter in Telangana’s history has remained a dark secret, he claimed.

In the light of this tragic flashback into its history, Moulana Hameeduddin Auqil Hussami, Chairman of MUF and a prominent religious scholar, said. the division of the state is a nightmare for Muslims. "In the interest of the community, the Muslims have remained united as far as an undivided state is concerned," he notes.

After being transformed from rulers to subjects overnight, following the police action against the Nizam's Hyderabad state in 1948, Muslims were seized with an acute sense of insecurity resulting from the trifurcation of Hyderabad , which divided them into three political and geographical entities. With the change in official language in government offices, thousands of Muslim employees, who knew only Urdu, remained jobless and were chucked out of their jobs. Thus, the socio-economic deprivation of the Muslims, which began in the early 1950s, got accentuated with their systematic exploitation by the people of Telangana.

It also revives bitter memories of past events that culminated in the signing of the Gentlemen's Agreement in 1956 by Andhra and Telangana leaders for the implementation of domicile rules. Known as Hyderabad Mulki Rules, they stipulated a 12- year domicile in the Telangana area as a minimum period to qualify for mulki (a local). status. This agreement triggered clashes between the Sunni migrants and the local Shias. Even though there was a large-scale migration of Shias from rural areas and towns in Telangana districts to Hyderabad, they were still subservient to the Sunnis who dominated the socio-political and economic fields of activity of the community.

According to Moulana Auqil, an attempt was made in 1969 by the then Chief Minister Kasu Brahmananda Reddy to create a rift between the Sunnis and Shias over a separate Telangana issue. "The leaders, particularly of MIM, are elite Sunnis, who constitute a minority group among Muslims opposing a separate Telangana state for the reasons cited above. These leaders had played into the hands of Chief Minister Reddy, who used them as a tool in muzzling the Telangana movement in 1969.

Today, they are being instigated by the present Chief Minister Y.S. Rajasekhara Reddy who is vehemently opposed to the Telangana movement," an analyst on Muslim affairs told TSI. "The powerful minority Sunnis, who were outsiders and settled here during the Nizam's regime, have gradually emerged as the representatives of the poor, forlorn Shias. And now these leaders are in the process of making the Muslim masses a party to their intrigues."

But this argument was dismissed as 'ridiculous' by a MIM leader who was quick to point out that in the event of the formation of a new state, the tally of the seats of their party will go up in the elections. Referring to the inter-ethnic competition and Sunni supremacy on the political scene, a social analyst and poet Syed Yakoob said ethnicity may develop in response to the domestic need to acquire status rather than as a result of any other consideration. Muslims constitute 9.2 per cent of Andhra Pradesh's population of 76 million, as per the 2001 census. Their population in nine other districts of the Telangana region is about 17 per cent. They constitute about 40 per cent of the four million population of Hyderabad

The MUF leaders point out that what raises their concern is the fact that the Telangana movement has been hijacked by parties like the BJP and the so-called secular TRS, which claims to represent the cultural face of Telangana. This is just a façade, as it is dominated by leaders with their roots in the RSS. This breeds a sense of insecurity among Muslims in the event of a separate state coming into existence. For instance, A. Narendra, who holds number two slot in the TRS, resigned from the BJP to join the TRS and become a staunch supporter of party chief K. Chandrasekhara Rao. But he still retains his links with the RSS and was implicated by some Muslim groups for his role in the Hyderabad communal riots in the past.

The TRS also got a booster dose from BJP leader and prime ministerial candidate Lal Krishna Advani when he extended his party’s support for a separate state in order to speed up its development. “We want that you people have your own state soon,” Advani said while addressing TRS workers at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi recently.

Against this backdrop, it is not difficult to understand why the BJP reiterates its support to the TRS on the issue of carving a separate state of Telangana out of Andhra Pradesh. What distances the MUF leadership further from the TRS is the latter’s bid to keep Muslim leaders in the dark during the ongoing negotiations over the separatist issue.

