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Saturday, May 30, 2009

Information & Communications Technologies (ICT): Telecentres Boon or Bane?

By M H Ahssan

Although telecentres have caught the imagination of government, their adoption is caught in a false pedagogy that treats entitlements as services and citizens as customers who pay service charges. The focus on putting a price on governance must be stemmed.

Over the past few years, there has been a lot of talk about Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) as the next big thing for socio-economic development. This hope is based on the fact that ICTs can accelerate decentralisation, transparency and citizen-centric participation, and through these revitalise and rejuvenate democracy. Certainly ICTs possess a transformatory power, but to understand the potential vis a vis development needs, a closer examination is needed.

In this article, I examine the 'telecentre', which - as an amalgam of many different technologies - appears to have caught the imagination of government, development practitioners, funding agencies and corporates alike. A telecentre is a public place where people can access computers, the Internet, and other digital technologies that enable people to gather information, create, learn, and communicate with others while they develop essential 21st-century digital skills. While each telecentre is different, their common focus is on the use of digital technologies to support community, economic, educational, and social development-reducing isolation, bridging the digital divide, promoting health issues, creating economic opportunities, and reaching out to youth for example. The above definition of a telecentre by Wikipedia quite aptly captures its essence.

There are literally thousands of telecentre initiatives that dot the country, most of which are a mix of government pilot projects, NGO-driven initiatives and private for-profit projects. Now the Government of India is getting into the picture in a much more structured manner and is rolling out 100,000 'Common Service Centres' (CSCs) for 600,000 villages as part of its National E-Governance Programme (NeGP).

The potential of telecentres
A telecentre has the ability to forge together initiatives that weave disadvantaged communities into the mainstream, initiatives which bring together divergent needs of a community and create opportunities which lead to overall social and economic development. Typically, a telecentre would start out by providing a pool of development services, providing information related to best practices related to agriculture, health, education, livelihood opportunities & computer education. In addition to this, it would provide utility bill payment services.

By doing this the telecentre lays the groundwork for different sections of the community to come together and take part in government activities. While one might be inclined to dismiss these activities described above as trivial, it must be kept in mind that this is but the first step towards connecting citizens with government.

The next step involves the telecentre providing information regarding development schemes, social entitlements, and lists of project beneficiaries. In most cases, this information is available online i.e. most state governments digitise development information and put out the information on the Internet, which can be accessed in real time. This is an important change in India, where procuring any kind of information is almost always shrouded in secrecy and riddled with corruption, especially in rural areas. In this scenario, the telecentre then becomes that 'safe -haven' where citizens come to access all this information.

There are also initiatives by the government to make e-governance a two-way process. For instance, the government has started putting together draft policy papers on the Internet and invites inputs as part of various consultation processes. Communities which are directly affected by government plans and policies have a real chance to provide input, when such solicitations are brought to their attention. Also, in many cases, individual telecentre initiatives run by government at the district level have well established online grievance redressal systems which allow citizens to make complaints against erring government officials/public servants; complaints which are directly looked into by authorities at the highest level.

Not to sit and admire these accomplishments at the risk of losing sight of the larger picture, but the possibilities described above would have been very difficult to imagine and enforce even a few years ago. The ability of ICTs (in this case, telecentres) to bypass traditional encumbrances thus goes a long way toward bringing about citizen participation in governance.

Making the offline connection
Of course, participating in governance is quite different from shaping governance (being involved in the policy planning process from scratch). So far we've looked at citizens being able to access information on development services and the ability to talk back to government. This is only the beginning; going further, the ability for citizens to create and shape policy and the role played by telecentres in this regard is an area whose potential is only now unfolding.

A major development in this regard is the concept of 'community informatics'. While plenty of information can be made available at a telecentre, the validity of such information can vary greatly. How can this be tackled? Could citizens themselves validate - or even create - data using their local knowledge, so that its veracity is improved? The most likely answer to this question lies in community informatics (CI), which is a simple yet effective and participatory mechanism. CI refers to the process of information gathering being undertaken by communities in a bottom-up, participatory and collaborative manner so that this information directly complements and or authenticates institutional data, which then feeds into policy in that relevant domain.

CI also allows direct monitoring of government schemes by local communities. For instance, it is well known that the number of Below Poverty Line (BPL) families is often under-reported in government estimates, simply because governments are loath to be seen as presiding over great poverty. But under-counting doesn't eradicate poverty, and the sufferings of the uncounted are very real. CI can help them overcome such neglect; an enumeration process undertaken by the community itself would be more definitive in identifying BPL families, allowing it to challenge the empiricism of institutional data.

What role does the telecentre play in this process? While the actual data gathering and collation takes place offline, the telecentre is the space where the community (through volunteers) gathers and uploads the information on to computers. Where there is Internet connectivity and linkages to the government backbone network (State Wide Area Network), such data can directly feed into that system too, and be more representative than institutional data. Even if there is only intermittent connectivity, a printout of the data can be physically delivered to the government office where it gets processed and feeds into policy (Such work-arounds are being resorted to by quite a few pilot projects initiated by governments).

As governments move to a culture of e-governance, more and more data gets digitised and the opportunities for communities to participate in the overall development process increase exponentially. Once there is a certain regularity and comfort with this process, the telecentre becomes this space where people come to acquire information, hold community meetings, to an extent where government officials recognise this as an important platform and use it to interact with the community.

Thus, the telecentre acquires a certain credibility and legitimacy, by which it has the power to shape and change power equations within the community itself. In the Indian context, one gets to see pilot projects that have worked exactly this. There are specific projects which work exclusively with women's collectives, Dalits and other marginalised groups. By firmly keeping the ownership of telecentres with the constituencies they work with, many of the sponsor and volunteer organisations have managed to initiate a change in the power equations. And although there has been opposition from those sections of the community who are most likely to lose out, the changes are evident and sustainable.

A false pedagogy
At a very practical level, more development-domain departments (health, education) must be linked to telecentres in a way that citizens are in a position to benefit from entitlements that are met by these departments. This will go a long way in realising the potential of telecentres.

But there are shortcomings too. There is also an urgent need to challenge - and change - the 'efficiency' based pedagogy which is at play while describing the working of a telecentre. In the Indian context, telecentres (specifically those run by the government) have mainly been perceived as tools of e-governance. Some of the more famous initiatives are Akshaya (Kerala), Rural E-Seva (West Godavari- Andhra Pradesh) & Bangalore One (Bangalore). Telecentre functionaries describe these as 'one stop shops' where one accesses services like utility bill payment, procurement of digitized land ownership records and obtaining birth and death certificates (customers typically pay a service charge which is shared between the entrepreneur and the government department providing the service). Apart from the government functions, a telecentre may also run commercial functions like printing, photocopying etc.

The description of 'entitlements' as 'services', of 'citizens' as 'customers', and the notion of a 'service charge' are pointers towards this pedagogy. The focus of putting a price on governance is rather unfortunate and must be stemmed at the earliest. Telecentres should be thought of the same way as health centres, education facilities and roads - as public infrastructure.

What is most appalling is that nearly universally, the only kind of sustainability that ever gets talked about is that of financial sustainability - that the telecentre has to be in a position to fund itself in a matter of a year or two, and in this melee, concepts of community ownership, participation and social sustainability are thrown out the window. The 100,000 Common Service Centres the government is promoting through 'Public Private Partnership' model also suffer from this. The telecentres will be auctioned out to highest bidders, who in addition to providing government services can offer commercial services and in this way recover their investments. Clearly, that is an invitation to focus on the latter, although the purported purpose of the government in establishing the CSCs is the former.

Lessons from good telecentres
While successful efforts are sadly rare, a few telecentre initiatives have done good work in bridging the digital divide and have positively impacted disadvantaged communities.

In an earlier paragraphs I wrote about the potential of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) in development domains. I had specifically looked at the role that telecentres play in this regard. This article looks at existing telecentre initiatives that have done good work in bridging the digital divide and have positively impacted disadvantaged communities.

The good news regarding these initiatives is that they have clearly demonstrated extensive links between development sectors and technology. These initiatives have ensured that there is a sustained focus on development without being overawed by the technology. These initiatives refuse to see access to development services as a revenue generation activity. A key factor in these projects is that they are either run by the state administration or by NGOs (Non Governmental Organizations). The telecentres have extensive links with the community and hence address the all important question of decentralisation and accountability.

Sadly, such initiatives are few and far between and are not often highlighted. The good work done by three of these initiatives is described below.

The M S Swaminathan Research Foundation (MSSRF)
This project is amongst the oldest ICTD (ICT for Development) interventions in India. The MSSRF telecentre initiative was started in 1992 to provide technology impetus in development domains. Over the past decade or so, this initiative has extended beyond Pondicherry and Tamilnadu to other states such as Orissa and Maharashtra.

The foundation follows a 'hub and spoke' model for its telecentre initiative with a designated number of telecentres christened as Village Resource Centres - VRC (spokes). These spokes are linked to a centrally located Village Knowledge Centre - VKC (hub). A typical telecentre is run by knowledge workers who are usually drawn from the village itself. A knowledge centre provides information on government schemes, and broadcasts regular news bulletins.

Information about government schemes is available in the local language and in electronic form so people can get information for themselves. In case some piece of information is not available, the village knowledge workers try to procure that information from the village knowledge centre, where staff search for the information and relay it back to the resource centres. The centre also conducts computer training for villagers.

There is no formal setup between the information workers and the government regarding procurement of information regarding government schemes and services. Instead, an informal understanding between them allows the workers to get this information. Because the centre is a storehouse of information, it attracts people of the community, thus giving it legitimacy. The government also realises the importance of the centres and whenever the villagers need to be mobilised for any particular cause, the VRC becomes the space for doing so.

MSSRF is guided by several major principles, including:

Inclusion: Traditionally MSSRF sets up its telecentres in rural areas. They do this after consultations with different constituents of the community. One of the MSSRF's key focus areas is inclusion; they do not open telecentres in spaces that are seen to be exclusionary. In many cases, the telecentre is intentionally opened in areas inhabited by disadvantaged sections, forcing residents from the 'upper strata' of society to come to these places. This does help change the power equations, albeit slowly.

There have been cases in the past where the opening up of telecentres in areas dominated by uppers castes have resulted in restricted or no access to Dalits. Those telecentres have hence had to be discontinued. However, this was the case when the MSSRF initiative first started. Things have now changed such that inclusion of disadvantaged communities is a pre-requisite for the opening of a telecentre in any area.

Social Sustainability v/s financial sustainability: The real contribution of MSSRF in the entire telecentre debate has been in the aspect of financing. It is perhaps the first institution to explicitly state that financial sustainability is not the underlying or over-riding principle of telecentre initiatives. MSSRF clearly believes that a telecentre exists to serve the citizens and a price cannot be put on access to knowledge. This key principle has guided and continues to guide the working of MSSRF.

People do recognise that a dole-out approach won't work for long. When we ask people how the telecentres will survive if and when MSSRF withdraws, they chuckle and reply that they will get funding through the Panchayat, other village institutions or voluntary contributions if necessary. This will ensure funding for the knowledge workers and activities associated with the centre.

Community monitoring and ownership: The MSSRF initiative also addresses the all-important question of community monitoring and ownership. The monitoring and evaluation of the centre is undertaken by a joint committee comprising of MSSRF staff and people drawn from the village itself. This committee comes together every few months to discuss the current activities of the telecentre, areas that need to be strengthened and ways to strengthen them, and future activities.

With regard to ownership, MSSRF has been constantly training the information workers on the managerial aspects of running the telecentres. This gives them confidence so if and when MSSRF does withdraw, the trained workers can run the centres smoothly.

