The Indian dogs that are dying out because everyone wants a Labrado

It’s easy to identify what a German Shepherd, Labrador, and Saint Bernard have in common: they’re furry, adorable canine companions with massive fan bases all over the world. But what about the Chippiparai, Jonangi, and Kombai?

Even ardent animal lovers might stumble a bit here, but these too are dog breeds which have another thing in common—they’re all Indian. Skilled, sturdy, and well adapted to the country’s tropical climate, these dogs are great workers and excellent companions. Unfortunately, the other characteristic Indian breeds share is that they’re disappearing.

'They Still Die in Labor Room'

By Samiya Anwar & M H Ahssan

Taj Mahal- One of the seven wonders of the world, One of the Greatest monuments, dedicated to the memory of the Queen Mumtaz , by her husband Emperor Sahajahan, is a testimony and a grim reminder of the tragedy of maternal mortality, that can befall any women in childbirth. The probability of an Indian mother dying during childbirth is roughly 10 times that of her Chinese counterpart. Reducing the Maternal Mortality Ratio (MMR) by three-quarters in 10 years is now a Millennium Development Goal. Why is MMR in India so high and how far are we from the goal? HNN unravels the many challenges to saving mothers' lives.

Maternal Death - A Tragic Reality
Women, undoubtedly is the most beautiful piece of creation. She is not just a female, she is more than it. She is definitely a special handiwork of God. That is why she is wanted, she is loved. Men love women. Isn’t so and why not they are always surrounded by women. First it is a woman, to whom they are born. Then they grow with women as sisters. They are married to women. And also women are the one who reproduces the generations. Yes, because women are the reason for the offspring and growth of society.

But the same women are put to menace for procreation of mankind. They are often treated as reproducing machines. Not cared, left as scraps or doormats at homes women die anonymously especially the poor. For women it is a joyful start to a life as the mother and for a child a whole new life. It is really indecent that there is no man or women who take care of them or good medical facilities when the women are in need of special care and attention during and after pregnancy. Hence they either develop complications in the womb or die soon after child birth. Lack of education and short of medical facilities would be the cause. Many stories of women dying with maternal deaths are largely untold and unheard.

This is a social issue and heeds attention. Thanks to the television channels for wonderfully presenting the shows on social problems. Balika Vadhu, is such a social serial on Colors, which had so far portrayed the maternal deaths of young women. It is a mirror of Indian Society. The Indian Government estimates that 301 women die annually for every 100,000 live births. In some states the maternal mortality ratio is even higher -- 358 in Orissa, 371 in Bihar, and 379 in Madhya Pradesh. It is also estimated that few rural women chooses to remain passive. Laajwanti (name changed) a rural girl barely 16 has no complaints; however, she says “It’s a woman’s duty to produce as many children she can. They are God’s gift.” It is been observed that the maternal mortality rate has risen faster as there is pressure on girls to produce as soon they reach puberty. It is a shame to our country which is developing but not the people. We’re still backward. Right!

As the new data analysis tool reveals an estimated 80,000 pregnant women or new mothers die each year in India often from preventable causes including hemorrhage, eclampsia, sepsis and anemia. Since many deaths happen in the anonymity of women's homes or on the way to seek help at a medical facility, they often go unrecorded. It is absurd because we know about such practices, we have heard it, we have also listen to the news channels and read in several newspapers but still there is no official complaint.

Over 67% of maternal deaths in eight districts in Orissa were among SC/ST groups. Illiteracy is as much a factor as lack of primary health care. After achieving so many laurels in academics, still we’re not fully educated. Though the enrolment in schools has risen from past, our country yet suffers from problems due to lack of information and knowledge. Also in Purulia, West Bengal, 48% of the women who had died had no formal schooling. That’s a real embarrassment. In Bihar’s Vaishali, we can see 42% of the deaths occurred due to Haemorrhage, the most common cause of delivery-related deaths, with almost all hemorrhages occurring after delivery. Many women who delivered at home also died from postpartum hemorrhage. Eclampsia, a serious complication during pregnancy that is attributed to under-developed arteries in the placenta, was the second most common cause of death (17% in Dholpur, 19% in Purulia, and 27% in Guna/Shivpuri). However, the standard treatment for eclampsia, magnesium sulfate, was often not available in these places. These are the shocking findings of an ongoing survey across six states being conducted in co-ordination with the United Nations Childrens’ Fund (Unicef). India is still quite far from achieving the Millennium Development Goal of reducing maternal mortality rate (MMR) by three quarters by 2015. On an average, there are at least 301 women dying annually for every 100,000 live births. In some states the MMR is even higher—358 in Orissa, 371 in Bihar and 379 in Madhya Pradesh.

Causes may be:
- Early marriage,Hidden pregnancy, history of abortion, etc
- Financial disasters, No medical facilities
- Smoking, drinking and drugs (urban women)
- Lack of knowledge (like the example I gave about Laajwanti above)

Maternal death is a sensitive issue of human race. We need to curb the social ailments from the society. It is like terrorism killing the number of innocent lives in the dark of ignorance. Though it is hard to eliminate fully from the society we can generate proper awareness about the loss of humanity with every mother dying during and post pregnancy.

Maternal mortality: This India story is a shame!
Over 67% of maternal deaths in eight districts in Orissa were among SC/ST groups. Illiteracy is as much a factor as lack of primary health care. In Purulia, West Bengal , 48% of the women who had died had no formal schooling.

Haemorrhage is the most common cause of delivery-related deaths, with almost all haemorrhages occurring after delivery. In Bihar’s Vaishali, 42% of the deaths occurred due to this. Many women who delivered at home also died from postpartum haemorrhage.

Eclampsia, a serious complication during pregnancy that is attributed to under-developed arteries in the placenta, was the second most common cause of death (17% in Dholpur, 19% in Purulia, and 27% in Guna/Shivpuri). However, the standard treatment for eclampsia, magnesium sulfate, was often not available in these places.

These are the shocking findings of an ongoing survey across six states being conducted in co-ordination with the United Nations Childrens’ Fund (Unicef). India is still quite far from achieving the Millennium Development Goal of reducing maternal mortality rate (MMR) by three quarters by 2015. On an average, there are at least 301 women dying annually for every 100,000 live births. In some states the MMR is even higher—358 in Orissa, 371 in Bihar and 379 in Madhya Pradesh.

A new tool, Maternal and Perinatal Death Inquiry and Response (MAPEDIR), has been developed to analyse the underlying medical and social reasons behind maternal death and is being used across 16 districts in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, West Bengal, Jharkhand, Orissa and Bihar providing an ongoing, systematic collection of data to reconstruct and analyse the cases of 1,600 women—the highest number of audited maternal deaths in the world. MAPEDIR also informs health officials about the challenges local women face in accessing reproductive health care.

“The tragic reality is that too often maternal deaths are not visible. They don’t leave any trace behind, and their deaths are not accounted for. Unicef is committed to continue working with the National Rural Health Mission to promote surveillance as a key strategy to lower maternal and child mortality,” Chris Hirabayashi, Unicef India deputy director of programmes, said at a meeting with health officials from the six states who are using MAPEDIR.

“Unless we know the main reasons for maternal deaths we cannot take effective measures to tackle them. The traditional system did not deal with the issues adequately. Now using MAPEDIR, we can know if the death are due to delays in decision making at household level or lack of transport or delay at the facility or a cumulative of all three,” S P Yadav, director of medical and health services in Rajasthan said.