TRS pledge to work for the downtrodden also needs to be taken with a pinch of salt. Reporting on the inauguration of the Telangana Bhavan on Banjara Hill, The Times of India said that besides the initial outlay of Rs. 5 crores, an equal amount will have to be raised to equip the party’s headquarters with all amenities. Big business houses have reportedly pitched in with the balance amount to complete the building surmounted by a large dome resembling the White House.

With a built-up area of about 40,000 sq ft, it is said to be the largest office building of any political party in the country. These events fuel doubt and speculation whether TRS will live up to the expectation of its people for a rosy future with the formation of a separate Telangana state. Whether the pink party can deliver on its promise is the issue.

Thursday, February 28, 2013

Snuffed Out By Telangana Politics

Why the suicides may not stop even if Telangana becomes a new state? A suicide phenomenon is unfolding in Telangana,  similar to the self-immolation of Tibetans demanding a ‘Free Tibet’, but the demand for a new state is not the only factor  fuelling it. In 2013 alone, there have been five reported cases of suicide, mostly among students. While most suicide notes,  like that of 19-year-old Kadavendi Neeraj Bharadwaj, a civil engineering student from Warangal, who took his own life on 4  February, blame the Congress for its inaction on the issue of a separate Telangana state, that is not the whole story.

Between November 2009 and January 2012, Telangana had seen 849 suicides. While some of the suicides have been over the  issue of statehood, many are the result of debilitating socio-economic conditions. Today, farmers, weavers and students are  being pushed to the brink by a deadly cocktail of poverty, indebtedness, agrarian crisis, dim employment prospects and  constant political propaganda that they have no future without a separate state.

While lives are being lost, political muckraking continues to rage in Andhra Pradesh. A local court in Ranga Reddy district in  the Telangana region, acting on a private petition, has urged the police to register FIRs against Finance Minister P  Chidambaram, Home Minister Sushil Kumar Shinde and the Congress AP in-charge Ghulam Nabi Azad for “making false  promises, cheating the people and creating a situation dangerous to social order”. A Hyderabad-based BJP leader has moved  another private petition against UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi for abetting suicides in Telangana.

In the Telangana movement, the lower castes seem to have become the foot-soldiers whose suicides are often the result of  being pushed into an existence devoid of human dignity. In fact, almost all those who killed themselves in the name of  Telangana were from the Scheduled Castes (SCs) or Other Backward Castes (OBCs), while no one from the Velamma  community of K Chandrasekhar Rao (KCR) — the Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS) supremo leading the Telangana movement  — is reported to have committed suicide.

In the village of Mansanapalli in Warangal district’s Bachannapet mandal, nobody knows that better than the parents of 25- year-old Ponnaibona Ashok. Belonging to the extremely backward Mudiraj caste (hereditary village watchmen), they work on  their 2-acre farm that barely fetches them an annual income of 50,000. On the morning of 14 December 2009, Ashok  consumed pesticide and left behind a one-page suicide note, barely a month after completing his BEd course, which said he  had failed to find a job despite his education. “He thought Telangana was the only hope if he was to land a job,” says  Ramaswamy Yadagiri, his father.

Soon after Ashok’s suicide, activists from pro-Telangana groups arrived in the village and claimed he had died for Telangana,  driven purely by the “sense of betrayal for not being given a separate state”. A large number of youth in the village are  graduates, some are even postgraduates. Most loiter around the village and help their families in the fields.

Mansanapalli is part of an ‘atrocity prone area’ under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities)  Act 1989. No village in the Bachannapet mandal has received funds under the Rajiv Yuva Shakti Scheme, launched in 2004 by  the then CM of AP, YS Rajashekhara Reddy, for providing employment to the youth. “Many students drop out at the higher  secondary level because they have to help their parents in the fields,” says Ashok’s roommate Srisailam. “Those who manage  to reach college and graduate also end up working in the fields along with the school dropouts.”