This initiative is one of those rare examples that successfully combines the issues of financing, community monitoring and ownership. This initiative thrives and will continue to do so because it caters to the information needs of the local people, gives them a sense of ownership of the initiative, and the chance to shape its running. This makes the centre indispensable to the lives of the community.

E-Gram - Gujarat
The E-Gram telecentre initiative is a relatively new one, having started in 2001 and piloted in one district of Gujarat. It has since then been extended to all districts of Gujarat. The project aims to digitise all the Panchayats in the state. An E-Gram centre is typically located in a public space, usually a Panchayat office. The centre has a computer with or without an internet connection, and a printer.

The centre is operated by a Village Computer Entrepreneur (VCE), typically a youth from the village who has technical knowledge. The centre offers services like printouts of land records, payment of electricity bills, issue of caste certificates, and information on government schemes. A certain amount is charged as user fees for availing these services, except for the provision of information on government schemes. The user fee is shared between the Panchayat and the VCE

While the aim of E-Gram was to digitise panchayats, it has achieved that and much more (which is why this initiative stands out and must be replicated):

Gram Mitras and E-Gram: As part of its mandate to bring in more decentralisation, the Gujarat government has also initiated a scheme which involves the appointment of 'Gram Mitras' (Friends of the village) in the areas of heath, education, agriculture, development & social justice. This scheme has close links with the E-Gram initiative. These Gram Mitras are not employees but are contracted, and their job is to go from house to house collecting details of a family's health, finances and so on. This information is compiled in the form of a family data sheet called a 'Kutumbh Patrak'.

Once this information is compiled, the Gram Mitras return to the E-Gram and in conjunction with the VCE, digitise this information. A printout is then taken and submitted to the taluk level office, which has a complete record of village level information. Through this data, families eligible for government entitlements are identified, and information regarding these entitlements is relayed back to them through the Gram Mitras.

While the current arrangement involves mostly offline links, there are plans to provide connectivity with the state wide area network. This will enable the VCE to enter the data on local computers, enabling the data to be automatically available to the administration at the taluk and the secretariat. Citizens on their part will be able to track their records and the entitlements available to them. Clearly, this aspect of the initiative is something that needs to be highlighted and replicated in other initiatives as well.

Outsourcing and E-Gram: Civil society groups contend that government must be held responsible for its actions and that outsourcing of any government work amounts to dereliction of duty. While this may be true, the E-gram case study presents a different side to this view, one which must be considered.

E-Gram operations are outsourced. A private technology company is responsible for the upkeep of the equipment and the supervision of the VLE. However, unlike the Common Service Centre Scheme (CSCs) where private companies own the telecentre and look upon it as a commercial venture, the example of E-Gram is refreshingly different.

The private company in charge of running the E-Gram only has the mandate of ensuring that the specified functions of the telecentre are being executed. The company has a representative at the taluk, district and secretariat level, and their performance is monitored by the district and state administration. The company is contracted for a certain time period and is paid accordingly; it is not expected to make money from citizens.

When we talk about PPP (Private Public Partnerships), this is the kind of partnerships that I would like to see, where the rein of control still lies in the hands of the government, and governance is not seen as a commercial venture. E-gram stands out in this respect. However, with the coming of CSCs with their accent on revenue generation, and the eventual merging of E-Gram into CSCs, one can only hope that the gains made by this initiative hold out against CSCs.

Akshaya - Kerala
The Akshaya telecentre project initiated by the Kerala administration has been much studied, and findings regarding this initiative have been varied. But two things regarding this project stand out:

This was probably the first project that brought together different government departments to provide a range of schemes/entitlements across a single counter.

The second and important point being that when the project was initially launched, there was a concerted effort to recruit those disadvantaged as telecentre entrepreneurs, including women and the youth.

A few years down the line, the results have been mixed with a few centres closing down, and some doing reasonably well. This result has not deterred the administration, which has reserved 33% of the centres for women during the expansion phase in the remaining districts.

Going forward ...
These are the stories of the few ICTD telecentre initiatives that continue to inspire hope. They demonstrate that development projects when implemented in the right way with the right technologies can bring about a tremendous difference in the lives of communities. They also demonstrate that ultimately, it is only political will that decides which way a project will turn out.

Thursday, January 31, 2013

The Politics Behind Kamal Haasan’s Film

The U/A certificate was issued to Vishwaroopam without any application of mind,” claimed the Tamil Nadu government in the Madras High Court, defending the ban on the film. What’s more, it alleged that the certification of films itself was a “very big scam that required a full-fledged probe”.

The judge did not find merit in the ­argument and allowed an interim release late on the night of 29 January. In less than 24 hours, the release was stayed again after the Tamil Nadu government appealed against it. Kamal Haasan, who has written, produced and directed Vishwaroopam, ­besides playing the lead role in it, could now approach the Supreme Court.

The strong words used by the government’s counsel, however, point to a larger motive behind the J Jayalalithaa government preventing Kamal Haasan from ­entertaining his fans on the big screen in Tamil Nadu.
Kamal, who pledged all his property to fund Vishwaroopam, says he along with his “Muslim brothers” have been “trashed in a political game”. Even though he says he does not know who is behind it, it’s not difficult to guess who Kamal is hinting at.


Political analyst Gnani Sankaran says, “Jayalalithaa is trying to corner the Muslim votes with the 2014 General Elections a year away. By attacking the censor board, a statutory body, she is actually belittling the Centre, taking her antagonistic stand against the UPA a step further. She is using this ­opportunity to show that the Central ­government is insensitive to Muslim ­concerns. But I doubt if such steps will ­actually help anyone politically because the average movie buff knows it is just a film.”
The others have been no better. The same desire to pander to the Muslim ­constituency made even the DMK suggest to Kamal that he should work out a compromise with the Muslim outfits. The Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC) Chairperson Leela Samson has said the film was “certified with due diligence”, and described the government’s arguments as “misinformed” and the expressions used in court “deplorable”.
Those who have watched the film (including this writer) in states other than Tamil Nadu, have found nothing in the film that should offend the sensibilities of Indian Muslims. Vishwaroopam has been running to packed houses in Andhra Pradesh and Kerala, both states with a significant Muslim population, and there has been no breakdown of law and order.
In contrast, by taking the interim stay as an affront and going in appeal against the order, the Tamil Nadu government makes one wonder if there is more to it than meets the eye. And the Muslim outfits’ claim that the entire movie, save one song, is offensive, seems to be an attempt to ­target Kamal deliberately.
“Are we living in China or North Korea?” asks lawyer and film critic L Ravichander. “Yes, someone’s sentiment is hurt, but that is a woefully inadequate reason to ban someone else’s work. In our films, the villain could be called Ram or Rahman, what is the big deal? This way, no creative pursuit — be it cinema or ­literature — can flourish. Anarchy and protests also have their limits in a democracy.”
Vishwaroopam is the story of a Muslim RAW agent, who was once a covert operative in the al Qaeda and later saves New York City from a possible terror attack. The story is quite clear that the villainous Muslims are those who are in the al Qaeda, while the Indian Muslim (played by Kamal) is the hero of the film. The ­entire film is set in Afghanistan and New York.
Muslim groups, however, feel that the al Qaeda terrorists shown reading the Holy Quran would make people at large believe that all Muslims are terrorists. Another objection is to the name ‘Umar’, which the top terrorist (played by actor Rahul Bose) goes by. Muslim organisations say Umar bin-al-Khattab is the name of the second Khalifa in Islam, a revered figure, and the terrorist’s name should be changed. But then the Taliban head is Mullah Omar and no one asked him to change his name. ­Kamal has, however, agreed to make a few changes to find a way out of the mess.
A PIL has also been admitted in the Andhra Pradesh High Court against Vishwaroopam and one of the petitioners, Amjedullah Khan of a political party called Majlis Bachao Tehreek in Hyderabad, says, “It is a calculated move by the fascist ­Hindutva forces through their agents like Kamal Haasan to influence innocent non-Muslims and mislead them about Islam. It is an age-old strategy of anti-Muslim forces to portray Islam in a bad light by ­indulging in blasphemy.”
Preposterous as it sounds to accuse Kamal — given his track record as a brilliant filmmaker and a shrewd businessmen — of using his 95 crore venture as a vehicle to propagate anti-Muslim propaganda, the fact remains that either the Tamil Nadu government fell for such extreme ­arguments hook, line and sinker, or used them to get at Kamal for reasons no one is publicly willing to talk about.
Film stars and politicians have always had an uneasy relationship in Tamil Nadu, despite top politicians, including Jayalalithaa, DMK supremo M Karunanidhi, and Vijayakanth, having their roots in ­Kollywood. During the DMK regime, even top actors complained of being arm-twisted by the production and distribution network controlled by the Karunanidhi family. Actor Vijay, who owed allegiance to the AIADMK, had a tough time getting his films released during the DMK years. Things have not changed after the regime change with top comedian Vadivelu, who campaigned for the DMK, finding his career screeching to a halt since May 2011.
Little surprise then that conspiracy ­theories abound in Tamil Nadu. One of the theories links the government’s decision to Kamal expressing a desire at a public function in December last year to see a “dhoti-clad Tamilian” (an apparent reference to P Chidambaram) as prime minister. Given the frosty relationship between ­Jayalalithaa and Chidambaram, there is speculation if this would have angered Amma. Karunanidhi did not mince words when he told the media on 30 December that “Kamal Haasan’s dhoti-clad PM remark may have caused Vishwaroopam to be banned”.
Another unsubstantiated theory relates to Kamal selling the TV rights to ­Vishwaroopam to Vijay TV, when Jaya TV was also reportedly in the fray.
What is surprising is that barring Rajinikanth, Ajith, Prakash Raj and Bharathiraja, no one from the Tamil film industry has come out in Kamal’s support. Others like actors Khushboo, Jiiva and Jayam Ravi have been tweeting their support, but for a legend of Kamal’s stature, Kollywood has failed him. Clearly, very few want to get caught in this battle between Kamal and the State.
Kamal, who upset the exhibitors with his plans to release Vishwaroopam first on DTH, had to back off in the face of threats from cinema theatres not to screen his film. But the ban and the charge that the “unity of the country could be affected” by Vishwaroopam has been the last straw. “MF Hussain had to leave, now Haasan will have to,” the actor told the media, adding, “Tamil Nadu does not want me.”
One of Tamil Nadu’s most celebrated sons now wants to move out of the state to a more “secular state” or even leave ­India, if it cannot accommodate an artist like him. It’s shameful for Tamil Nadu as well as India.
What Exactly is Vishawaroopam?
Wish someone had gifted Kamal Haasan’s editor on ‘Vishwaroopam’, Mahesh Narayanan a pair of scissors. Narayanan would have found it handy to re-edit the meandering Afghanistan scenes in the first half of the ambitiously mounted film. Not only that would have given this international spy thriller that much-needed element – speed, it would have also made the lavishly mounted Afghan portion look less like a documentary (replete with sub-titles) on the life inside the Al-Qaeda.
In a nutshell, ‘Vishwaroopam’ is the story of a Muslim RAW agent who has spent time as a covert in the Al-Qaeda, who helps the US avert a `cesium bomb’ terror plot on New York. Kamal plays the agent who is undercover as a Hindu Kathak dance exponent (Vishwanath) in NYC.
The film has run into objections from Muslim organisations who have protested against the depiction of members of the community in the film. The Tamilnadu government, for reasons best known to it, banned the film, with other centres like Bangalore and Hyderabad delaying the screening at its theatres. My guess is that when more Muslims actually see the film, they would find the objections raised ridiculous because the villainous Muslims are all members of the Al-Qaeda. And a ‘good’ Indian Muslim is shown fighting the terrorists.
One of the objections raised is about the name Umar for the villain played by Rahul Bose. Umar bin-al-Khattab is the name of the second Khalifa in Islam and a revered figure. Wonder whether Taliban leader Mullah Mohammed Omar, who was accused of providing shelter to Osama bin Laden and Al-Qaeda terrorists too was asked to change his name by those protesting against ‘Vishwaroopam’.
Like in most of his films, ‘Vishwaroopam’ revolves around Kamal, who has also written, produced and directed it. The film has action of international class, some top-notch cinematography and yes, a lot of blood and gore. But an edge-of-the-seat thriller, it is not. The film is too slow and hardly the kind to inspire you to chew your nails. Yes, as a director, Kamal does bring in some special moments like the pathos of the young suicide bomber who has to do as his stone-hearted bosses order, or the grief of the woman when the wrong man is hanged at a kangaroo court in Afghanistan. But the film does not quite challenge Kamal the actor and the only part where he excels in is as the Kathak dancer, with graceful movements that would have made the choreographer Pt Birju Maharaj proud.
To give Kamal credit, cinematically, he takes us where few filmmakers have dared to in the recent past, bringing to life the story of a troubled land. It is a treat watching two extremely versatile actors – Kamal and Rahul Bose – sharing screen space. But Kamal the director falls below expectations. The film packs a punch only in parts, the climax is weak, with Kamal shortchanging the viewer with the promise of dealing with Umar only in Vishwaroopam 2. Much like counter-terrorism agencies, Kamal says there is still some work left to do.
The glamour element of the film is Pooja Kumar whose incessant tam-brahm chatter is presumably meant to amuse and I could see a number of Brahmin uncles in the hall, including my father, nod in approval. The rest of the cast, including Shekhar Kapur and Andrea Jeremiah are merely props in the Kamal army.
At the theatre in Hyderabad where I saw the movie, I found a significant number of youngsters who had travelled from Chennai just to watch Ulaganayagan in action. Perhaps that explained the loud cheer and whistles with which his entry on screen was greeted, the kind usually reserved for Rajinikanth. Kamal’s transformation from the effeminate Kathak dancer to a terrific fighter was the highlight of the film, with the fans reacting with shouts of ‘Thalaiva’.
At one point in the film, Pooja Kumar asks Kamal “Nee nallavana kettavana” (Are you a good man or a bad man?), inviting a knowing laughter from the Nayagan-aware audience. Kamal would be waiting with bated breath to hear from the Madras High court on Monday when they declare as ‘nalla’ (good) or ‘ketta’ (bad) his depiction of Muslims in ‘Vishwaroopam’.