A team made up of state government health and nutriti on officials and NGO members, headed by a member of the local village council or Panchayati Raj Institution, conducts interviews with surviving family members at community-level with technical support from Unicef and funds from the United Kingdom’s department of international development (DFID) work under MAPEDIR.

Social and economic factors like the low status of women in communities, the poor understanding of families on when to seek care, lack of transport, poor roads, the cost of seeking care, multiple referrals to different health facilities and a delay in life-saving measures in rural areas have been listed out by Unicef as the reasons behind the high MMR.

Many of these deaths happen in the anonymity of women’s homes or on the way to a medical facility and so they often go unrecorded. An estimated 80,000 pregnant women or new mothers die each year in India often from preventable causes including hemorrhage, eclampsia, sepsis and anemia.

Who cries when mothers die?
Munna was nine months pregnant. She did experience pains few days back, when her husband and mother-in-law rushed her to the nearest primary health centre in Kushwai of the District Shahdol in the State of Madhya Pradesh in India. They had to make her travel by bus from their village, and then in pain Munna had to walk, which she could barely to reach the health centre.

But unfortunately the kushwai health centre, where they had come with lot of hopes, did not had a medical doctor for last one and half years. One male health worker mans the centre. Though, he puts in his best but that may not be enough for women like Munna and others who need medical support.

Inspite of reaching the primary health centre, she did not get any help. She has to travel another eight kilometers to Burhar, the place where there is a community health centre. The centre is fortunately newly built and has facilities for delivery. Munna did develop some complications during the delivery but fortunately survived to see her new born.

She was lucky but thousands of women which die in the state are not. App 10,000 women die every year in Madhya Pradesh during pregnancy or within 42 days after pregnancy. Majority of these could be prevented. Medically these deaths may be due to hemorrhage, infection, eclampsia or unsafe abortion or any of three delays. But fact is there exists a yawning gap in our health system which stands in between life and death of women in the state. This gap has linkage to availability and access to health services, infrastructure, awareness among communities of not only the services but even recognizing danger signs, issue of how where they can access the services etc. Studies also tells us that for every maternal death in India, 20 more women suffer from the impaired health.

But if the situation at ground is like this, and has been there. What is the state’s response to an issue like this? Does it impact the political leaders, their discourse? Does issue of women dying in the state is debated in discussions where funds are allocated or decisions are made? Does state’s machinery care for it? Does civil society raise its concern?

To answer some of these questions a dip stick assessment was done in year 2004 at various levels within civil society, debates in the state assembly, media analysis. Outcomes were revealing. First of all the issue concerned only few in health department. There were only handful of civil society partners, and their major role was to support service delivery system. As such there was no push or urgency to bring change. Interestingly, the issue had never being debated on the floor of the state assembly, a place where elected representatives ‘of the people, for the people and by the people’ decide. It did not impact them, many of them were not even aware of the fact that state has this high number of maternal deaths? An issue like this was never raised by the political leaders in the debates which happen there – an issue of total neglect at the highest political body. Media covered ‘event news’ around the safe motherhood day, probably they never got the right information too.

That was a starting point, but nevertheless situation has changed today. Today state recognizes it as a major issue when it comes to women and children. State calls for an action. It is on high priority list of the political head of the state, state party is being questioned on the number of deaths, gaps on the infrastructure and many related points. Today more than 150 civil society organizations are raising concern on the issue and demanding urgency and urgency of action in the state.

How it happened and what does it impact and what strengths does it generate? Movements don't just happen; the energy that underlies them must be marshaled, channeled, and focused. The principal means by which this is achieved in our society, and within our political tradition, is through advocacy networks and coalitions.

Networks like Madhya Pradesh Voluntary Health Association, Madhya Pradesh Jan Adhikar Manch and Collective for advocacy, resource and training, Madhya Pradesh Samaj Sewa Sanstha, Mahila Chetna Manch, and many others have not only contributed to help bring the issue at an individual level but as a part of informal collation added to that force which helped bringing the agenda on political normative framework. Some of the strengths which this informal network helped bring were the numbers of civil society partners raising concern on the issue spread across different regions of the state. From a handful few now it is more than 150 civil society partners in the state working in all divisions to bring the issue to forefront. The turn around is also in their way of working from being a service delivery partners or a social mobilization partners in supportive and submissive role in a new avatar of advocacy partner. In this new role civil society speaks on the issue of right to health, its violation, demands state’s accountability to provide for safemotherhood. In this new business influencing people who make decisions which impact human lives is the key.

The primary target of the civil society was to bring the issues which impact lives of women at the villages, blocks and districts to the agenda of the people who make or influence decisions, i.e. state assembly debates, political leaders, members of legislative assembly, ministers, media, rights commission etc. They had been to some part successful. ex-pression of this concern was undertaken by directly meeting and sensitizing political leaders. The evidences highlighting gap were shared with political leaders, urging them to rise above politics and give a strong call for action. These non governmental organizations wrote memorandums, shared information and collected evidences for the same purpose. Media engagement also supported by providing an enabling environment for change. Strong evidences i.e. case of maternal deaths which can be presented, health system gaps were highlighted which added pressure on the state and the leaders to react. Resultant of this solid gains achieved. Today questions on maternal mortality are being raised in the state assembly, the highest policy making body of the state. It is not just few many voices are being publicly heard on the issue. There is a increased concern within media.

From nowhere it came to a point where state publicly acknowledge the problem, and its commitment to act. Many new polices and schemes have been announced and that too in the rapid succession. This amount of concern and even expressed publicly by leaders had never been seen earlier in the state on the issue of maternal mortality. But that is not enough today empowered civil society and media is always looking with eagle’s eye on the new measures of the state and vocally points out the gaps This is a positive sign, where people are voicing their opinion. But it is not easy as said. Political leaders have started picking up real cases of deaths, gaps in infrastructure in the state, violation of rights, gaps in policies and seeking answers to what is being done by the state to response to the situation.

Advocacy experts tell us that ‘people centered advocacy’ is the best, i.e. position when people who suffer can speak for themselves. A step has been taken in the same direction by the engaged networks. Madhya Pradesh Jan Adhikar Manch in their work with communities helped to bring the issue to debate in various gram sabhas which were held by panchayats in Gwalior – Chambal division. Similarly women who had participated in various women conventions hosted by Madhya Pradesh Samaj Sewa Sanstha came forward and wrote about the problems women face in rural areas when it comes to issue of safemotherhood and why do women die in their villages while giving birth. As per sources of Madhya Pradesh Samaj Sewa Sanstha more than 200 women have written to the Chief Minister. On a simple fifty paise post card, they wrote by theselves and it was send to the Chief Minister. It looks simple but powerful, if it gets to his eyes. Recently a large number of women from villages across Madhya Pradesh have joined a signature (or thumb-impression) campaign to press for their right to health and to call upon the Government to ensure that the dream of safe motherhood becomes a reality. As a part of a special drive to raise concern on this crucial issue, more than 20,000 women from different villages of the State are now in the process of signing (or placing their thumb impression) on a various banners demanding the right to health and calling upon the State to ensure that the dream of safe motherhood becomes a reality. Madhya Pradesh Voluntary Health Association, Madhya Pradesh Samaj Sewa Sanstha are the civil society partners who are collecting these signatures/thumb impressions of women. They say that they do so after they are adequately sensitizing them on the issue of maternal mortality. Then if they feel that some concrete action is needed to improve the situation, they come and sign. Plan is to present the banners with their signatures to policy makers.