While many youth from Telangana’s villages study in the big cities of AP, few manage to eke out a living there and often  return to a life that seldom justifies the huge investments made in acquiring their degrees. Agriculture, too, is a risky  proposition. A drought-prone region, Telangana’s woes have multiplied with the massive use of borewells. In Ashok’s village,  the water table has dropped to 150 feet and many farmers face crop failure in a bad rain year. The passbook of Ashok’s  parents shows they still owe the bank a sum of Rs 45,000 and are teetering on the brink of defaulting on loan repayments  with another Rs 10,000 due to an LIC agent.

While suicides are invariably branded as emotional responses to a political problem, politicians in the state have been guilty  of pushing real issues like unemployment and chronic indebtedness under the carpet, choosing instead to hijack personal  tragedies and drown them in the cacophony of propaganda. Take the case of Manda Srinivas, a 32-year-old farmer from  Athmakuru village of Warangal district. TRS activists and panchayat leaders claim Srinivas died “fasting” for Telangana on 22  December 2009. Srinivas left behind a wife and two daughters aged 10 and 4, who now live in a one-room house in the Dalit  quarter of the village. Srinivas had taken a 2-acre plot on lease for cotton farming, on an annual rent of Rs 15,000. To buy  pesticides and hire labourers, he took a loan of 1 lakh at a low annual interest of 5 percent, besides promising a part of his  produce as part of the repayment.

In December 2009, Srinivas took his cotton produce to the market, but it was rejected on account of its poor quality by  private buyers as well as the Cotton Corporation of India. Confronted by his creditors and humiliated, Srinivas consumed  pesticide on the night of 22 December that year. “When Srinivas could not support his family, he ended his life. A Dalit who  barely managed to keep his family alive could not have given up his life for Telangana,” says Sanga Mahendra, a member of  the Dalit organisation Madiga Reservation Porata Samiti. After Srinivas’ death, his wife now works as an agricultural labourer  on a daily wage of Rs 100-150. The daughters too join in on some days when work is abundant, bunking school to augment  the family income.

The Telangana region has been a hotbed for suicides, especially among farmers, weavers and others from the backward  castes. Two-thirds of the suicides in AP from 1996 to 2007 were reported from this region. The Sri Krishna Committee report  notes, “Due to drought, failure of new varieties of cotton and loss of livelihood among weavers, between May 2004 and  November 2005, Telangana reported 663 suicides out of a total of 1,068 reported suicides (in AP). Based on an analysis of  one district from each region, Prakasam from coastal Andhra, Medak from Telangana and Anantapur from Rayalaseema,  coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema showed greater number of suicides among the forward castes while Telangana showed a  distribution across forward castes, OBCs and SCs.”

While suicides due to distress, especially among the Dalits and the backward castes, have been a recurrent feature in  Telangana, the 2009-10 phase of the agitation for statehood saw 313 suicides between 30 November 2009 and 27 February  2010, 218 of which were committed by people aged 18-50. “Many were influenced by the antics of KCR and his nephew  Harish Rao. On 29 November that year, Harish doused himself with kerosene but could not find a matchbox to light the fire.  KCR threatened to cut himself with broken glass and bleed to death,” says S Simhadri, a professor at Osmania University (OU),  Hyderabad. “This sent a dangerous message to young and gullible minds already apprehensive about the future. They kept  reminding the people that Telangana is the panacea to all their woes. Many youngsters saw in such actions a chance to  redeem their lives and become heroes.”

Simhadri’s opinion finds an echo in the Sri Krishna report, which notes, “The oratory of TRS leader KC Rao has made them  believe that a secure future for them lies only in a separate state.” Psychologists term this phenomenon as the ‘Marilyn  Monroe syndrome’, where people blindly kill themselves after the death of their revered icon.