Friday, June 12, 2009

BANKING FOR THE POOR: Micro credit gathers force

By M H Ahssan

There is now mounting hope that micro finance can be a large scale poverty alleviation tool. Banks too are shedding their old reluctance to lend to the poor, and are looking to tap the expertise of micro credit groups to create a new market.

India has one of the largest networks of bank branches in the world, but the hundreds of millions of poor in the country are largely out of it. Banks were nationalised three decades ago with the hope - and promise - that their services would reach the poor. But that goal is not even close to being met today. With 52,000 commercial bank branches, 14,522 branches of regional rural banks and 100,000 cooperative bank branches, the country is teeming with institutions that should be able to meet the credit needs of the people. But if you are poor, you're also probably out of luck with the banks; it is tough persuading them to even let you open a bank account.

The consequences have been devastating. Consider these numbers: 75 million households in India depend on moneylenders to meet financial needs; almost 90 per cent of people in rural India have no access to insurance; 50 million households are landless and need small credit to start some economic activity. And even families earning Rs.4000-5000 a month in urban areas spend huge portions of their earnings to service debt.

But out of necessity and enterprise, those locked out of the banking world have found a way out. It is called micro credit - the extension of small loans to individuals who are too poor to qualify for traditional bank loans, as they have no assets to be offered as guarantee. In India, micro credit has worked largely through self-help groups. Predominated by women, these are formed with simple rules - save, accumulate and give loans to each other. Globally, it is slowly proving one of the most effective strategies to neutralise poverty. Micro credit lending institutions are currently estimated to reach some two million households in India.

Can a mere five hundred rupees change a life? This sounds implausible, as prices spiral by the day. But in numerous villages in India, this miracle is quite real; millions of poor women are today using small loans to rewrite their present and future. Many of them have not ever seen the corridors of a high school, but are using common sense to propel their entrepreneurship and group business activities. Dr. C. Rangarajan, Chairman, Economic Advisory Council of the Government of India, points out, "Micro credit can aid employment and sustain households giving them opportunities they never had before." It is called micro credit with good reason. The size of the loan is typically small. The borrower is usually battling against poverty. The repayment schedule is simple and short. And, the activity for which the loan is taken is often of a small nature. But poor women, who are in the forefront of the micro credit movement, use the small loans to jumpstart a long chain of economic activity from this small beginning. As they have enormous pride in their integrity, they repay quickly and reliably, not wanting to be seen as defaulters. Then, they begin again, this time with a bigger loan - and keep expanding their profit base until they do not need the loans any longer.

Micro credit has given women in India an opportunity to become agents of change. The movement has made them more confident than ever helping them to explore new horizons, new dreams. The most active states are Andhra Pradesh and Tamilnadu. Other states where such self-help groups are making a dramatic difference are Karnataka, Himachal Pradesh and Uttaranchal. Sheila Dikshit, Chief Minister of Delhi, says: "Micro finance will be the future mantra for alleviation of poverty. I have met women who say that 500 to 800 rupees makes all the difference as it dramatically changes their standard of life."

A late start, and a long way to go
That is the positive side of the story. The negative one is that India's demand for micro credit is Rs.500 billion, and only Rs.18 billion of this amount has been generated so far; there is still a long way to go. Nearly 7.5 million poor households in India desperately want access to financial services to meet immediate needs. Almost 36 per cent of the country's rural households have to look for credit outside the formal sector. A World Bank study of over 6000 families in Andhra Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh, two of India's largest states, shows that 87 per cent of them have no access to credit, 85 per cent had no access to insurance and 56 per cent borrow from moneylenders. The poor need banking services more than credit, as they need to safely secure their little savings or remittances coming from their men folk who migrated in search of work.

The chief culprits are the banks, who continue to see the poor women - rural as well as urban - as unworthy of credit, and is only slowly awakening to the possibilities. Points out Jayshree Vyas, Managing Director of the SEWA Bank at Ahmedabad which mainly has self employed street vendors as account holders: "We started a bank as the women demanded it. They wanted a place to put their savings. The banking sector earlier never respected self-employed women." Today, the SEWA bank in Ahmedabad is a model for others to replicate. It has deposits of over Rs.100 crores got from nearly 250,000 women. It is the biggest poor women's bank in the world.

Even the few banks who now belatedly recognise the potential in rural banking lack the capability to serve this market, which has been neglected for so long, and need intermediaries to help build their capacity to do business with small borrowers. V.K. Chopra, Chairman and Managing Director, Corporation Bank, admits, "Lending without any collateral for commercial banks to the poorest of the poor in rural areas is very difficult as banks do not have the expertise or facilities in these areas. That is why micro finance institutions should step in. Today's banks are flush with money. If micro finance institutions are strong, banks will readily lend to them."

That there are significant opportunities for banks in micro credit is now unquestioned. Banks like ICICI are exploring how it could reap the benefits from the micro finance revolution. Nachiket Mor, Executive Director, ICICI says: "A lot has been done in Andhra Pradesh, but we want to build 250 micro finance institutions to build a network in 600 other districts each one serving a million households. It will involve around Rs. 200,000 crores and it is not an unreasonable dream." Mor feels that the micro credit movement must now move beyond their members and look at financing for roads and water.

The larger banks also need the micro credit institutions for other reasons, besides expanding their opportunities. The micro credit institutions have considerable experience in dealing with the cultural realities of life for the rural poor. Every self-help group and micro financing institution in India has been through a great learning experience in the last few years. Every day has been an experience. Women need to guard their savings even in a bank fighting off pressures from the family. Says SEWA Bank's Vyas: "We found women begging us not to send them any letters or bank statements. They even asked us to keep their passbooks, as they did not want their husbands to know they had money, as then they would be pressurized to withdraw it. More often than not, it would be spent frivolously on gambling or alcohol." Large banks are wary of this cultural minefield, and will look to their micro credit partners for help in steering the course.

Even the few banks who now belatedly recognise the potential in rural banking lack the capability to serve this market, which has been neglected for so long, and need intermediaries to help build their capacity to do business with small borrowers. V.K. Chopra, Chairman and Managing Director, Corporation Bank, admits, "Lending without any collateral for commercial banks to the poorest of the poor in rural areas is very difficult as banks do not have the expertise or facilities in these areas. That is why micro finance institutions should step in. Today's banks are flush with money. If micro finance institutions are strong, banks will readily lend to them."

That there are significant opportunities for banks in micro credit is now unquestioned. Banks like ICICI are exploring how it could reap the benefits from the micro finance revolution. Nachiket Mor, Executive Director, ICICI says: "A lot has been done in Andhra Pradesh, but we want to build 250 micro finance institutions to build a network in 600 other districts each one serving a million households. It will involve around Rs. 200,000 crores and it is not an unreasonable dream." Mor feels that the micro credit movement must now move beyond their members and look at financing for roads and water.

The larger banks also need the micro credit institutions for other reasons, besides expanding their opportunities. The micro credit institutions have considerable experience in dealing with the cultural realities of life for the rural poor. Every self-help group and micro financing institution in India has been through a great learning experience in the last few years. Every day has been an experience. Women need to guard their savings even in a bank fighting off pressures from the family. Says SEWA Bank's Vyas: "We found women begging us not to send them any letters or bank statements. They even asked us to keep their passbooks, as they did not want their husbands to know they had money, as then they would be pressurized to withdraw it. More often than not, it would be spent frivolously on gambling or alcohol." Large banks are wary of this cultural minefield, and will look to their micro credit partners for help in steering the course.

Looking ahead
What will it take for micro credit to become a mainstream mode for lending? One option is to provide other financial services similarly built around small amounts of money, such as micro insurance. There is tremendous scope to design well-adapted insurance products for the poor in the insurance sector as well; this will reduce their vulnerability to environmental influences - weather and pests - as well as diminish the risk should they - or their livestock - become ill unexpectedly. Such additional products will expand the micro finance platform, and even encourage more new directions. Credit schemes specifically tailored for urban areas can also help; urban micro finance, unlike its rural counterpart, has not mushroomed despite the rising numbers of urban poor.

The potential of micro credit to tackle poverty should not blind us to the fact that lending to the poor has to be regulated just like other lending, perhaps even more carefully considering their already weak economic standing. Some experts believe that as the movement spreads and grows, it will be apt to have a regulator in place. Titus says: "We need some ground rules. The movement must not be allowed to degenerate as it expands." Mahajan says that unless a responsible regulator is in place, very little will happen with savings. But many others are wary of regulation, and remind us that micro finance must be allowed to blossom without any interference that could choke off its potential. Malcom Harper, Professor Emeritus, Cranfield Inenstitute of Management, is of the view that the greatest challenge is to keep politicians out of the way as the movement grows, as they will just see it as a way to distribute money and not empower people.

But regulation is likely sooner or later. Self help groups today handle Rs.5,600 crores of disbursement. Just four micro finance institutions in Hyderabad alone have disbursed Rs.1400 crores. The National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development forecasts that by 2008, about one million self-help groups would be taking loans from the bank, with a total membership of around 17 million people. Over a quarter of poor Indian households will by 2009 likely have access to formal financial services if current trends continue. With such large amounts and widespread participation comes inevitable government responsibilities to check unethical practices.