One might say that this is good effort, which indeed it is to bring the agenda of maternal mortality on to the political and action framework but it is still a long way to go. This is true. But if one looks back one and half years where there was hardly any concern, hardly anyone called for action, except few that too ‘within the box’. The focus was limited. From nowhere it has come somewhere, which is an important achievement by any means. Need of the day is to provide possible answers to the state, which is willing to listen. Answers which can help deliver results, within the context of the field realties and socio – cultural aspects – a new call to many!


Lhamu, a mother of twelve, lives in a remote village in Western Tibet. Three of her children died within a month of birth and the four year old strapped to her back looked as small as a one year old. She gave birth all alone, at home, all twelve times. But Lhamu was lucky. She didn't die. One in 33 women dies during childbirth in Tibet. Malnutrition, abject poverty and lack of any health care – however basic—plagues Lhamu's family, as it does much of Tibet. Tibet – vast lonely stretches of dead habit with nary a creature on its harsh plains and no economy to speak of. It can't be as bad here in new economy India, right?

Think again.

One in 48 women in India is at risk of dying during childbirth. The Maternal Mortality Ratio (MMR) in India is a high 407 per 100,000 live births, according to the National Health Policy 2002. Other sources put the MMR at a higher 540 (NHFS and UNICEF data, 2000). Reducing the Maternal Mortality Ratio (MMR) by three-quarters by 2015 is a Millennium Development Goal (MDG) for all countries including India. Achieving this means reducing the MMR to 100 by 2015. Part of the problem is this measurement – MMR data is just not there and if it is, it varies widely depending on what method was used to get it.

Studies show MMR among scheduled tribes (652) and scheduled castes (584) is higher than in women of other castes (516, according to one study). It is higher among illiterate women (574) than those having completed middle school (484). The key determinant seems to be access to healthcare. Less-developed villages had a significantly higher MMR (646) than moderately or well-developed villages (501 and 488 deaths, respectively).

"It is very sad that the numbers are so high even 57 years after independence," avers Dr H Sudarshan who is Vigilance Director (Health) of the anti-corruption body Karnataka Lokayukta. "Not only are the numbers from the Sample Registration System (SRS) high, they are also incomplete. We do not know how many mothers actually died during childbirth and why. Underreporting is rampant and people hide MMR numbers in fear of repercussions. We need state-wise and within states, district-wise data," says Sudarshan who was also Chairman of the Karnataka Health Task Force which made wide-ranging recommendations based on a 2-3 year detailed study conducted in the state. Regardless, the UN MMR numbers for India (540) are several times higher than those for other developing countries like China (56), Brazil (260), Thailand (44), Mexico (83) or even Sri Lanka (92).

Medical reasons
So what exactly leads to such a high MMR? The main reasons for maternal deaths related to pregnancy are anaemia, post-partum bleeding and septic abortions with anaemia being the most rampant. "Antenatal care is most important," declares Sudarshan, "and that is just not being done. This kind of care checks for high risk pregnancies."

Public health advocate Dr Mira Shiva agrees, "Hypertension and the toxemias of pregnancy can only be detected with antenatal care. There is a total neglect of a mother's health in India. [The situation] is disgusting because a big chunk of all this is preventable. The medical establishment is busy with micronutrients but that is not the answer. Giving one iron tablet to a woman during her pregnancy is too late." Shiva is coordinator of the All India Drug Action Network (AIDAN) and one of the founding members of the People’s Health Movement (PHM). Striking out at a more endemic problem, she says, "The real problem is food. It is all about food, the cost of food and the nutrition content therein. These pregnant women have to fetch the water, make fuel, work the buffaloes, etc., all on the measly amount of food they can afford. How can the nutritive intake be enough? It becomes a negative calorie balance. In short, what is needed goes beyond a medical solution."

Sudarshan echoes Shiva's sentiment, "We need to move from a medical model to a social model. Nutrition for pregnant mothers is very important and the ICDS Anganwadi scheme has clearly not achieved the hoped results." Where antenatal care is good, the results are good as well. Kerala and Tamilnadu have good antenatal care and correspondingly have two of the lowest MMRs in India. In Assam and Bihar where antenatal care is almost zero, the MMRs are among the highest. India has the lowest percentage of antenatal coverage (60%) among countries like China, Brazil, Mexico, Thailand and Sri Lanka which are all in the high 86-95% range.

While antenatal care is paramount in the prevention of pregnancy-related deaths, septic abortions are more insidious. What is worse, the latter tends to go unreported due to the nature and circumstances surrounding it. In many rural areas couples do not use any spacing methods and women conceive within 7 months of having given birth. Dr Leena Joshi of Family Planning Association of India (FPAI) is familiar with this scenario. Her voice drops with concern when she mentions abortion rates in the remote reaches of Maharashtra. "The abortion rate in these areas is just so high. With it comes hidden mortality from septic abortion deaths. Since the PHCs do not have MTP methods, the abortions are performed by quacks. And even if the PHCs or district hospitals have MTP methods, the people opt for local help." Why? "It saves them money. These are very poor people and transport costs and medical costs can be saved by walking to a local quack." As a result there are a high number of abortion-related deaths which do not get reported under maternal mortality. Dr. Joshi laments that everybody only talks about deaths during the childbirth process. "But since there are so many septic abortion cases it all goes unreported."

The problem of unsafe abortion is something that Shiva worries about as well. "Abortion (MTP) being legal in India, no one is turned away. Second trimester abortion is a big reason for rising MMRs." People come late for the abortions and complications ensue. And apparently these are not only driven by spacing problems. "Contraceptives are used only by women and failure of these is common," says Joshi. Of course, abortion of female fetuses is routine and it goes on until the woman conceives a male child. The whole scenario makes one shudder.

But all this seems to be not even half the story.

Take malaria, for example. Orissa has a high incidence and accounted for 28.6% of detected cases of malaria -- 41% of falciparum -- and 62.8% of all material deaths in India (1998). Malaria and pregnancy form a sinister synergistic pair. Falciparum malaria leads to abortion and still births in the gravid woman and can severely compound anaemia. Coincidentally, Orissa has a high incidence of sickle cell anaemia. The combination is lethal. The haemoglobin in pregnant women could drop to 1gm/dL (healthy levels are between 12-16gms/dL). While drugs are available to treat the malaria, the treatment requires a high degree of awareness and care in administration. For example, the common primaquine and tetracycline are absolute no-nos during any stage of pregnancy. But chloroquine and quinine are allowed. "But mistakes occur and are lethal," says Shiva. Acting fast and carefully is paramount and any deaths due to these infections are primarily due to gross neglect or ignorance. Orissa has one of the highest rates of MMR in India at 738.

Another key reason for deaths during pregnancy is post-partum bleeding or haemorrhage. The need for blood in such cases is imperative and access is less than ideal. Both Sudarshan and Shiva worry about the blood bank policy in India. Heavily driven by the HIV/AIDS lobby, they feel that somewhere the important issue of access to blood has been sacrificed for quality and safety since the policy makers are looking at it all from the AIDS perspective. Says Sudarshan,"The policy says you have to keep the blood in an air-conditioned room. But in Coorg, for example, you don't need it. HIV awareness is good, but blood banks need to be demystified and access and availability improved." Shiva adds, "It is imperative in case of complications during pregnancy to have blood available. But no. NACO only sees blood banks from their perspective and only in an emergency are you allowed to take blood from the banks. It is a major concern." When it comes to donation, Shiva points to an endemic problem. The strange connection between men, caring for women, and giving blood. "If the men have to pay a lot of money and go far to get blood for their wives, they just won't. And men will never give blood. They think a 100 drops of blood equals one drop of semen and thus, giving blood is related to potency. And so many times, when women need blood, it is not available."