One worrying aspect of this politics of suicide is the predominance of students who have succumbed to it. On 19 February  2010, Venugopal Reddy, a 19-year-old student of a private college on Hyderabad’s outskirts, was found charred beyond  recognition behind an auditorium of the OU. Soon after, the nation was shocked by visuals of a youngster ablaze outside the  university gates. Yadaiah, an orphan who worked at a local restaurant to fund his own education, was neither a student of  OU nor associated with any political party. Once his self-immolation was aired live on TV, politicians of every colour  scrambled to brand it a Telangana suicide. However, many photojournalists who were present near Yadaiah recall he was  shouting, “Save me, please save me” rather than “Jai Telangana”, as the TRS claimed.

Students from Telangana are often the first in their families to reach college and have a steely resolve to succeed. Take  Meegada Sai Kumar, son of a marginal farmer and a second year chemical engineering student, who was paying his way  through college by giving private maths tuitions. He hanged himself to death on 7 November 2010. “Kumar was frustrated  that exams were not being postponed despite a shutdown of classes at OU, and feared he would fail because of the time he  lost participating in the Telangana movement,” says Kumar’s close friend.

Few people have seen this frenzy at such close quarters as Diana Monteiro of the Hyderabad Institute of Psychology. Diana  admits there has been a spate of ‘copycat suicides’, with students emulating what they see on the television. Within 12 hours  of Yadaiah’s suicide, three other students committed suicide after watching the footage on television. Many students have  got their friends to visit Monteiro for counselling when they saw suicidal tendencies in them. “The glorification of suicides by  politicians exacerbate the suicidal tendencies among students from Telangana. The OU is an unpredictable place where the  situation changes from calm to volatile in a matter of seconds. It can be shut down a day before exams and this really scares  poor students, who are the only hope for their families,” says Monteiro. “The Telangana agitation reinforces these fears, and  students are pushed to the brink by the propaganda of a doomed future without a new state.”

Yet, not many are willing to question the leaders who brand every suicide a contribution to the political goals of the  Telangana movement. Till date, the TRS has not issued any directive calling for an end to suicides. “It’s not as if students are  not bothered by social issues. The only way to stop these suicides is to form Telangana,” says M Kodandaram, Convener,  Telangana Joint Action Committee.

There are no signs that the suicides will stop. Farmers are still consuming pesticides when they cannot afford one square  meal a day. Weavers are committing suicide when they cannot bear the daily humiliation by their creditors. Dalit students  are ending their lives when they fail to extricate their families from a life of misery. Opportunistic elements seem to have  hijacked a people’s movement, ensuring that even if Telangana becomes a new state, it will only be a mirror image of what it  is as part of AP. The suicides reveal what pushes people to the edge: feudalistic mindsets and perennial problems, both of  which won’t go away anytime soon.

Monday, July 29, 2013

Congress’ Telangana Foes: Kiran Kumar Reddy, TRS & GJM

By Ramesh Reddy / INN Bureau

While the definition of success and failure in politics lends itself to endless arguments, one has to agree that the division of a state puts the said state’s chief minister’s political career in more trouble than any number of scams can. Political victory is usually measured by the efficacy with which a party or a leader quashes dissent in a constituency – and in the case of a state splitting, a politician’s talent at the same starts looking questionable.

Understandably, therefore, Andhra Pradesh chief minister Kiran Kumar Reddy has refused to align himself with the sentiment of a majority in the Congress – that of letting Andhra Pradesh to be split and let Telangana be formed as a separate state.

Sunday, July 14, 2013

Telangana: Politically Critical And Constitutionally Complex

By Madabhushi Sridhar (Guest Writer)

High command, Core Committee, Congress Working Committee, Amendment to the Constitution…etc are being discussed to find a solution to crisis around Telangana.  Congress is struggling to come out of killing indecision and unending assement of its prospects in coming elections.  The possible advancing of elections is another factor which makes ‘high command’ to act quickly. Not only for Congress for almost all main parties in Andhra Pradesh Telangana is a complex political issue. It is also Constitutionally complex problem for Union Government.