Monday, June 15, 2009

Indian Rural Market

By M H Ahssan

An Overview
The Indian rural market with its vast size and demand base offers great opportunities to marketers. Two-thirds of countries consumers live in rural areas and almost half of the national income is generated here. It is only natural that rural markets form an important part of the total market of India. Our nation is classified in around 450 districts, and approximately 630000 villages, which can be sorted in different parameters such as literacy levels, accessibility, income levels, penetration, distances from nearest towns, etc.

Few Facts
70 % of India's population lives in 627000 villages in rural areas. According to the NCAER study, there are almost twice as many 'lower middle income' households in rural areas as in the urban areas.

At the highest income level there are 2.3 million urban households as against 1.6 million households in rural areas.

Middle and high-income households in rural India is expected to grow from 80 million to 111 million by 2007.

In urban India, the same is expected to grow from 46 million to 59 million. Thus, the absolute size of rural India is expected to be double that of urban India.

Opportunity
The above figures are a clear indication that the rural markets offer the great potential to help the India Inc which has reached the plateau of their business curve in urban India to bank upon the volume-driven growth.

The Indian rural market with its vast size and demand base offers a huge opportunity that MNCs cannot afford to ignore. With 128 million households, the rural population is nearly three times the urban.

As a result of the growing affluence, fuelled by good monsoons and the increase in agricultural output to 200 million tonnes from 176 million tonnes in 1991, rural India has a large consuming class with 41 per cent of India's middle-class and 58 per cent of the total disposable income.

The importance of the rural market for some FMCG and durable marketers is underlined by the fact that the rural market accounts for close to 70 per cent of toilet-soap users and 38 per cent of all two-wheeler purchased.

The rural market accounts for half the total market for TV sets, fans, pressure cookers, bicycles, washing soap, blades, tea, salt and toothpowder, What is more, the rural market for FMCG products is growing much faster than the urban counterpart.

Features of Indian Rural Markets

Large and Scattered market: The rural market of India is large and scattered in the sense that it consists of over 63 crore consumers from 5,70,000 villages spread throughout the country.

Major income from agriculture: Nearly 60 % of the rural income is from agriculture. Hence rural prosperity is tied with agricultural prosperity.

Low standard of living: The consumer in the village area do have a low standard of living because of low literacy, low per capita income, social backwardness, low savings, etc.

Traditional Outlook: The rural consumer values old customs and tradition. They do not prefer changes.

Diverse socio-economic backwardness: Rural consumers have diverse socio-economic backwardness. This is different in different parts of the country.

Infrastructure Facilities: The Infrastructure Facilities like roads, warehouses, communication system, financial facilities are inadequate in rural areas. Hence physical distribution becomes costly due to inadequate Infrastructure facilities.

The rural bazaar is booming beyond everyone's expectation. This has been primarily attributed to a spurt in the purchasing capacity of farmers now enjoying an increasing marketable surplus of farm produce. In addition, an estimated induction of Rs 140 billion in the rural sector through the government's rural development schemes in the Seventh Plan and about Rs 300 billion in the Eighth Plan is also believed to have significantly contributed to the rapid growth in demand. The high incomes combined with low cost of living in the villages have meant more money to spend. And with the market providing them options, tastes are also changing.

Problems in the Booming Rural Marketing
Although the rural market does offer a vast untapped potential, it should also be recognized that it is not that easy to operate in rural market because of several problems. Rural marketing is thus a time consuming affair and requires considerable investments in terms of evolving appropriate strategies with a view to tackle the problems.

The major problems faced are:

Underdeveloped People and Underdeveloped Markets:
The number of people below poverty line has not decreased in any appreciable manner. Thus underdeveloped people and consequently underdeveloped market by and large characterize the rural markets. Vast majorities of the rural people are tradition bound, fatalistic and believe in old customs, traditions, habits, taboos and practices.

Lack of Proper Physical Communication Facilities:
Nearly fifty percent of the villages in the country do not have all weather roads. Physical communication of these villages is highly expensive. Even today most villages in the eastern parts of the country are inaccessible during the monsoon.

Media for Rural Communication:
Among the mass media at some point of time in the late 50's and 60's radio was considered to be a potential medium for communication to the rural people. Another mass media is television and cinemas. Statistics indicate that the rural areas account for hardly 2000 to 3500 mobile theatres, which is far less when compared to the number of villages.

Many Languages and Dialects:
The number of languages and dialects vary widely from state to state, region to region and probably from district to district. The messages have to be delivered in the local languages and dialects. Even though the number of recognized languages are only 16, the dialects are estimated to be around 850.

Dispersed Market:
Rural areas are scattered and it is next to impossible to ensure the availability of a brand all over the country. Seven Indian states account for 76% of the country's rural retail outlets, the total number of which is placed at around 3.7 million. Advertising in such a highly heterogeneous market, which is widely spread, is very expensive.

Low Per Capita Income:
Even though about 33-35% of gross domestic product is generated in the rural areas it is shared by 74% of the population. Hence the per capita incomes are low compared to the urban areas.

Low Levels of Literacy:
The literacy rate is low in rural areas as compared to urban areas. This again leads to problem of communication for promotion purposes. Print medium becomes ineffective and to an extent irrelevant in rural areas since its reach is poor and so is the level of literacy.

Prevalence of spurious brands and seasonal demand:
For any branded product there are a multitude of 'local variants', which are cheaper, and, therefore, more desirable to villagers.

Different way of thinking:
There is a vast difference in the lifestyles of the people. The kind of choices of brands that an urban customer enjoys is different from the choices available to the rural customer. The rural customer usually has 2 or 3 brands to choose from whereas the urban one has multiple choices. The difference is also in the way of thinking. The rural customer has a fairly simple thinking as compared to the urban counterpart.

The 4A Approach
The rural market may be alluring but it is not without its problems: Low per capita disposable incomes that is half the urban disposable income; large number of daily wage earners, acute dependence on the vagaries of the monsoon; seasonal consumption linked to harvests and festivals and special occasions; poor roads; power problems; and inaccessibility to conventional advertising media.

However, the rural consumer is not unlike his urban counterpart in many ways.

The more daring MNCs are meeting the consequent challenges of availability, affordability, acceptability and awareness (the so-called 4 As).

Availability
The first challenge is to ensure availability of the product or service. India's 627,000 villages are spread over 3.2 million sq km; 700 million Indians may live in rural areas, finding them is not easy. However, given the poor state of roads, it is an even greater challenge to regularly reach products to the far-flung villages. Any serious marketer must strive to reach at least 13,113 villages with a population of more than 5,000. Marketers must trade off the distribution cost with incremental market penetration. Over the years, India's largest MNC, Hindustan Lever, a subsidiary of Unilever, has built a strong distribution system, which helps its brands reach the interiors of the rural market. To service remote village, stockists use auto-rickshaws, bullock-carts and even boats in the backwaters of Kerela. Coca-Cola, which considers rural India as a future growth driver, has evolved a hub and spoke distribution model to reach the villages. To ensure full loads, the company depot supplies, twice a week, large distributors which who act as hubs. These distributors appoint and supply, once a week, smaller distributors in adjoining areas. LG Electronics defines all cities and towns other than the seven metros cities as rural and semi-urban market. To tap these unexplored country markets, LG has set up 45 area offices and 59 rural/remote area offices.

Study on buying behaviour of rural consumer indicates that the rural retailers influences 35% of purchase occasions. Therefore sheer product availability can affect decision of brand choice, volumes and market share. Some of the FMCG giants like HLL took out project streamline to significantly enhance the control on the rural supply chain through a network of rural sub-stockists, who are based in the villages only. Apart from this to acquire further edge in distribution HLL started Project Shakti in partnership with Self Help groups of rural women.

Affordability
The second challenge is to ensure affordability of the product or service. With low disposable incomes, products need to be affordable to the rural consumer, most of whom are on daily wages. Some companies have addressed the affordability problem by introducing small unit packs. Godrej recently introduced three brands of Cinthol, Fair Glow and Godrej in 50-gm packs, priced at Rs 4-5 meant specifically for Madhya Pradesh, Bihar and Uttar Pradesh - the so-called `Bimaru' States.

With large parts of rural India inaccessible to conventional advertising media - only 41 per cent rural households have access to TV - building awareness is another challenge. Fortunately, however, the rural consumer has the same likes as the urban consumer - movies and music - and for both the urban and rural consumer, the family is the key unit of identity. However, the rural consumer expressions differ from his urban counterpart. Outing for the former is confined to local fairs and festivals and TV viewing is confined to the state-owned Doordarshan. Consumption of branded products is treated as a special treat or indulgence.

Hindustan Lever relies heavily on its own company-organised media. These are promotional events organised by stockists. Godrej Consumer Products, which is trying to push its soap brands into the interior areas, uses radio to reach the local people in their language.

Coca-Cola uses a combination of TV, cinema and radio to reach 53.6 per cent of rural households. It doubled its spend on advertising on Doordarshan, which alone reached 41 per cent of rural households. It has also used banners, posters and tapped all the local forms of entertainment. Since price is a key issue in the rural areas, Coca-Cola advertising stressed its `magical' price point of Rs 5 per bottle in all media.LG Electronics uses vans and road shows to reach rural customers. The company uses local language advertising. Philips India uses wall writing and radio advertising to drive its growth in rural areas.

The key dilemma for MNCs eager to tap the large and fast-growing rural market is whether they can do so without hurting the company's profit margins. In case of nestle, company's product portfolio is essentially designed for urban consumers which cautions companies from plunging headlong into the rural market as capturing rural consumers can be expensive.

Role of Rural Retailing
Retailing is the final phase of the distribution channel and it is clear by now that it is availability and distribution that drives growth in rural Indian markets. Hence retailing will be significant and will undergo greater organisation and maturity as is being witnessed in the urban markets, even in the rural markets. Innovative retail models which take into account the nuances of rural markets is the way forward.

Format
Chaupal Sagar cannot be shoehorned into any of the existing retailing categories. At 7,000 square feet, it is too small to be a mall.

It has opted for self-service, stocking its merchandise on shelves lining the neat aisles, it stocks a breadth of products no supermarket can. It offers almost everything - from toothpastes to televisions, hair oils to motorcycles, mixer-grinders to water pumps, shirts to fertilisers... It defies pigeonholing. It is just a very sharply thought-out rural store.

Most of the brands it sells are national such as Marico, LG, Philips, torches from Eveready, shirts from ITC's apparel business, bikes from TVS, and tractors from Eicher.

Facilities
Spread over 5 acres of land at Sehore in Madhya Pradesh: -

Rural shopping malls will be open from 6 am to 9 pm.

Features and facilities at these ITC malls can overshadow those in the metros. The ITC store sells everything that a rural consumer may ask for - sarees to kurta-pyjamas to shirts (in the range of Rs 99-500), footwear, groceries, electronic durable from TVs to microwaves, cosmetics and other accessories, farm consumption products like seeds, fertilisers, pumps, generators and even tractors, motorcycles and scooters.

Banking and automated teller machines will be standard at the malls.

Insurance products for farmers.

Entertainment facilities, restaurants, public facilities and parking space will also be available.

There is even a fuel pump in tie-up with BPCL and a cafeteria.

Parking lot for 160 tractors.

There will be a primary healthcare facility to be serviced by a private healthcare service provider.

Information centres: The company will create the facility for providing online information on commodity rates and weather.

Shopping malls will have a training facility on modern farm techniques.

Farmers can come and log on to the Internet and check the pricing and sell their commodities.

There will also be godowns for storing the wheat and soybean and also for stocking products retailed at the mall.

Business Model
The business model of Chaupal Sagar is linked closely with the E-chaupal initiative of ITC.

Role of ITC is to create infrastructure such as space, computers, and building.

ITC will charge a fee for the services and items sold at the mall.