Organisational reasons
Early diagnosis of high-risk pregnancies and complications and quick referrals are of paramount importance. But is institutionalising deliveries the answer? By requiring 100% institutional deliveries, the World Bank supported vertical program Reproductive Child Health 1 (RCH1) resulted in the abolishing of the dais (Traditional Birth Attendants), and Sudarshan believes, probably increased MMR. Subsequently, following a public uproar, the program was amended to advocate "training" TBAs into Skilled Birth Attendants. "Institutional support will bring down MMR, yes, but what type of institution is important," says Sudarshan. "The so called Primary Health Care units are so dirty that infection will probably increase because of them." "In Bihar, for example," explains Sudarshan, "80% of the deliveries happen at home. In Karnataka it is 70%." Joshi concurs with this high degree of preference. "In the Bhandara area almost 100% prefer home deliveries. And if there are complications, it means there are inevitable delays in getting more sophisticated care."

Now, if there were a skilled birth attendant (SBA) at the time of each delivery or for antenatal checkups for each pregnancy, he or she can recognize a high-risk pregnancy or a potential complication and refer the mother to a district hospital or closest emergency care unit. The incidence of death from complications would be reduced. Countries like Malaysia have employed this strategy to bring down MMR to less than 100. In India only 43% of deliveries are attended by an SBA compared to between 86% and 99% in Mexico, China, Sri Lanka, Brazil and Thailand.

Sudarshan himself is involved in training tribal girls in the Soliga communities of Karnataka to be auxiliary nurse midwives (ANMs). For a population of 3000, there is a sub-centre and for every 5 or 6 sub-centres, there is a primary health care unit. Sudarshan's team trains the tribal girls in each village so that the few ANMs posted do not have to walk the 20 kms between the 4-5 villages this program covers. Joshi's team in Bhandara also trained 25 local dais or Traditional Birth Attendants (TBAs) to recognize complications and give basic medicines and obstetric care in the villages, one to each village. They also conduct antenatal checkups every month in about 10 villages. But funds for such programs are scant primarily because maternal health is not recognized as a priority issue in India. "The awareness that a pregnant woman should be taken care of is just not there," says Joshi. "If a woman is not delivering, the attitude used to be, let's wait and see, maybe tomorrow morning she will deliver. Now with our training, the dais can recognize complications but the money to shift the patient to a hospital is still not there."

This brings us to the next obstacle. So say the SBA refers to patient to an emergency obstetric care unit (EOC) and let's assume that we have one of those for every few villages. How would the patient reach the EOC? "Transport is a big issue. It is appalling that we do not have EMS (emergency medical services) that is efficient and well staffed," Sudarshan states categorically. He is working on building one for Karnataka with a coordinating body at district level which has jeeps, ambulances, even tractors available for responding to emergency calls. "We have to strengthen the PHC and an EMS is an integral part of that," he says. Bhandara is not so lucky. "Vehicles are available in 50% of the cases. But they are expensive. In the day, people can use buses, but not at nights. There are several rivers in this area and the buses are not allowed to travel over these at night," says Joshi.

Suppose the patient does reach the first referral unit (FRU) with complications that say, require a C-section. Is that a guarantee for a safe delivery? Sadly, no. Few FRUs run 24 hours. Joshi's hospital has 2-3 gynaecologists where the recommended number for the population of that area is 5-6. "All the C-sections and hysterectomies are carried out by these 2-3 gynaecologists. In the PHC in the villages, there is one doctor and 2-3 sisters (nurses), but they are only graduates, not post graduates or MBBS. So they cannot even do a complicated normal delivery, let alone C-sections."

Even in Karnataka, the FRUs are woefully understaffed and in some cases dangerously mismatched. "In one case," says Sudarshan with an ironic smile, "an orthopedist was posted where an obstetrician was required. With bribes, these so-called doctors can get posted to any area they want regardless of what is actually required there." And then there is the big problem of anaesthetists. At the Taluka level there is an acute shortage of them. Anaesthetists are required during complications and surgeries. When Sudarshan's team proposed that nurse obstetricians and other doctors also get trained in anaesthetics, the proposal was shot down by the medical lobby. Human resource management in the health sector seems to be a big issue. Shiva echoed the sentiment saying, "We need trained people in PHCs. And people with the right training. There is no point sending patients who require C-sections to where there is no anaesthetist or ob-gyn."

Government
Now, if we had fully staffed and functioning FRUs, would that bring down the mortality rate? Unfortunately, there is still one more layer that mothers have to contend with.

Shanta lives in a slum in Bangalore. When she was expecting her second child, she had the good fortune of being close to a government hospital where care would be free. Or so she thought. When she reached there, she realized that she had to 'buy' a bed or sleep on the floor. She also had to 'buy' food. So much so that she even had to 'buy' washing services or wear soiled clothes. And when it was time to "push" during delivery, she was just too weak, and the nurses slapped her. Left and right, again and again. They abused and cursed. "Is that the way to treat a patient?" Shanta queries in puzzlement. "My mother's house where I had my first born was better," she declared. Her sister-in-law Prema now laughs as she describes her own run-in with a local PHC outside Mysore. "They wouldn't give me my child until I paid up. Luckily I had saved all year, knowing this would be the case. The nurse was actually someone I grew up with. I thought she would be fair, but no. Everyone wants money." As soon as they got their money, she was sent home -– the same day -- with no medicines or follow-up monitoring either for her or her baby.

Corruption is not a new problem. "Even if the most sophisticated PHC is right across the road the ward boy needs to be bribed with Rs 150 to wheel the mother into the operation theatre and another Rs 300 to wheel her to the ward and most cannot afford that," declares a grave Sudarshan. In his opinion this final layer is the most important and toughest one to correct. "Bad governance. The real problem is not technological care but simply what I call the epidemic of corruption in the health services. And this is not just in the public healthcare sector, the private is just as bad," he says. "Doctors in Arunachal Pradesh take their pay checks but never show up. There is rampant corruption in procurement where, in one case, 123 spurious drugs were identified but bribes were taken and they were not reported. Dialysis machines which cost 5 lakhs are bought at 12.5 lakhs. Poor people end up spending huge amounts due to over-prescription of medicines that should be free to them. This is the real problem and no amount of infrastructure improvement will bring down MMR if governance is not improved," warns Sudarshan.

Shiva adds, "The private hospitals are mercenaries too. They perform unwanted C-sections and hysterectomies where none is required simply because there is big money in these procedures." Sudarshan, who sits in the anti-corruption cell of the Karnataka Government has presented strong recommendations to the Karnataka government regarding this issue. He stresses that good accreditation, accountability, good monitoring, and honest reporting are the only things that will actually bring down MMR, given the other necessities are taken care of.

And where will the money for the necessary infrastructure come from? Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has promised that the government spending on public healthcare -- which currently stands at an abysmal 0.9% of GDP (one of the five lowest in the world) -- will be increased to 2-3% of GDP which Sudarshan finds heartening, but tempers his optimism with caution. "It is great that there will be three times the amount available today for a sector that needs it badly, but one must plug the holes first. No point pouring all that money into a leaky vessel," he quips.

So, can it be done? Can MMR be brought down under 100 by 2015?