Monday, July 04, 2016

No End For 'Water War' Of Telangana And Andhra Pradesh, But Can They Win The Battle?

By RADHAKRISHNA | INNLIVE

Several irrigation projects in both states are stuck over disagreements on water-sharing, even as drought-like conditions persist year after year.

Late in May, tensions erupted once again in Andhra Pradesh’s Rayalaseema region over the Rajolibanda Diversion Scheme, an inter-state barrage to supply water to Andhra, Karnataka and Telangana.

Farmers from Andhra Pradesh’s Kurnool – one of four districts that form the water-starved Rayalaseema – are up in arms against those in neighbouring Mahabubnagar in Telangana, both of which are fed by the irrigation project.

Tuesday, December 16, 2008

The Congress Should Act Before it’s Too Late

By Javid Hassan

The Congress Party should stop being a fence-sitter and spell out its stand clearly as the juggernaut of the Telangana movement thunders towards its goal of a separate state. By appearing as a faction-ridden party in Andhra Pradesh and as an organization that believes in a marriage of convenience at the all-India level, it has exposed its weaknesses, which the BJP and other political outfits are exploiting in the context of the snowballing movement.

Given the fact that all other parties have an equally dismal record when it comes to delivering on promise or sticking to principles, the Congress has an edge over them, as it was during its tenure that India gained an international stature and became a force to reckon with. It has also stood up for the minorities and other backward classes, besides pursuing a policy of raising India’s profile on the educational and technological fronts.

The other plus point in its favour was seen in the recent Assembly elections, where it won 3-2 by sweeping the polls in Delhi, Rajasthan and Mizoram and losing out to the BJP in Madhya Pradesh and Chhatisgarh. These electoral victories could yield political mileage in the general elections scheduled in April next year.

Yet, its track record especially in Andhra Pradesh, has become a political liability when it went back on its promise of creating a separate Telangana state after it won the elections with the support of the Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS).

That the party acts according to its own agenda rather than the national agenda came to the fore much earlier in 1956 when the Centrally-appointed

States Reorganization Commission (SRC) declared that it was not in favour of merging the Telangana region with the then Andhra state. Para 382 of the SRC Report said: "..opinion in Andhra is overwhelmingly in favour of the larger unit, (while) public opinion in Telangana has still to crystallize itself".

The concerns of the Telangana people were on several grounds. The region had a less developed economy than Andhra, but a larger revenue base (mostly because it taxed rather than prohibited alcoholic beverages), which Telanganites feared might be diverted for use in Andhra.

Even so, the Centre bypassed the SRC recommendations and opted for a unified Andhra Pradesh on November 1, 1956 after a "Gentlemen's agreement" assured the Telangana people that their interests would be safeguarded. Although the Congress faced an internal revolt on this score, its leadership stood against additional linguistic states, which were regarded as "antinational."

This triggered a spate of defections from the Congress led by Dr.M. Chenna Reddy, who founded the Telangana People's Association (Telangana Praja Samithi). Despite electoral successes, however, some of the new party leaders withdrew their support to the agitation in September 1971 and rejoined the Congress for their own ends.

However, the Telangana movement received a new lease of life during the 1990s when the BJP promised a separate Telangana state if it came to power. But the BJP could not live up to its promise due to the opposition from its coalition partner, Telugu Desam Party.

This game of political charade was again in evidence when Congress party MLAs from the Telangana region constituted a Telangana Congress Legislators Forum in support of a separate Telangana state. The launch of a new party, Telangana Rashtra Samithi (or TRS), was masterminded with the same goal in view— a separate Telangana state with Hyderabad as its capital.

That the Congress has never been unified in its ranks was again in evidence earlier this year when two senior leaders, who were leading a movement for a Telanagna state for the past few months, changed their stance during a meeting of the party’s state unit, when Chief Minister Y.S. Rajasekhara Reddy was present.