E-CHAUPAL: E-Chaupal is the backbone of these rural malls. While the first layer (E-Chaupal) provides the farmers necessary information about weather and prices, this hypermarket initiative will provide them another platform to sell their produce and purchase necessary farm and household goods under the same roof.

The e-Choupal model required that ITC to make significant investments to create and maintain its own IT network in rural India and to identify and train a local farmer to manage each e-Choupal.

E-Choupal combines a Web portal in the local language and PCs with Internet access placed in the villages to create a two-way channel between ITC and the villagers. The project started with a pilot in June 2000 in Madhya Pradesh with Soybean farmers. Currently, it covers six states, and multiple commodities like prawns, cotton and coffee with 4000 Choupals.

Plans are to reach 15 states by 2010, covering 100,000 villages with 20,000 Choupals.

Each e-Choupal (equipped with a PC with Internet connectivity, printer and UPS) typically housed in the farmer's house, is linked to the Internet via phone lines or, increasingly, by a VSAT connection, and serves an average of 600 farmers in 10 surrounding villages within about a five kilometer radius. Using the system costs farmers nothing, but the host farmer, called a sanchalak, incurs some operating costs (The IT part of each e-Choupal costs about Rs 1.3 lakh, each e-Choupal is estimated to pay back for itself in 4.5 years) and is obligated by a public oath to serve the entire community; the sanchalak benefits from increased prestige and a commission paid him for all e-Choupal transactions. The farmers can use the computer to access daily closing prices on local mandis, as well as to track global price trends or find information about new farming techniques-either directly or, because many farmers are illiterate, via the sanchalak. They also use the e-Choupal to order seed, fertilizer, and other products such as consumer goods from ITC or its partners, at prices lower than those available from village traders; the sanchalak typically aggregates the village demand for these products and transmits the order to an ITC representative. At harvest time, ITC offers to buy the crop directly from any farmer at the previous day's closing price; the farmer then transports his crop to an ITC processing center, where the crop is weighed electronically and assessed for quality. The farmer is then paid for the crop and a transport fee. "Bonus points," which are exchangeable for products that ITC sells, are given for crops with quality above the norm. In this way, the e-Choupal system bypasses the government-mandated trading mandis.

Farmers benefit from more accurate weighing, faster processing time, and prompt payment, and from access to a wide range of information, including accurate market price knowledge, and market trends, which help them decide when, where, and at what price to sell. Farmers selling directly to ITC through an e-Choupal typically receive a higher price for their crops than they would receive through the mandi system, on average about 2.5% higher (about US$6 per ton). The total benefit to farmers includes lower prices for inputs and other goods, higher yields, and a sense of empowerment. At the same time, ITC benefits from net procurement costs that are about 2.5% lower (it saves the commission fee and part of the transport costs it would otherwise pay to traders who serve as its buying agents at the mandi) and it has more direct control over the quality of what it buys.

By building a network of warehouses near the production centres and by providing inputs to the farmers and test output at the individual farm level, ITC is able to preserve the source and quality information of produce purchased. By helping the farmer identify and control his inputs and farming practices and by paying better for better quality, ITC is able to improve the quality of produce that it purchases. In the commodities market, these two combine to help ITC create the differentiator that it set out to establish in the beginning.

ITC gains additional benefits from using this network as a distribution channel for its products (and those of its partners) and a source of innovation for new products. It is also being used to provide services like rural market research to those interested.

Strategy for Success

Use of ITC warehouses
This will help in cost control as well as better utilisation of space in these warehouses. It will also provide convenience and familiarity with the target customer.

Targeted at Farmers selling to ITC warehouse through E-chaupal
With its network of e-chaupals, ITC communicates its latest commodity prices to the farmers via the Internet or VSAT lines. If they find these attractive, they sell their produce to ITC. The sanchalak (the person who operates an e-chaupal; most of them are farmers) of villages near these malls reckons that half the farmers in his village deal only with ITC. Now, by setting up the mall next to the warehouse, ITC is trying to monetise the footfalls from farmers; that is every time sanchalaks- and farmers visit ITC's soybean factories in MP to sell their produce, they also have the opportunity to spend their freshly earned cash.

ITC realised that the farmers had just got money, that they would spend it anyway, and that they had an empty vehicle with which they could lug the stuff back.

ITC intends to capture the rural folks' out-of-village shopping
The warehouse is one bulwark of its strategy, obviously. But the farmers will come here only after every harvest. To ensure that they keep coming to Chaupal Sagar even at other times, the company is offering a slew of other goodies. Another building is coming up next to the main warehouse. When completed, it will house a bank, a cafeteria, apart from an insurance office and a learning centre. ITC has tied up with agri-institutes to offer farmer training programmes. Then, plots of land have been earmarked to display large agricultural machinery like threshers. Other parcels of land have been earmarked for pesticide and fertiliser companies for demonstrating their products. A petrol pump is coming up as well.

To attract footfalls during the lean season, ITC plans to organise various activities and events including melas,training programs, demonstrations.
The hubs are strategically located to attract suburban crowds as well.

Retail channel for its own brands as well as for other brands
Working through the sanchalaks, ITC first pushed its own products, like salt, into the hinterland, and then invited others like Parachute and Philips to ride on this distribution chain. Today, it plans to similarly create revenue streams around its warehouses.

Financing Scheme
ITC is investing initially Rs 3 crore (Rs 30 million) in each such shopping mall. However it is working out a strategy to make it cost-effective for them.

To keep its own investment to the minimum, ITC is encouraging the samyojak - a local broker or middleman co-opted by ITC - to pick up equity and manage these shops as part owners.

Assisted by four ITC salesmen, the samyojaks will assess demand, ensure just-in-time delivery, manage customer service and keep accounts.

Uniqueness Of the Model: lies in the fact that it works equally well for ITC as the buyer of farm produce and ITC as the seller of desirables.

Charge fees from the brands being showcased at the mall as well as for the services being provided at the Mall.

Results & Expectations
During the peak season, a hub sees traffic of about 200 tractors per day on an average, as farmers come to sell their crops at the hubs.

Initial response: On the first day the store notched up a business of about Rs 70,000-80,000. Footfall of about 700-800 people on weekdays and soaring to 1,000 on weekends with conversion levels of 35%.

Future Plans
ITC chairman Yogi Deveshwar has promised his shareholders that the company would open 1,000 rural malls in India. This is the first one to have come up.

Encouraged by its image as a fair and reliable buyer of farm produce, ITC decided to invest in 5-acre malls, costing between Rs 3-5 crore each, across 15 states. The first five - four in Madhya Pradesh and one in UP - will be inaugurated by March 2004.

The first shopping mall is being set up near Sehore, and the second one will come up in June near Itarsi in Oshangabad district.

ITC is planning to set up 40 rural shopping centres in those. states where it has a presence through its e-chaupals and IT hubs spread across rural Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh.

Haryali Bazaars Bring Organised Retailing to Farmers
Having successfully pioneered a new concept of Haryali Kissan Bazaars in 2002 in Hardoi, agri-inputs focused DCM Sriram Consolidated Ltd. (DSCL) opened eight more (Ladwa in Haryana, Ferozepur in Punjab, Kota in Rajasthan and four locations in UP).

The store complex is spread over 2-3 acres and caters to all the farmers requirements (both DCM Sriram products & other sources): farm inputs ((fertilizers, seeds, pesticides, animal feed), farm implements, spare parts, irrigation equipment, spraying equipment. Further, the uniformed salesman, an agricultural graduate, gives free agricultural related advice in personal interactions or through mobile phones (averaging 20 calls a day). Twenty such stores, each catering to 100 villages, are planned by 2005.

Innovative Rural Retail Models
Indian FMCG firms with rural experience have typically used three rural retail methods--direct distribution structures, van operations and super-stockist structures. Each of these methods need to be evaluated taking into consideration the current network, cost impact of the proposed structure and quality control issue associated with each of these structures.

Direct Retail/Distribution Structures

Project Shakti
Project Shakti - Hindustan Lever Ltd's (HLL) rural self-help group initiative to push the penetration of its products to reach areas of low access and low market potential.

Objective
HLL's conventional hub-and-spoke distribution model, which it uses to great effect in both urban and semi-urban markets, wouldn't be cost-effective in penetrating the smaller villages.

The effort is to create a WIN-WIN SITUTAION.

Through a combination of micro-credit and training in enterprise management, women from self-help groups have turned direct-to-home distributors of a range of HLL products and helping the company plumb hitherto unexplored rural hinterlands.

Concept
The Project is a retail/distribution model that HLL established in late 2000 to sell its products through women self-help groups who operate like a direct-to-home team of sales women in inaccessible areas where HLL's conventional sales system does not reach.

Strategy for Success

1. Social Angle
Create "income-generating capabilities for underprivileged rural women by providing a sustainable micro-enterprise opportunity".

To improve rural living standards through "health and hygiene awareness".

2. Commercial Angle
For HLL, it is "enlightened self-interest".

Creating opportunities to increase rural family incomes puts more money in their hands to purchase the range of daily consumption products - from soaps to toothpastes - that HLL makes.

It also enables HLL access hitherto unexplored rural hinterlands.

How Does It Work?

To get started the Shakti woman borrows from her SHG and the company itself chooses only one person. With training and handholding by the company for the first three months, she begins her door-to-door journey selling her wares.

A Shakti entrepreneur receives stocks at her doorstep from the HLL rural distributor and sells direct to consumers as well as to other retailers in the village.

Each Shakti entrepreneur services 6-10 villages in the population strata of 1,000 - 2,000 people.

Typically,a Shakti entrepreneur sets off with 4-5 chief brands from the HLL portfolio - Lifebuoy, Wheel, Pepsodent, Annapurna salt and Clinic Plus. Other brands which find favour with a rural audience are: Lux, Ponds, Nihar and 3 Roses tea.

The women avail of micro-credit through banks. Some of the established Shakti dealers are now selling Rs. 10,000 - Rs. 15,000 worth of products a month and making a gross profit of Rs. 700 - Rs. 1,000 a month. Each Shakti dealer covers 6-10 villages, which have a population of less 2,000. The company is creating demand for its products by having its Shakti dealers educating consumers on aspects like health and hygiene.

HLL-SHG Business Model
Hindustan Lever Ltd (HLL) India's largest consumer goods company has a large distribution network comprising 5,000 re-distribution stockists and 40 C&FAs (Clearing and Forwarding Agent). Yet this network covers only 75,000 villages directly out of the total 6,00,000 villages in India. A tie up with SHGs can take HLL products to many more villages directly.

Trading opportunities with stable companies with established rural brands (Lifebuoy, Lux, Wheel, Clinic and 3 Roses tea etc) could be a boon to women members of SHGs.

How Does It Work?

A pilot project (christened Project Shakti) was launched in Nalgonda in December 2000 in a small cluster of 50 villages with 50 SHGs and 3 MACTS (Mutually Aided Co-operative Thrift Society, a federation of around 20 SHGs).

There are 3 partners and their roles are: -
MACTS/SHGs: sell/retail HLL products
HLL: supplies products, provides marketing and promotion support
MART: facilitates the process, provides business training inputs

Capacity Building of MACTS and SHGs

Achievement Motivation Training programmes have been conducted to create a desire among women for starting their own business.
Formal training of group leaders and other members have been conducted to help them become successful entrepreneurs.
Level 1: Basic orientation to HLL business and brands.
Level 2: Enterprise management and marketing.
Animators have been appointed (stipend paid by HLL) to promote sale.

'Shakti Day', an artificially created market place in the village with specially devised communication kits is conducted regularly where special discounts and schemes are offered to increase sale.

Results & Expectations

Accounts for 10-15 per cent of HLL's rural sales. The statistic assumes significance as the rural market constitutes over 40 per cent of HLL's total sales of about Rs 10,000 crore.