Sudarshan thinks so, but he will give it not 10, but 15 years. "It all comes down to political will. Sri Lanka, in spite of the civil war showed tremendous political will in tackling IMR and MMR and setting goals for themselves. Tamilnadu has a Deputy Commissioner (DC) monitor maternal mortality himself." This has increased the accountability and responsibility of the people in charge and has achieved good results. In Kerala, awareness about maternal health issues is high and the citizens demand more. Literacy plays a key role in keeping the MMR low. Kerala leads the way in successfully reducing MMR and Tamilnadu is close behind. While people like Sudarshan are doing everything to make sure it happens in Karnataka, the awareness and more importantly, recognition of this as an issue is lacking in other parts of India. In Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, Rajasthan, Assam and Orissa where the MMRs are well above the national average, it will require serious political will and accountability to change status quo.

The Ministry of Health and Family Welfare puts plans in place with the best of intentions (see here), but until governance and administration is addressed, people like Prema will still have no guarantees of care without paying beyond their means to like other pockets. But whether we will make progress will also be determined by when the Ministry recognizes MMR itself one of the key "Health and Population Indicators." Today, they do not. (See here.)

Both Shiva and Sudarshan agree that what India does not require is yet another vertical program to tackle maternal mortality. Verticals tend to be donor driven and cost intensive. MMR is not a disease unto itself. Clearly, high MMR is a symptom of a larger and wider problem in healthcare, namely the overall health of the woman, and should be treated as such and across verticals. Tackling a lot of the broader issues of governance and infrastructure should bring down the MMR. The National Rural Health Mission aims to reach across verticals to integrate services and by appointing an Accredited Social Health Activist (ASHA) at the community level provides decentralized first contact care. Shiva was part of one of the Task Forces of the NRHM and lauds its efforts as broadening the RCH program. But in order that the NRHM succeed, we come back to the need for evaluation methods and strong accountability.

The health of mothers is directly related to a child's health and without due attention to the causes behind high maternal mortality ratios, we are ignoring an important determinant of the health of our nation. In doing so, we may be running the risk of damaging our chances for all-encompassing prosperity.

Ways to tackle maternal mortality
To check the maternal mortality rate in India, health experts have stressed on changing the traditional treatment and delivery system being practised in most villages.

At the 52th All-India Congress of Obstetrics & Gynaecology, the annual meeting of The Federation of Obstetric & Gynaecological Societies of India (FOGSI), gynaecologists from across the globe advocated the need to adopt advanced strategies practised in some of the countries in Africa.

“Lack of access and inadequate utilisation of healthcare facilities are responsible for maternal deaths in India. Countries like Mozambique have made good progress in reducing maternal mortality ratio (MMR),” explained Staffan Bergstrom, from Sweden.

Bergstrom added that the healthcare facilities in remote areas of countries like India are virtually absent, with no specialist doctors and advanced treatment facilities.

“In a number of countries with low per capita income, there is a scarcity of specialist doctors. Non-specialist doctors do major surgeries and fail to diagnose complications. Besides, many medical and clinical officers are being trained to perform surgeries in remote places, where specialists are not available. This is very risky,” Bergstrom explained.

“We should remember that children’s health is directly related to mother’s health. The MMR reflect the health of our nation. So, we should introduce advanced facilities in our villages,” said Gita Ganguly Mukherjee, former head of obstetrics and gynaecology, RG Kar Medical College and Hospital.

In India, one of 48 expecting mothers is at risk of dying during childbirth. According to the data of National Health Policy 2002, the MMR in India is as high as 407 per 100,000 live births. Other sources have put the MMR as high as 540 (NHFS and Unicef data, 2000).

“The chances of death of an Indian mother during childbirth is roughly 10 times more than that of her Chinese counterpart,” said Bergstrom.

India and other Third World countries have set a goal to reduce the MMR by three-quarters by 2015.

Also Read:

Motherhood Cursed Bliss in India

Obstetrical Interventions and Maternal Mortality

Death in Birth

The Heartbrake

River basin studies: A half-hearted attempt

By M H Ahssan

Impact assessment studies to understand the consequences of large dam projects have been de-linked from the actual implementation of the projects, thus diluting their value.

The Expert Appraisal Committee (EAC) on River Valley and Hydroelectric Projects of the Ministry of Environment and Forests of the Government of India has recently approved the Terms of Reference for conducting basin level studies of the Bichom and Lohit river basins in Arunachal Pradesh. The EAC has been constituted under the EIA notification 2006 to examine projects that apply to the Ministry for environmental clearance.

According to the TOR, the basin studies envisage "providing optimum support for various natural processes and allowing sustainable activities undertaken by its inhabitants". The Bichom and Lohit basins are among the river basins in the Himalayas where massive plans for building large dams and developing hydropower are being rolled out. More than a hundred projects with installed capacities totalling to 54,000 MW are at various stages of planning and implementation just in the state of Arunachal itself.

Often, a large number of dams are planned on single rivers or in single basins. For example, in the Lohit basin, a cascade of six projects totalling to 7918 MW are being planned, all within a length of 86 kms.

Such cascade-type development or a number of dams in a single basin raise the critically important issue of cumulative impacts. Often, the impact of all projects taken together is much greater than the sum of impacts of individual projects. Unfortunately, cumulative impacts are hardly ever assessed, as individual projects are planned and evaluated separately. One of the strongest criticisms against the recent plans of dam building has been the complete lack of any assessment of the carrying capacity - what level of development, and in particular the number of dams a basin can sustain - and of the totality of impacts of the number of dams and projects in the basin.

Indeed, when the impact assessment of even individual projects is patchy at best and often farcical, it would be too much to expect a proper cumulative impact assessment.

Against this background, the decision to undertake basin level studies in the Lohit and Bichom are welcome steps in the right direction. The TORs of the basin studies indicate that wide-ranging and extensive examination has been called for, as is necessary for any such study. The TORs call for "inventorisation and analysis of the existing resource base and its production, consumption and conservation levels, determination of regional ecological fragility/sensitivity based on geo-physical, biological, socio-economic and cultural attributes, review of existing and planned developments as per various developmental plans, and evaluation of impacts on various facets of environment due to existing and planned development."

The studies are to then assess the stress/load due to various activities and suggest environmental action plans that can involve preclusion or modification any activity and measures. Unfortunately, the good part ends with this. The way the studies have been structured ends up defeating the very purpose of carrying them out.

First and foremost, the basin studies have been effectively de-linked from the implementation of the projects as there is no requirement that the projects be conditional to the findings of the basin studies. Neither is there any explicit stay on the consideration and implementation of any of the projects pending the studies.

Logically, the basin studies should suggest what level of development, including hydropower projects, the basin can sustain. The projects should be planned based on this. However, the current planning and decision making turns this on its head. The numbers, locations, capacities, types and other details of the projects have already been decided. Many of these projects have already been allotted to (mostly) private developers who already have or would soon be approaching the Ministry for environmental clearance. In Bichom basin, the 600 MW Bichom (or Kameng) project is already under construction.

It is clear that the Expert Appraisal Committee understood this issue. The Minutes of its meeting dated 15 and 16 December 2008 record that "The committee noted that the study will be completed in two years and M/s WAPCOS has been entrusted with the job. In case, any project on this basin is submitted during this study period for environmental clearance, how the outcome of the study will help to take a decision could not be clarified." The obvious solution is to put on hold the projects till the studies are done. However, what the Committee decided is that "the report may be submitted within six months by reducing the TOR and the study should focus only on hydroelectric projects."

Thus, studies that would need about two years are to be done in six months (later this was extended to nine) with reduced TORs. How the outcome of such truncated studies would help rational environmental decision making is a question. It is clear that the environmental objectives have been sidelined with an eye to build as many dams as possible.