This game of political horse trading and floor crossing that the Congress has been playing for the last four decades has got to end not only in its own interest but also in the larger socio-economic interest of the region and its people. We would like to know when the party will crystallize its stand instead of changing its colors like a chameleon.

In a perceptive paper titled “Separate Telangana: Beginning of the End” published in Mainstream (September 29- October 5, 2006 ) its author Sreedhar argues emphatically that Telangana state is not going to be a reality. He cites various reasons that may compel the Congress-I to deny a separate statehood for Telangana.

The paper lists four major factors that, according to him, do not justify the demand for a separate Telangana. First, the movement lost its chance apparently because it was not spearheaded by one of the Congress leaders, “especially the one who has weight to throw around or disturb the peace of delhiwallahs.”

Secondly, the Congress started doubting the ability of TRS to govern the state because of its links with Naxalites. Thirdly, the state developed its knowledge-based-industry during the TDP regime which the YSR government is vigorously pursuing by creating employment opportunities in a big way, rendering the demand for a separate Telangana irrelevant. Fourthly, more than one million NRIs from Andhra, who went to Europe and North America during the 1980s, are willing to invest in the region as an undivided state.

However, according to Syed Zia-ur-Rahman, NRI from the Telangana region now based in Saudi Arabia, Congress-I’s interests in the current situation would be best served if it backs the Telangana movement instead of remaining non-committal. He argues that given the track record of all the parties championing its cause, the Congress is still the best bet for the region in spite of all its wrongdoing in the past.

Zia points out that even though the Muslims are an influential minority in the region, they have never been consulted by any of the political players. Moreover, their track record vis-à-vis Muslims leaves much to be desired. He doubts the credibility of the parties that claim to work with a single-minded devotion for the welfare of the Telanganites. “It’s about khissa kursi ka,” he says, referring to the political plums and cherries that the politicians would pick for themselves if Telangana becomes a separate state.

It is a fact that all parties across the political spectrum put their own interests above everything else, even though they profess to work for the downtrodden and the dispossessed. At least the Congress fares better on the political score board, since it has provided educational and employment facilities for minorities which some parties have balked at.

Since the Congress has done fairly well in the state elections, it should turn that political capital to its advantage by forging alliances with parties. A separate Telangana is set to become a reality in 2009. The Congress should not create a political vacuum for others to fill in. No one wants to jump from the frying pan into the fire, with the evil forces waiting to pounce on them.

However, the biggest challenge for the Congress this time is that it finds iself wedged between the left and the rightwing parties. On top of it, pop star Chiranjeevi could eat away Congress votes, leaving it high and dry. The political stakes are high which only its political heavyweights can counter on this new Telangana chess board.

Thursday, August 01, 2013

Focus: 'At 66, Mother India Gets Ready For Her 29th Baby'

By M H Ahssan / INN Bureau

The Congress leadership bit the Telangana bullet on Tuesday. It decided to bifurcate Andhra Pradesh to create a separate state of Telangana—a move that will be aloss to the politically muscular state but will be a gain for the Congress as it’s expected to revive the party’s fortunes in the state ahead of the 2014 Lok Sabha election. 
    
As reported by INN on July 29, Hyderabad will remain the common capital of the splintered state for 10 years—a balancing act that recognizes Telangana’s claim on the city but seeks to soften the blow to the opponents who were also concerned about the investments of coastal Andhra businesses in the capital. The Centre will help AP build a new capital.

Wednesday, November 26, 2008

Telangana Issue - The Real Facts

Leaving aside the politics and the strategies of the politicians let take a look at the real facts about Telangana issue and its status. Do we really need a separate Telangana State?