HLL has seen 15 per cent incremental sales from rural Andhra, which contributes 50 per cent to overall sales from Andhra of HLL products.

Lot of consumer understanding and insights comes from an exercise like Project Shakti, which in turn can lead to product innovation.

I-Shakti', an IT-based rural information service that will provide solutions to key rural needs in the areas of agriculture, education, vocational training, health and hygiene.

Future Plans

Given the success of the model piloted in Nalgonda in Andhra Pradesh in 2001, the company has plans to expand Project Shakti in 400 districts by 2006. By the end of 2004, it plans to cover 100 districts. At the moment, it reaches about 10,000 villages in Andhra Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat and Karnataka and works through 800 self-help groups (SHGs).

The company intends to extend the model across Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat and UP and TamilNadu markets. The Shakti vision, is to have by 2007 at least 10,000 Shakti dealers, covering a lakh villages and touching at least 100 million consumers.

Company is in dialogue with non-competing companies like Philips (bulbs) for a partnership to distribute their products through the network that HLL has established. The company is in talks with insurance companies such as ICICI Prudential and Max New York Life to sell policies through its `Shakti dealers'. Sources said that a battery maker is also in talks with the company as it is not a product in the HLL portfolio.

Super-Stockist Channel

Project Streamline
The company had earlier also launched Operation Streamline to further increase its rural reach with the help of rural sub-stockists. It had appointed 6,000 such stockists, the distribution network directly covering about 50,000 villages reaching about 250 million consumers. HLL conceptualised Project Streamline to enhance its control on the rural supply chain through a network of rural sub-stockists based in these villages. This gave the company the required competitive edge, and extended its direct reach to 37 per cent of the country's rural population.

Key Points

To increase the reach in rural areas.

Rural Distributor will have around 20 stockists attached to him who performs the role of driving distribution in villages using unconventional means of transport such as tractor, bullock, etc.

This gave the company the required competitive edge, and extended its direct reach to 37 per cent of the country's rural population.

This strategy has supposed to increase the market share of HLL in rural areas by about 3%.

Control on the rural supply chain through a network of rural sub-stockists, who are based in the villages only.

Others
Marico launched a major initiative into rural markets by appointing 2,400 sub-stockists in the last two years. Recently, Dabur also finished a pilot project for its super-stockists in Patna and has now rolled it out in Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan. Reckitt has also adopted the super-stockist system in Tamil Nadu and plans to set up such a system all over the country in the next year, with the target of covering one million outlets in the next three years.

Van Operations

Project Bharat
In 1998 HLL's personal products unit initiated Project Bharat, the first and largest rural home-to-home operation to have ever been prepared by any company. The project covered 13 million rural households by the end of 1999.

During the course of operation, HLL had vans visiting villages across the country distributing sample packs comprising a low-unit-price pack each of shampoo, talcum powder, toothpaste and skin cream priced at Rs 15. This was to create awareness of the company's product categories and of the affordability of the products.

The personal products unit subsequently rolled out a second phase of the sampling initiative to target villages with a population of over 2,000.

Project Bharat, a massive rural sampling initiative in two phases. They have carried out one of the largest sampling exercises for this purpose to overcome barriers like lack of brand awareness, ignorance of product benefits and complete absence of any first-hand experience of usage.

Recommendations
The business model for rural retail can be successful only when integration between the profit and social motive is apparent. The social angle needs to be pronounced for it to be acceptable.

Empowerment in terms of economic power, purchasing power, knowledge and information dissemination is crucial for rural retail ventures to succeed. The model should empower the rural consumer and at the same time take advantage of this empowerment through creation of demand for its own products and that of its partners.

The level of penetration except for certain products, has been negligible so far. However, so far as the rural share in consumer expendables like cooking oil, tea, electric bulbs, hair oil, shampoo, toilet soap, toothpaste, washing cakes and washing powder is concerned, their share on an average, is much higher than consumer durables. Though the rural-urban differentials are not so pronounced in the case of durables, the rural market penetration is low with respect to urban areas. However, in case of health beverages and cosmetics like shampoos, nail polish and lipsticks, large gaps exist. Hence these products provide substantial opportunity to enter the rural markets.

Definitely there is lot of money in rural India. But there are hindrances at the same time. The greatest hindrance is that the rural market is still evolving and there is no set format to understand consumer behaviour. Lot of study is still to be conducted in order to understand the rural consumer. Only FMCGs with deeper pockets, unwavering rural commitment and staying power will be able to stay longer on this rural race and hence should venture into this territory.

Thursday, February 26, 2015

Focus: Will 'Aam Aadmi Party' Deliver The True 'Swaraj'?

The initial euphoria over its emphatic electoral win over, the focus is now on realities within which the AAP will have to deliver on its promises. INNLIVE explores if the party can realise its vision of ‘swaraj,’ living up to the true ideals of decentralisation.

Ever since the AAP's win in Delhi, there have been a spate of articles on right wing websites, questioning the rationale of issues that form the core of the AAP's political ideologies.

Friday, November 01, 2013

'Happy Birthday Andhra Pradesh': A Sad Day Of Formation And Likely Bifurcation Makes People To 'Think Twice'!

By M H Ahssan / INN Live

'Happy Birthday Andhra Pradesh' has a sad tinge to it today. For this November 1 could well be the last Andhra Pradesh Formation Day that the state is celebrating in its present form. If the Congress has its way, by December, the state would be cut into two to create a new state of Telangana with ten districts while the remaining 13 districts would continue to call themselves Andhra Pradesh.

Friday, December 05, 2008

Telangana People's struggle

Under the British, India was ruled basically by two types of rulers: (a) the British administered provinces of India The Provinces of India were those portions of India ruled directly by officials of the British East India Company and, from 1858 to Indian independence in 1947, by Great Britain. known as British IndiaBritish India



The part of the Indian subcontinent under direct British administration until India's independence in 1947.



.......and (b) 'princely India' or those state governed by princes, maharajas, rajas, and nababs. Among them, Hydarabad was the largest one, which was under the Nizam prince, and Telangana is one out of three linguistic regions--Telagu, Marathwada and Kannada--of Hydarabad. The Telangana revolt began in the middle of 1946 and lasted for five years. It was an armed resistance of women and men to the feudal oppression or against the princely state A princely state is any state under the reign of a prince and is thus a principality taken in the broad sense. The term refers not only to sovereign nations ruled by monarchs but also to lower polities ruled by various high nobles (often vassals in a feudal system). in Telangana. It was a struggle against the autocratic rule of Nizam and the Zamindari system. (1) There were three types of land holding systems--sarf-e-khas (the land controlled by Nizam and his family from where revenues collected were used for their personal expenses) and Jagirs (the land which has given to Jagirdars) and diwani or government land. Jagirdars were those who were loyal to the Nizam enjoying their own police, revenue, civil and criminal systems. They had received Jagirs and become revenue officers or generals in the army. They also had right over forest and fisheries fisheries. From earliest times and in practically all countries, fisheries have been of industrial and commercial importance. In the large N Atlantic fishing grounds off Newfoundland and Labrador, for example, European and North American fishing fleets have long , and exercised police and judicial functions. Having all the power they compelled people to various illegal exactions and forced labours. The peoples' conditions of Jagir areas were far more oppressed a people who were oppressed by tyranny.



2. than in the sarf-e-khas lands; the jagirdars and their agents were free to collect a variety of illegal taxes from the actual cultivators. Jagir lands were even above the jurisdiction of civil courts. There was also the Vetti (free services (O.Eng. Law) such feudal services as were not unbecoming the character of a soldier or a freemen to perform; as, to serve under his lord in war, to pay a sum of money, etc.



See also: Free to the proprietors) system. Every peasant was compelled to contribute Vetti to the Zamindar zam·in·dar also zem·in·dar

n.

1. An official in precolonial India assigned to collect the land taxes of his district.



2. . Only after completing operations on the landlord's fields, peasants and labourers could work for themselves. A tenant and his family had a compulsion COMPULSION. The forcible inducement to au act.

2. Compulsion may be lawful or unlawful. 1. When a man is compelled by lawful authority to do that which be ought to do, that compulsion does not affect the validity of the act; as for example, when a court of to leave food in their plate and go to the landlord whenever called.



Women were more suppressed under this rule. Women were not allowed to feed their babies while working in the landlord's field. Women were repressed re·pressed

adj.

Being subjected to or characterized by repression. , not only in the field of free work or Vetti, but also sexually harassed and exploited. There were many examples of such suppression; if the landlord fancied a woman, she was taken as a consort. Sleeping with the landlord on the first night was a compulsion to newly married women. It was the landlords' prerogative An exclusive privilege. The special power or peculiar right possessed by an official by virtue of his or her office. In English Law, a discretionary power that exceeds and is unaffected by any other power; the special preeminence that the monarch has over and above all others, . So, peasant women, along with men, came into the Andra Maha Sabha (AMS AMS - Andrew Message System ) and started an armed struggle against the 'oppressive feudal system and the fundamentalist fundamentalist



An investor who selects securities to buy and sell on the basis of fundamental analysis. Compare technician. militia of the Nizam--the Razkars".



In 1928, people established Andhra Maha Sabha converting it from the Andhra Jana Sangam For other uses of Sangam see Sangam (disambiguation).



Sangams were Tamil academies, which according to Tamil legends, enabled poets and authors to gather periodically to publish their work.[1]. , which was established in 1921 with the objectives of social and cultural uplift of the Telugu people Telugu people are an ethnic group primarily located in the state of Andhra Pradesh in India and neighbouring areas such as Pondicherry, Tamilnadu, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Chattisgarh and Orissa (the areas bordering Andhra Pradesh). . It changed not only the name but also the objectives from socio-cultural to political activity. Earlier, it was common organization to all--The RSS (Really Simple Syndication) A syndication format that was developed by Netscape in 1999 and became very popular for aggregating updates to blogs and the news sites. RSS has also stood for "Rich Site Summary" and "RDF Site Summary. , Congress and even to the nonpolitical--who wanted change in society. In 1930, the Andra Mahila Sabha and, in 1937, the Mahila Nay Jivan Mandal had formed in co-ordination with AMS. These organizations are credited to bring women into the movement. During 1940-42, some important leaders of the AMS went under the communist leadership and assumed AMS into the character of a mass organization. AMS went into an armed struggle with decision made in November 1946. The struggle was extended form of grass root level resistance, using local weapons to resist against the regime. The movement was also considered in which "the Mao's thought was first put into practice out of China" (Louis 2002:49). The first struggle took place to support Ailimma, a women who was threatened by landlord's Goondas, taking up of local arms e.g. lathis, slings and stones for volunteers and pounding sticks and chilly powder for the women as well. Later, volunteer squads were not only formed but also trained in using these kinds of weapons. They started to make local weapons professionally. They even used modern weapons. Several struggles took place between squads and Nizam's supporters. The rebels seized arms 'raiding police stations and landlord's houses'. But women did not leave their strategy to use local means to defend themselves against the police. Women used to attack the police with pots full of chilly powder.



Ruler's oppression was not a single cause of women's participation in the revolt. Women-oriented programmes of Sanghams were other reasons; when such women's issues like wife-beating, early marriage of child age come up, the Shangam immediately called the people concerned, held debates and resolved the matters. Misbehaviour MISBEHAVIOUR. Improper or unlawful conduct. See 2 Mart. N. S. 683.

2. A party guilty of misbehaviour; as, for example, to threaten to do injury to another, may be bound to his good behaviour and thus restrained. See Good Behaviour.

3. to the women was started to be severely punished. These rules were practiced even in their organization which attracted women to join the Shangam. For instance, Shankar, a member of organization was accused of raping and mismanaging the party funds, and faced the firing squad. According to according to

prep.