The TOR for the studies does state that they can recommend the "preclusion of any activity", which presumably means that they can call for any or some of the hydropower plants not to be built. In reality, such an outcome is highly unlikely, as is seen from the reluctance to explicitly put on hold the projects in the basin pending the results of the study. While the Committee has from time to time discussed with concern the possible impacts of large number of projects in a single basin, it has fallen shy of taking the right, but hard decision when actually dealing with the problem.

For example, the Lohit basin study was originally envisaged and put forward as a condition while granting clearance for pre-construction activities to the Upper and Lower Demwe projects in March 2008. But the Minutes of the EAC meeting of July 2008, while discussing the basin study note that "Environmental Clearance to Demwe Upper and Demwe Lower HE Project should not be linked up with the completion of basin study." These two projects add up to 3430 MW, a full 43 per cent of the total 7918 MW planned in the basin.

Further, considering that the studies are to be paid for by the project developers - in proportion to the size of the projects they have been allotted - the conflict of interest is clear.

An earlier such basin study - to determined the carrying capacity of the Teesta basin in Sikkim, initiated in 2001 - at least had a condition that no project will be considered for environmental clearance till the carrying study is completed. That study took over five years. However, the MoEF violated its own condition and accorded clearance to several projects even before the study was completed. On the other hand, based on the recommendations of the study, the MoEF has asked the Sikkim Government to drop five hydropower projects above Chungthang, and restrict the height of those below it. This shows that findings of such studies are likely to require significant rethinking of dam building plans in the river basins.

Neeraj Vagholikar, who is with the environmental organisation Kalpavriksh and has studied dam projects in the North-East since 2001 says about the Bichom and Lohit studies: "The reluctance to put on hold individual project clearances till comprehensive river basin studies are completed puts a question mark on the utility of the entire exercise. Moreover, the river basin studies will now be much shorter exercises instead of the comprehensive ones envisaged earlier, which are necessary for proper environmental decision-making. It appears that the Bichom and Lohit studies are more likely to be used to create a justification for the large scale hydropower development already planned than protect the ecological integrity of these river basins. One of the two key outcomes proposed for the studies - to provide sustainable and optimal ways of hydropower development - is a clear indication that the environmental objectives are of secondary importance."

The silver lining to this is that the second key outcome specified by the TOR is to "assess requirement of environmental flow during lean season with actual flow, depth and velocity at different level". It is significant that the Committee has recognised the importance of environmental flows, the flows necessary to maintain the ecological existence of the river, an issue that is increasingly being acknowledged as critical to sound river basin planning. One has to wait and see if the studies would have the independence to recommend preclusion or modifications to some of the hydropower projects if this is found necessary to maintain environmental flows, and if so, whether such recommendations could be implemented.

While there are several other important issues with the basin studies not discussed here, there is one that is essential to point out. The TORs for the basin studies lay out in detail many parameters that need to be studied, field data that needs to be collected, but fail to require that the local communities be consulted and involved in the process. This is a major shortcoming, and an indicator that the studies are reinforcing the technocratic approach instead of a participatory one that is the essence of environmental decision-making.

The basin studies for Bichom and Lohit are examples of a good initiative gone awry. The Committee's recognition of the need for basin studies is a welcome step. It is clear that this is an acknowledgement of issues of cumulative impacts and carrying capacity that activists, researchers, academics, dam affected people and others have been consistently raising for the last many years. At the same time, it does not go to the logical conclusion and hence has become self-defeating.

What the Committee needs to do is to re-define the TORs for the studies allowing them the two years that the committee itself feels are necessary, and redesigning them to require meaningful participation of local communities and civil society. Meanwhile it should put the projects in the basin on hold, and make them conditional to the findings of the study. If this is done, it will be a significant step in the direction of environmentally sustainable and holistic approach to development.

Millions Of Corrupt Chinese Apply For Indian Citizenship

By Paagal Patrkaar / Delhi

After the former Railway Minister of China was sentenced to death for corruption and misuse of power, millions of corrupt people from China are seeking Indian citizenship. “India is our natural habitat,” Pa Wan, accused of taking bribes for providing government jobs claimed, “We are ready to give 90% of money earned from corruption as commission to Indian officials if we are allowed to settle in India.”

Analysis: BJP, Congress Political 'Mirror Masks' Unveiled

By M H Ahssan | INN Live

Economic policies. Corruption. Civil liberties. Public Discourse. There is nothing to distinguish the two national parties. Growth junkies. US-friendly. Anti-labour and pro-business. Anti-poor but pro-subsidy. Is there a choice between the economic policies of the Congress and the BJP?

The Congress-led United Progressive Alliance’s Rs 100-crore Bharat Nirman campaign ran into trouble this September. One of its print advertisements featured the same women models in an almost identical frame that was used in the Antyodaya Yojana campaign launched by the BJP-led NDA back in 2000. The two parties apparently hired the same agency. But then, fittingly, the NDA’s Antyodaya scheme was the precursor to the UPA’s Food Security Act too.

Will Forgotten 'Ghost of Godhra' Make Gujarat Muslims To Caste Thier Vote For 'Narendra Modi' In 2014 Lok Sabha?

By Shaukat Kazmi | INNLIVE

ANALYSIS After playing Dalit card, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has decided to prevent polarisation of Muslim "vote bank" that can help or deny victory to competing political parties in the upcoming general elections. For this, the BJP has decided to field Muslim candidates from some minority-dominated constituencies.

There are even some within the saffron brigade who fear that his strident Hindu bias might alienate the Muslim community, raising the chance that they could vote as a block against a Modi-led BJP.

Focus: Where Are The Free School Textbooks For Children?

By Rati Kumar in Bhopal

In August last year, the a vernacular newspaper reported from Varanasi, that none of the students of class I, II and III had school text books. The whole of July had gone by without anything being taught in schools and the students spent most of their time playing. Varanasi is just as an example; the situation across the country is equally disappointing.

According to the Right to Education (RTE) Act 2009, every child in a primary school should have text books available on time i.e. at the beginning of the academic year. But the reality is far from what the Act stipulates. In fact, most children do not receive school books and even those who do, don’t necessarily get all the books and rarely at the beginning of the academic year.

'Lakhs May Die If High Magnitude Quake Hits Himalayas'

By Sudheer Sharma / Delhi

Over eight lakh people may die if an earthquake measuring 8 on the Richter scale occurs in the seismically-active Himalayan states from Jammu and Kashmir to Arunachal Pradesh, National Disaster Management Authority's vice chairman M. Shashidhar Reddy has warned.

The entire Himalayan belt is seismically very active and during a short span of 53 years between 1897 and 1950, four major earthquakes, (Shillong -1897, Kangra -1905, Bihar-Nepal -1934 and Assam -1950) exceeding magnitude 8 on the Richter scale occurred in the region causing vast devastation.

Focus: Crisis For India's Orphans As Adoption Is Being Abandoned By Parents And Neglected By Government

Abandoned by their parents and now neglected by governments — there is no end to the suffering of over 50,000 orphans in India. 

The adoption rate within the country as well as those by foreign nationals in India has gone down by nearly 50 per cent in the last five years. 

What adds to the grim situation is the disparity between South Indian states and the rest of the country in terms of adoption of children. 

Opinion: Why Indian 'System' May Completely Change?

By Rajinder Puri | Delhi

Not too long ago BJP leader  Narendra Modi addressing a public rally in Jammu said that Article 370 imposed in the state needed to be debated. The reactions this evoked were amusing. The BJP went on a panic drive to assert that there was no change in the party’s policy towards Kashmir and it continued to oppose Article 370. J&K Chief Minister Omar Abdullah retorted that Article 370 was permanent because Kashmir acceded to India by reference to the state’s Instrument of Accession which mentioned Article 370.  Modi responded by stating that a debate on all issues related to J&K was desirable. Upon that this writer urged a debate on the entire Indian political system.