The Real Facts

Formation of Andhra Pradesh

In 1947 Nizam of Hyderabad State (Telangana) did not want to merge with India

In 1948 Hyderabad State was forced to become part of India

In 1953 Andhra State was formed based on Telugu speaking area (Sacrifice of Potti Sriramulu who fasted until death)

Jawaharlal Nehru appointed States Reorganization Commission (SRC) to divide (reorganize) Indian states based on people speaking the same language. And there was a proposal to merge Hyderabad State and Andhra State. But the SRC was against this as they thought that Hyderabad State was underdeveloped and it better be a seperate state for its own good.

In 1956 Hyderabad State (Telangana) was merged with Andhra State to form Andhra Pradesh

But the Government ignored SRC and there was an agreement called "Gentleman's agreement" which assured sufficient development for Telangana.

After 13 years starts a movement to seperate Andhra Pradesh again

In 1969 Jai Telangana Movement started People in Telangana region were not happy with the 1956 agreement as the Government did not implement what was promised. Students in Osmania University started this movement and this caused violence and deaths of hundreds of people in Telangana region. The sacrifices of these people were wasted as the cruel politics of Congress lured many separatists to their party and the movement was all dampened.

Today

After 1969 there was not many complains from the people of the region but when even a new party wants to come to power they bring up the topic of Seperate Telangana State to win elections starting

In 1990's BJP promised a separate state if they come to power but could not as TDP was opposing it

In 2004 Congress promised a separate state if they come to power and merged with parties in Telangana regions to win elections.

Now It looks like the new party PRP by Chiranjeevi is also planning the same to come to power.

Some Controversial Facts:

Pro Telangan:

People from Telangana region pay more taxes (More Alcohol consumption) than Andhra but the claim is that these are being used for the development of Andhra regions. It if were a separate state it can use all the money from the region for its own development.

No Telangana:

Isn't it a fact that every part of the state needs resources for its own development. As most parts of Andhra have good lands they generate more money and this can be shared if not equally. There are no big movements after 1969 unless the political parties bring it up

Aside from the Facts there are the questions that need to answered

Yes, Telangana was not being developed in 1969. Does that fact still apply after 40 years in 2009?

Isn't Hyderabad the 5th largest city in the country and is in Telangana region?

Where will the Telangana get money for its development (Still from Alcohol Taxes) or Will it be only from Hyderabad?

Do the people in Telangana regions really feel the pain or Is it just a political game to come to power?

Is it just the small parties in Telangana region that want recognition by getting a new state?

Was the decision made by the government in 1956 based on Telugu speaking people instead of development a right one?

Is it just that people who want identity bring this up so that they could get one?

Will Telugu Thalli be split into half?

Why is this issue so low during NTR's period?

Does Telangana have Identity crises? Don't even talk about it. Its about the development of the region.

I wish the politicians or the political parties take right decisions based on the real fact that could develop the Telangana region and give an advantage to the people living there instead of playing games to get power. Be it a separate Telangana State or a unified Andhra Pradesh. If Mani Ratnam is from Telugu he would have made a great movie by now (Just a thought as this is Telugu Cinema Website) Remember it all stated with The Nizam Of Hyderabad in 1947 and after 60 years it still continues...

Note: This article may have little discrepancies from the real facts unintentionally. Corrections are always welcome. This article tried to be neutral as an issue always has two stories.

What do you think? Do you know more about this issue? Do you think some of the facts are missing? Please write your opinion in comments section below.

Wednesday, October 09, 2013

'Telangana Game': Why Jagan, Cong, Naidu All Are Guilty?

By M H Ahssan / INN Live

Success, they say, has many fathers. An unforgivable screw-up resulting in an offspring whose paternity is in doubt will lead to finger-pointing all around. This sums up the all-party political dilemma over the creation of Telangana, announced by the Congress with various ifs and buts on 9 December 2009. 

With two regional parties now rejecting paternity – N Chandrababu Naidu’s Telugu Desam and YS Jagan Mohan Reddy’s YSR Congress – and both going on a fast to prove their on-off fidelity to the idea of a united Andhra Pradesh, Congress trouble-maker Digvijaya Singh has been offering his own version of a DNA test to resolve the issue.