1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.



2. In keeping with: according to instructions.



3. them, these punishments were declared by the people themselves as the correct line of action.



"Large number of peasants spontaneously participated in the struggle directed against the government, landlords and their agents. The insurgents Insurgents, in U.S. history, the Republican Senators and Representatives who in 1909–10 rose against the Republican standpatters controlling Congress, to oppose the Payne-Aldrich tariff and the dictatorial power of House speaker Joseph G. Cannon. had neither firearms This is an extensive list of small arms — pistol, machine gun, grenade launcher, anti-tank rifle — that includes variants.



: Top - 0–9 A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z



A



A-91 (Russia - Compact Assault Rifle - 5.

nor training but were required to use them. A few volunteers' corps had come into existence, which were not so much well organized guerrilla squads, but ad hoc For this purpose. Meaning "to this" in Latin, it refers to dealing with special situations as they occur rather than functions that are repeated on a regular basis. See ad hoc query and ad hoc mode. formation in response to the situation. Initially the revolt was spasmodic spasmodic /spas·mod·ic/ (spaz-mod´ik) of the nature of a spasm; occurring in spasms.

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spas·mod·ic

adj.

1. Relating to, affected by, or having the character of a spasm; convulsive. " (Dhanaghare 1983: 195) and later it became regular and usual between the people and state security forces when the rebellion received support from all, especially the women. By such enthusiastic participation both men and women, they were able to carry some social transformations in the society. They ousted several police stations from the village, Vetti was abolished and thousands of acres of land distributed, debts to be paid were dismissed. The struggle could not reached in the aim of the organizer; when the Indian union armies were deployed against the Nizam, the movement also started to face lots of troubles. After the Nizam surrender in September 1948 to the Indian Army, the communists and the movement became the target of the Indian Union Army. Then, the party and its cadre (company) CADRE - The US software engineering vendor which merged with Bachman Information Systems to form Cayenne Software in July 1996. were compelled to leave the villages. Party tried to organize the tribal people for fighting against the local governmental institutions e.g. forest officials and moneylenders "who subjected them to exploitation". However, it was not an alternative to continue emergency. The politburo politburo, the former central policy-making and governing body of the Communist party of the Soviet Union and, with minor variations, of other Communist parties. of the party, finally, took the decision on 21 October 1951 to call off the struggle citing "the increased repression by the Indian union army."



The Maoists Movement in Nepal



The Maoist insurgency in·sur·gen·cy

n. pl. in·sur·gen·cies

1. The quality or circumstance of being rebellious.



2. An instance of rebellion; an insurgence.





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insurgency, insurgence

1. , for the last ten years, spread all over the country. Some 15,000 people have already lost their lives since 13 February 1996. The cost of reconstruction of development infrastructure, until 2003, that was destroyed by the Maoists, is estimated to be NRs. 200 billion (2). Developmentalists argue that the Maoist insurgency 'is basically a social and economic issue and is produced and sustained by failed development' (Pandey 1999:12). It is true that the epicenter and heartland of the Maoist insurgency is Mid-west hill districts--Rolpa, Rukum, Salyan, Dailekh, Jajarkot etc.--which the Human Development index categorizes as the lowest rank districts of the country (NESAC NESAC National Electronic Switching Assistance Center (AT&T) 1998: 264-65). Not only this but also some political exclusions and brutal human rights violations are also fostering factors for the insurgency.



The involvement of women in the People's War People's War (Chinese language: 人民战争), also called protracted people's war, is a military-political strategy invented by Mao Zedong. The basic concept behind People's War is to maintain the support of the population and draw the enemy deep into (PW) lacks reliable data to determine the actual%age of women in different roles within the organization. Even statistics given by the Maoists are different from leader to leader. Hisila Yami Hisila Yami, alias Parvati (born June 25 1959 in Gorkha District), is a Nepalese politician and architect. She is a politburo member of Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) and a former president of the All Nepal Womens Association (Revolutionary). , the central committee member of the Maoists, has given tentative data by writing, "the participation of the women in people's liberation army People's Liberation Army



Unified organization of China's land, sea, and air forces. It is one of the largest military forces in the world. The People's Liberation Army traces its roots to the 1927 Nanchang Uprising of the communists against the Nationalists. are from 30 to 40 per cent" (Yami 2006: 66). For Sapana, company commander, more than 40 per cent are women in the People's Liberation Army (Mulyankan, Bhadra 2061: 14), and for Uma Bhujel, a central member who broke Gorkha jail and came back under open sky, the ratio is approximately 40 per cent in army and more than 50 per cent in other field (Ibid: 16). This is more closer to the number of figures in party and militia comprising approximately 40 per cent and in autonomous government and in industries, the number is above 50 per cent (Janadesh 2006: 8).



Here, a question must be raised about the causes, which inspired or compelled Nepali women to join the movement. It is said that some women are forced to join the Maoist movement by the Maoist and some are compelled to join by misbehaviour of the security forces. For example, Ganga and Sobha Thapa, who were 16 years old each and studying in grade nine in Satakhana School of Surkhet district Surkhet district, a part of Bheri zone, is one of the seventy-five districts of Nepal, a landlocked country of South Asia. The district, with Birendranagar as its district headquarters, covers an area of 2,451 km² and has a population (2001) of 288,527. , were abducted abducted Distal angulation of an extremity away from the midline of the body in a transverse plane and away from a sagittal plane passing through the proximal aspect of the foot or part, or away from some other specified reference point by the Maoist on 29 September, 2005 (3). Shanti

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Shanti (from Sanskrit शािन्‍त śāntiḥ) can mean:

Inner peace

Ksanti, is one of the paramitas of Buddhism



16, Resmi 16 and Binita 15 are the examples of how the security personnel irritated ir·ri·tate

v. ir·ri·tat·ed, ir·ri·tat·ing, ir·ri·tates



v.tr.

1. To rouse to impatience or anger; annoy: a loud bossy voice that irritates listeners. the students and general people. (4) Brutal suppressions of security forces have also encouraged young girls to join the militia either for their own security or for taking revenge. Being revengeful after the murder of their relatives by the security forces, women have participated in the Maoist organization. Sarita is a perfect example to support the argument. She took gun after her innocent brother was killed by the army (Paudel,2004:14). For the sake of revenge, she joined the movement. Low success in school leaving certificate The School Leaving Certificate is the final exam in Nepal secondary school system and is commonly called the School Leaving Certificate (SLC) Examination. Every student must appear in this exam after they complete grade 10th of their study before they join the higher examination and lack of training options for engaging students failing their school level examination is another main factor for their joining the Maoist movement in order to escape idleness and frustration (Karki and Bhattarai 2003:5)



Apart from that, propaganda of women's liberation Women's Liberation

Noun



a movement promoting the removal of inequalities based upon the assumption that men are superior to women Also called: (women's lib) , equality in the Maoists organization in opportunity, in award and promotion, the hope of all kinds of emancipation, and on-going women related social reform programmes like anti-alcohol, anti-gambling campaigns, anti-sexual violence programmes, anti-women exploitation programmes are the main attractions for women participate and support the movement. Some are there only for "romance, pleasure, and luxury". But, there is a consensus that the credit has to be given to the Maoists for "widespread women's awareness in the Nepalese history" (Mulyankan, August-September 2004: 13).



Slogans about 'progressive education' rather than 'bourgeois education' and love/ courtship courtship



paying attention to a member of the opposite sex with a view to mating; occurs in farm animals but is not highly developed other than estral display by the female and seeking by the male, activities that are rather more pragmatic than implied in the definition. is also a vital factor for women's attraction. Orthodox social system towards the widow is another cause for compelling women to join. In Nepal, generally, girls are not allowed to choose their own partners and to decide her marriage; still the society does not tolerate love marriage easily. If the love affair is inter-caste, acceptance is difficult by both, the parents and the society. Increment To add a number to another number. Incrementing a counter means adding 1 to its current value. of Widow population and the unchanged social perception on widow marriage seems another factor, which led women to join the movement. After Maoist movement, 15,000 people are killed; most of them are male leaving behind young widows in the society. However, the society does not accept a widow-marriage easily. In a patriarchal society in Nepal, if people are involved in these activities, a female have to face social degradation in comparison to their male counterparts. In such a situation, the Maoist movement became accommodative to socially mistreated women. It is said that a majority of women in the movement are "influenced by superficial factors (Bhool Bhulaiya) than deep knowledge and understanding of state affairs, political process, gender exploitation, women rights etc" (Adhikari 2006, an unpublished paper). Denying these factors, Hisila Yami, a senior woman Maoists leader said that the women are not recruited for party's "contemporary advantages" but hired because of "their double resistance capacity than man" (Mulyankan, August-September, 2004: 12-18).



To sum up the social reality, which promoted women to join the Maoists movement, we can agree with the argument made by a political scientist Kapil shrestha. He argues, "after democracy in 1990 some positive changes towards women participation in politics has appeared, but sociologically speaking most of the Nepalese women politicians belong to 'the small upper strata of urban, middle class, upper caste caste [Port., casta=basket], ranked groups based on heredity within rigid systems of social stratification, especially those that constitute Hindu India. Some scholars, in fact, deny that true caste systems are found outside India. and educated elite background not from the rural, grassroots or low caste background" (Shrestha 2001).



Comparison



We can compare both struggles on the basis of its objectives, goals and achievements. Apart from that, the paper tried to examine validities and reliabilities by observing available narratives, and data of both the movement. First, the Telengana movement was declared against the Nizam's oppression. The Telengana struggle supported to abolish the Nizam feudalism feudalism (fy`dəlĭzəm), form of political and social organization typical of Western Europe from the dissolution of Charlemagne's empire to the rise of the absolute monarchies. from Telengana. It seemed that the Telengana struggle was more focused on democracy and freedom. However, the Maoist Movement in Nepal has been launched after the restoration of democracy in 1990, which provisioned, at least, freedom to the people. Abolishing the monarchy and establishing the "Democratic Republic" were the said specific objectives of the Maoists of Nepal.



Second, the Telengana movement had supported the independent struggle of India from British colony. If such a disturbance had not occurred in several parts of India, Britain could have taken the independent struggle at face value and they could have tried to use more force against the struggle. People were able to raise slogan against the feudal and brutal regime and able to abolish not only local principality but also it's backbone--the colonial power. Ultimately, the Nizam principality was abolished after the departure of the British from India.



Although the Maoists have shown their eagerness to join the "competitive democracy" and signed different agreements (12-point agreements in November 2005 and Eight points agreements in June 2005) with seven party alliance (SPA), their earlier targets were SPA cadres in the villages undermining democracy. The Maoists killed, injured in·jure

tr.v. in·jured, in·jur·ing, in·jures

1. To cause physical harm to; hurt.



2. To cause damage to; impair.



3. and compelled people to leave the village, who were believed to be at least progressive than any feudal regimes. The SPA cadres were not only tortured but also banned from launching political activities in the Maoists-influenced-areas. Apart from such 'undemocratic' behaviours against the democratic forces, the Maoists claimed that they had a "tacit understanding" with King Birendra. These activities of the Maoists compelled the people to be skeptical. The doubt of the people was 'the objectives of the Maoists movement was not to strengthen the freedom and democracy but to support the undemocratic and feudal regime'. The suspicion of the people over the Maoists was obvious because the monarchy itself has been considered as "the main obstacle for strengthening the democracy in Nepal".



The doubt of the people over the Maoists increased, when both Maoists and the king trapped democratic forces or parliamentary parties, in Nepal. On the one hand, as mentioned earlier, the Maoists banned the movements of the parliamentary parties in the countryside, which made the government unable for holding of the parliamentary and local elections. On the other, the king started ruling the country blaming the democratic government for its' 'incompetence' to holding the election and for maintaining the peace and security in the country. It is said that the democratic process was initially disturbed by rampant violent activities of the Maoists; even the democratically elected government was triggered to impose the state of emergency and termed the Maoists as 'terrorists'. The Maoist activities became major 'trump card' for the king to be used in asking support for his autocratic regime.