India Unzipped: How Did Polyamory Become Synonymous With Sexual Liberation?

By RUMAISA KHAN | INNLIVE

Film celebrity and ace director Karan Johar recently established how getting enough of, or chasing, sex may not be a marker of success, happiness or liberalism.

Two recent high-profile missives have brought the question of sexual liberation to the forefront again. The petition by five openly gay persons, with illustrious careers, to decriminalise homosexuality, and filmmaker Karan Johar’s admission that he’s okay without sex, are powerful assertions of individual sexuality.

Today, Solar Power is the Best Bet

By M H Ahssan

Recently we had a 16-hour power outage commencing from midnight until 4.00 next afternoon. The inverter saw us through the hot and stuffy night but it, too, lost its energy by the next afternoon. There was no alternative but to bear the acute discomfort of an air-less hot afternoon. Outages are frequent but this was out of the ordinary.

Lazing around through the day drenched in sweat in the sweltering heat my mind wandered and sauntered down the years that have gone by. In the early 1940s I used to be a child in Gwalior which was the capital of the eponymous princely state. Although we had electricity in our rented house there were many others in the neighbourhood, including that of a minister, which did not. Apparently, even then it took quite a bit to have one’s house electrified. Living off the arterial road, we still had gas lamps to light up our rather broad, generally, deserted lane. Every evening a man would trudge down the lane with a ladder on his shoulders to light up the lamps mounted on somewhat low posts. He would repeat his trip in the early mornings to put out the lights. The lane got its electric streetlights much later.

Apart from lighting up the houses and streets electricity had very little non-industrial use in those days. Hardly any electrical appliances were available for domestic purposes except, of course, fans – table or ceiling. Right through the ‘40s, I recall, we managed the hot Gwalior summers with two table fans in combination with thick khas curtains with water dripping on them through perforated pipes. Radios, symbol for the well-to-do then with their roof-top antennas, were very few. The per capita carbon footprint was, naturally, negligible.

As I grew older radios became ubiquitous, so much so that they would be raucously blaring out film songs from paan shops. Even during the first few post-Independence decades of “Hindu rate of (economic) growth” (of around 3%) the middle classes were inflating, though tardily, and electrical equipment and appliances appeared in the markets to feed their demand. Soon electric kettles, hot plates, mixer-grinders to refrigerators made their appearance for making things easier in the kitchen. For the living rooms there were radios, of course, followed by electrically operated turn-tables, record-changers, even radiograms and tape (spool) recorders. To meet the exigencies of the weather there were either heaters or coolers, even an occasional air conditioner.

All these were confined to a very thin upper crust of the society – the rich and upper middle classes. Liberalisation of the economy in the early 1990s brought about a sea change. Not only MNCs descended in the country in large numbers, transfer of modern sophisticated technology also took place. The rapidly expanding middle classes accessed a whole new range of electrical appliances known as “white goods” and luxury items at prices that were competitive owing to the phenomenon of “globalisation”. What were confined to a small segment progressively came within the reach of a much larger section of the population. As a result, electricity today doesn’t simply light up the houses; it runs kitchens, helps in washing clothes, crockery and utensils, cools and heats the houses, entertains the family and provides 24X7 connectivity. No wonder, the per capita carbon footprint rose from 0.8 in 1990 to 1.3 in 2006 and yet nowhere near the footprint of giants like US which was 32.8 in 2006.

The veritable explosion of the middle classes and the accompanying growth of industry and commerce preordained a rise in demand for power. The supply, however, could never match the demand making shortages endemic. The country currently lives through a regime of extensive power cuts and prolonged outages. All talks of sufficiency in the near future are misleading as, firstly, there are not enough power projects in the pipeline and, secondly, in the current times of faster economic growth demand is always likely to outstrip the supply.

The problem is likely to get compounded as environmental considerations may inhibit the country’s efforts to install many more coal-fired power plants unless it is able to, miraculously, find a cleaner thermal power technology. Similar considerations may hamper development of hydro power. Already there are protests, for example, against proposals for scores of hydro-power projects in the states of Uttarakhand, Himachal Pradesh and Arunachal Pradesh. The current government seems to be banking on nuclear energy. That too carries its own rather heavy baggage. Apart from the long gestation, not only there are concerns relating to security of the plants, there would also be difficulties in locating safe sites for disposal of the nuclear wastes.

So far coal has been the main source of our energy. Evidently the country has to now go after renewable energy in a big way. Among the renewables are solar, wind, tidal and biomass. However, for reasons that are obvious, solar power holds the key and could be the best bet for India. With about 300 clear and sunny days in a year India’s theoretical solar power reception just on its land area is enough to produce energy that could be a thousand times greater than the likely demand in 2015, even if conversion efficiency of photovoltaic modules is pegged at a modest 10%.

Currently solar energy in the country works out to merely 0.4% of the total energy produced. The grid-interactive solar power as of June 2007 was merely 2.12 MW. Government-funded solar energy in India in 2005 accounted only for approximately 6.4 megawatt. However, the generation is disintegrated for applications that are mostly off-grid and petty in nature like street-lighting, water-heating, solar lanterns and so on.

Since the potential is enormous what is now required is a huge push for solar power generation that can be integrated, at least, with localised and regional grids. It is said that more energy falls on the world's deserts in six hours than the world consumes in a year. Africa's deserts receive enough power not only for Africa and Europe, but for the whole world. Hence, the Thar Desert with its locational advantages could become India’s solar-energy hotspot

Instead of entirely depending on the photovoltaic technology, which proves to be costlier unless subsidised like in Europe, concentrating solar (thermal) power needs to be given a big push. There are varied technologies that produce energy by concentrating the light rays onto a small surface to generate heat and use that heat to drive a turbine, which in turn drives a generator. Experts believe solar thermal power can play a significantly important role in meeting the yawning demand-supply gap (claimed to be 12% but actually is much more) for electricity.

While the Clinton Climate Foundation is mulling huge solar power initiatives of around 3000 MW each in the Rann (Gujarat) and Thar (Rajasthan) the Centre has launched the Jawaharlal Nehru Solar Mission. Mercifully, the Mission proposes, apart from striving for global leadership in solar manufacturing, to launch a major R&D programme in solar energy – a crying need for the country, given the availability of surfeit of knowledge-workers.

According to Americans, solar power is no longer an “eco-fantasy”. One wishes we Indians could ape Americans, especially the Californians, at least in respect of production of green energy. Power-starved as we are, like the Californians were in 1970, we need to act like the state by inducing the consumers to use less power, legislating for energy-efficiency in buildings, appliances or whatever, to foster entrepreneurial spirit among the industrialists and require the utilities to provide one-third of their power from renewables by 2020.

Given the circumstances, that shouldn’t be too much to ask for!

Environment Clearance Report

In two years, 952 industrial projects have been approved, none rejected. Crucial safety nets to protect our well-being have failed, exposes PRERNA SINGH BINDRA

That the repercussions of the environment crisis are more devastating, and far-reaching than the economic slowdown, is established. The key tool used worldwide as a safeguard against the devastating impacts of unplanned and careless industrial expansion is the Environment Impact Assessment (EIA). Unfortunately, in India, the EIA, rather than respect its role as crucial decision making tool, is reduced to a tawdry joke. Sample this: An EIA report lists two tiger species (though the world has only one), two unknown cobra species (if these exist, it’s time to celebrate), Brown Pied Hornbill (there’s no such bird), and Python aculetes (really? Must be new to science!). Other wildlife listed includes red panda, snow leopard, Himalayan black bear, musk deer — all critically endangered species. The conclusion? No major wildlife observed.