As a consequence more than forty thousand women's representation in different democratic agencies was directly hit antagonizing them. However, the Maoists defended such antagonism antagonism /an·tag·o·nism/ (an-tag´o-nizm) opposition or contrariety between similar things, as between muscles, medicines, or organisms; cf. antibiosis.

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an·tag·o·nism

n. as the initial compulsion when they were weak. Prachanda, in an interview defended it and said such strategy was there only for "extended political disclose to establish the ideology and to preserve the power when the party was overall weak in ideology, politics, organization and physical power". Now, according to him, they are trying to bring all possible force together because they are now "strong and reached near the strategic aim" (Prachanda in Janadesh 2006: 15-16).



Third, both the struggles, the Maoist movement and Telengana movement have definitely empowered women, sometimes knowingly and sometimes unknowingly. Although the Telangana struggle was called off without success, it has has brought some qualitative changes in women and in their life. After 40 years of the unsuccessful struggle, women still have no guilty feeling for the struggle but they took pride on it. Somaka of Vimpati who participated in Telangana struggle says, "in those days, could we sit and talk to you like this? Today we can do that. If we dressed up well, if we put kumkum The introduction to this article provides insufficient context for those unfamiliar with the subject matter.

Please help [ improve the introduction] to meet Wikipedia's layout standards. You can discuss the issue on the talk page. they used to say, what does she think herself?" (Sangathana 1989: 16). For her, that sort of empowerment was gained by the struggle, although the entire problems were not solved. Another woman participant Kausila was also satisfied by the achieved things. She says, "we didn't know what was behind this wall. We could never go out. Now we go out and look to our agricultural works (Ibid: 16)."



One question may be raised about how the women are empowered by the Maoist's movement. Some direct and indirect factors created by the movement, however, have led the women to be empowered. The Maoists' conflict compelled majority of the male members to leave their home into urban area or escape to the jungle to join the Maoist guerrilla force Noun 1. guerrilla force - an irregular armed force that fights by sabotage and harassment; often rural and organized in large groups

guerilla force . Women have thus been 'compelled to take the responsibility of running households. They have compulsion to go and take part to express their opinion in front of mass and so on. Women were compelled even to plough the field to feed their family members, which was restricted earlier. Engaging more in the public life than ever before, they have become more vocal in community activities.



On the other hand, the active involvement of women in both political and military organizations of the Maoist party has boosted the confidence of the Nepali women as a whole. This has indeed produced a wide-ranging impact on the Nepali state. Now, the government itself has started to recruit women into the Royal Nepal Army. The parliamentary forces also have realized the need to launch more progressive and reformist programmes to increase the role of women in the political participation.



Taking all these factors into consideration, we can conclude that women were sensitized sensitized /sen·si·tized/ (sen´si-tizd) rendered sensitive.

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sensitized



rendered sensitive.



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sensitized cells

see sensitization (2). and made aware about their role in the society. On the other hand, they are affected badly by the ongoing conflict. Women have become double victim due to the People's War. First, they are the direct victims of the security force as they are participants, relatives, wives, daughters and mothers of the rebels. They are continuously threatened, tortured and harassed in the name of inquiry as well as raped, killed, and disappeared as suspects, rebellion and also relatives of rebels. Second, the Maoists also demand lodging, food, money and sex from women any time and any day. Rapes by the Maoists have been frequently reported in the press and field work reports, conducted by individual visitors and human rights groups. The Maoists are also following the security forces' footstep to torture people suspecting them as informers, opponents and class enemies. Third, women are compelled to bear the double burden because of absence of their male members who are either killed or are compelled to flee from their domicile domicile (dŏm`əsīl'), one's legal residence. This may or may not be the place where one actually resides at any one time. The domicile is the permanent home to which one is presumed to have the intention of returning whenever the purpose .



Although, the Maoist claims itself as a radical party but it is also not far from being feudal towards the issue of women. Only two women members--Hisila Yami and Pampha Bhusal--are among the 27 Politburo members. The same women members of the Politburo are also in the 39--member Central Committee. In the case of female leaders, only two women--Pampha Bhusal and Hisila Yami--among the 40% women representation in the Maoist movement--have represented in politburo and central level. In the military wing, there is no single woman in the division commander where most decisions are made. But We have to say that the issue of gender is highlighted and sensitized in the Nepali society.



After having a look on Latchampas elaboration, we can conclude that the women in Telangana struggle faced same problem whatever Nepali women are facing now; the fear of rape and sexual harassment sexual harassment, in law, verbal or physical behavior of a sexual nature, aimed at a particular person or group of people, especially in the workplace or in academic or other institutional settings, that is actionable, as in tort or under equal-opportunity statutes. , torture etc. They kept secrets and protected other party workers especially the male by facing all the troubles of the state security (5). But they blamed the party for not being able to evolve any policy regarding the women. The charges over the party by women is not only about its policy towards women in the organization, their main grievances are that the party initially appreciated and welcomed women's support in the movement by wooing, and later it distressed them in the way without any alternatives. Some of them left their husbands, kids and home in the name of 'emancipation', but they got nothing but more trouble. Reminding Party's promise to women thwarted thwart

tr.v. thwart·ed, thwart·ing, thwarts

1. To prevent the occurrence, realization, or attainment of: They thwarted her plans.



2. their involvement in the struggle, Mallu Swaraj, who commanded a guerrilla squad and was a legend in the Telangana, says:

In the party, they will see only what the movement needs ... So

when struggle was withdrawn they told us to go and marry ... we

fought with them. We said that even if the forms of struggle had

changed we should be given some work (Sangathana 1989: 271-272).







But when the movement was called off, the party had not fulfilled its promise by giving work to women. They themselves, who spent their whole active life in the movement, often felt suppressed when the party withdrew the struggle and asked the women to go back and marry. Women are mentally tortured by such an immature decision of party. Priyamvada who spent years in the struggle said that "she often felt like committing suicide" (Sangathana 1989:272)." Sugunamma's observation is an example how they got frustrated frus·trate

tr.v. frus·trat·ed, frus·trat·ing, frus·trates

1.

a. To prevent from accomplishing a purpose or fulfilling a desire; thwart: after party's order to women "go back and marry". She says:

They have used us so long and now they say go stay at home. How

could they even understand what the situation was at home? What

mental torture--I was really upset. That was my first taste of

suffering (ibid).







Kamalama and Salama are the examples of exploitation by the party where Kamalama, now, is begging in her village to feed her children and is carrying "liquor and worked as a wage labor to bring up her sons" (Ibid). They themselves are in doubt whether they got some achievements or not because, according to Pesara Sattemma (Sangathana 1989: 221-227), the struggle's initial aim was for land ownership and against the Vetti. Vetti was abolished but women were not successful in getting land on their own name. Women considered that situation as big blow and insult to them. Priyambada, another women participant in the struggle, explained struggle as failed action to address the agenda of women. She says, "after the parliamentary election and police action, these dreams This article or section needs copy editing for grammar, style, cohesion, tone and/or spelling.

You can assist by [ editing it] now. were--smashed-crushed like an egg. What a blow it was, after the elections, do we know where we were? Like a proverbial pro·ver·bi·al

adj.

1. Of the nature of a proverb.



2. Expressed in a proverb.



3. Widely referred to, as if the subject of a proverb; famous. rug ... lying exactly where it was through" (Sangathana 1989) Ultimately, when the movement was ended, women neither got land, nor enjoyed other sort of settlement. The slogan 'all sorts of emancipation' remained a fantasy.



Everyone who knows the situation of women after calling off the Telengana struggle has always raised the question, fearing whether the Maoist movement will also go the same way as that of Telengana struggle? The fear is real because there were no women participation at the decision-making level in Telengana movement. The condition remains the same in the Maoists movement because only two women members--Hisila Yami and Pampha Bhusal--were among the 27 Politburo members. No women are there in standing committee, which is the supreme body of the party. And, only three (two representing in politburo also, and another was Uma Bhujel) members are in the 39--Member Central Committee. Now, the Maoist party has dissolved the standing committee and the politburo; all the power has been centralized cen·tral·ize

v. cen·tral·ized, cen·tral·iz·ing, cen·tral·iz·es



v.tr.

1. To draw into or toward a center; consolidate.



2. , which according to them, is because of their forth-coming general convention. In the military wing, there is only a single woman, Sapana is the company commander where they claim 40-50 per cent women's are working under them. The party and its women are still eager to raise the agenda of women participation in all the sectors.



After the Janaandolan II (Peoples' movement), the reinstated parliament has unanimously provisioned 33 per cent reservation to women in Nepal. The concern of the people is how this decision of the parliament would be implemented. The decision of 33 per cent reservation to the women seems unique and progressive in South Asia This article is about the geopolitical region in Asia. For geophysical treatments, see Indian subcontinent.



South Asia, also known as Southern Asia . People are having a doubt over its' implementation because of the traditional thinking of all the political forces over women in Nepal; till date, every party has offered the opportunities to the women for fulfilling the quotas. Recently after the Janaandolan II also, the position of the parties on the issues of women remained unchanged. Only a state ministerial portfolio has been given to the women; neither the Maoists nor the SPA sent any women in their dialogue teams, and in the interim constitution drafting committee.



After reading the narratives of the participants of the Telengana struggle, the research has concluded that radical agendas would be harmful for society, if the agendas were raised just to woo the people. It will not only be harmful to the organizer, but also to the individual or participants making them frustrated. Such frustration may possibly direct another revolt. The Telangana movement should be taken as a guide in which the CPI (1) (Characters Per Inch) The measurement of the density of characters per inch on tape or paper. A printer's CPI button switches character pitch.



(2) (Counts Per I called off the movement in 1951 but the party was not able to control its' activists to join another revolt. Those who were not satisfied by both, the achievement and the party's decision to end the struggle, tried to reorganize re·or·gan·ize

v. re·or·gan·ized, re·or·gan·iz·ing, re·or·gan·iz·es



v.tr.

To organize again or anew.



v.intr.

To undergo or effect changes in organization. such a struggle. After being unable to resume revolt by the same party, they tried to form an alternate party Alternate party diversion is an optional feature of telephone services, where a call may be routed to a different number based on time-out and precedence schemes set up by the customer. . Ultimately, in 1964, the split took place in the CPI and CPI (M) was created in the initiation of those dissatisfied members, which again continued armed struggle against the Andhra rulers in 1969 demanding "separate Telangana state" (Mohanty 2005:11-15). So, one can conclude that if some one takes weapon, s(he) rarely will quit the weapons before reaching to his target. Experiences show that all revolutionary parties and their accountable leaders can analyze the entire situation and decide to compromise by suspending and even giving up the armed struggle but applying such theory in cadres and followers followers



see dairy herd. , who took weapons after suppressed and marginalized feeling, has not succeed properly. For them, 'do continue the revolt and die in the battle field' is better than being back before getting something. The leader of the Maoists must think to prevent such possibility, and hopefully that may be the signal of thinking over it by the Maoists supreme commander when he realized that "whatever has supported for successful development of the people's war, it is the both, main possibility and main threat."



It is the desperate need of time to Nepali Maoists leaders to think and rethink about the hindrances those hindrances felt long before by Priyamvada, Sugunamma, Kamalama and Sattemma, and that group which split and re-organized the revolt after the wind up of the Telengana people's struggle. Every top-level leaders of the groups including the Maoists, which raised the radical agendas, must learn lesson from Telengana before they take any step forward.