Another report counts cows, goats, buffaloes, cats and dogs as endemic fauna species.

These two gems from EIA reports were part of assessments by which clearances were given to development projects likely to have serious environmental and social impact. The second extract, from the EIA of JSW Energy Ltd in the Konkan region, classifies cats and dogs as endemic species, when a six-year-old knows them as pets kept at home. The first extract — replete with fraudulent ‘discoveries’ — pertains to the 3,000 Dibang Multi-Purpose Project in Arunachal Pradesh, the foundation stone of which was laid by the Prime Minister, Dr Manmohan Singh, in January 2008, in the face of stiff opposition from local tribals, and much before it got environmental clearance — a telling indication that a green signal is a foregone conclusion for a project. And why not?

According to investigations by the EIA Response Centre (ERC), an initiative of LIFE (Legal Initiative for Forests and Environment) and documents available exclusively with HNN, in the past two years almost all submitted projects have sailed through the Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF). Let’s be precise: since September 14, 2006, when the new EIA notification came into force, to September 2008, every industrial project for which approval was sought was cleared: 952 industries approved, none rejected. Nor did the 134 thermal power plants face any environmental hiccups, though it is well-established that such carbon-intensive plants contribute significantly to global warming. The one nuclear plant was approved, while only four construction sites out of a whopping 1,073, and 10 of 587 non-coal mining requests were rejected, raising the question whether the mandate of the MoEF is to protect or destroy the environment.

The law says that major development, infrastructural and industrial projects require an EIA, which must include a comprehensive survey and investigation — including environmental, social and economic repercussions — and be cleared by the Expert Appraisal Committees formed by the Ministry under the Environment Protection Act, 1986. But the law is an ass. And the EIA a farce practiced by the MoEF. Documents with HNN show how the Ministry has ignored environmental and social concerns in the face of glaring omissions, false information and public opposition.

Let’s pursue the JSW Energy Ltd in Ratnagiri district, Maharashtra, which first got into an MoU with the state, and only later applied for environmental clearance. The EIA conveniently ignores the existence of mangroves and reserve forests near the proposed thermal power unit. It also ‘forgets’ to mention that the area falls under the Ratnagiri- Sindhudhurg Regional Plan, which excludes thermal plants from the list of permitted industries. Telling of the EIA’s callousness is that it fails to assess the impact on fisheries and mango crops, which form the backbone of the local economy.

Ratnagiri is the home of the Alphonso mango, which is exported across the globe. It is established that air pollutants from coal-fired thermal plants damage mango crops, and consequently the market for this highquality mango has already been affected. Rues Pradeep Parulekar, a lawyer based in the region, who has been campaigning against the project, “The cumulative impact of the various power projects and mines will ruin this region, its marine life and mango crops.

We have already received letters from our exporters that if there are thermal power plants with sulphur dioxide emissions — as with JSW — our mangoes will not be acceptable under GAP (Good Agriculture Practice). We have already seen the sham of an EIA in the JSW case — I don’t hold hope for any others in the pipeline.” Need one mention that nothing of this carried weight with the MoEF, which, in its infinite wisdom, gave it the go-ahead.

Says Conservationist Bittu Sahgal, “The MoEF was entrusted with protecting our life support systems like river, corals, forests and mountains. It has failed. Its officers have the notion that their job is to remove all obstacles and facilitate the speedy construction of dams, roads, or thermal plants. The MoEF has lost the plot.”

JSW and the Dibang project are just two tales in a saga of fraudulent EIAs. The EIA that procured clearance for Ashapura Minechem’s mining projects was simply a copy of a Russian bauxite mine report, and has bloopers like: “The primary habitat near the site, for birds, is the spruce forests and the forests of mixed spruce and birch.” Forests found in northern temperate regions, not in the tropical ecology and vegetation of Ratnagiri, the mine’s site.

Another example of the EIA’s cyclostyle method is the Vishnugad Pipalkoti Hydroelectric Project. This EIA refers to the riverbed of the Teesta, the lifeline of Sikkim, though the project is actually located on the river Alaknanda in Chamoli district, Uttarakhand.

Even the MoEF admits that most EIAs are cut-paste jobs, “mainly executed by fly-by-night operators. Any Tom, Dick and Harry may do it — there’s no registration system.” But, the MoEF official hurriedly adds, “there are checks and balances to check faulty EIAs.” This refers to the National Environment Appellate Authority (NEAA), to whom aggrieved parties may appeal. “A futile exercise,” points out Ritwick Dutta, co-convenor of ERC, which has monitored and challenged faulty approvals, often based on fraudulent EIAs, for two years. “The NEAA has dismissed every appeal filed in the last 11 years — since it was formed — save one. A major flaw in the clearance process is that EIAs are prepared by consultants employed by the proponent of the project, and are biased towards getting clearance,” he adds. The NEAA hasn’t even had a chairperson for eight years, and no vice-chair for three.

Renowned environmentalist Claude Alvaris cites Goa as a classic victim of the laissez faire manner of giving environment clearances. “After 2005, almost all mines have been given environment clearance. The first set of mining leases were cleared in a belt of one kilometre from wildlife sanctuaries, and even to leases located within wildlife sanctuaries! The clearances for mines in a small state like Goa has crossed 160! It’s become the easiest parcha to get. Even if there are state policies that don’t allow certain types of industries, the Ministry clears them.”

When, rarely, the MoEF does ask for additional EIAs, it does little good. The Lower Subansiri Hydel-Project on the Arunachal-Assam border is a classic example. This is expected to drown 3,500 ha of pristine forest, part of a rich biodiversity hotspot — but the EIA glossed over this. Under pressure from various conservation bodies, an additional six-day study was produced. This included comments like, “The long and vast waterbody created by the reservoir will be a happy haunt for aquatic creatures.” Someone please inform these experts that still waters do not make happy haunts for native aquatic species, which need fast-flowing rivers. If it wasn’t tragic, it would be funny.

In a democracy, public participation is supposedly important, especially regarding a project with major implications for the local populace. However, public concerns have been callously dismissed. The first public hearing for the Tapaimukh Multipurpose Project was held at Tamenglong, Manipur, about 300 km from the site. This project is set to drown 270 sq kms (roughly half the size of Corbett Tiger Reserve) of forest in one of India’s two biodiversity hotspots, and cut 84 lakh trees. Similarly, in the case of Monnet Ispat and Energy Ltd in Raigarh district, Chattisgarh, the public hearing, was postponed, after which it was never held, even as the administration, on which also rests the responsibility, remained a mute spectator. They even began work without environment clearance. Regardless, clearance was granted on 26 December, 2007.

Public opposition is of little consequence. The Borga Iron Ore mine in South Goa was resisted by locals who feared loss of agricultural productivity and damage to water bodies. In the public hearing, the additional collector noted that “not one member of the public was in favour of restarting the mine.” But the mine is set to begin operation.

“The writing is on the wall: India has no environmental governance systems. If this continues, we might as well give up the pretence of environmental protection, public hearings, etc and say we can’t afford restrictive laws and prohibitory conservation measures — rather than waste taxpayers’ money over non-functional institutions,” says Dutta.

The problem is that the EIA process — ‘reformed’ in 2006 from an already weak policy — is geared to be investment friendly, not protect the environment. It aims “to do away with cumbersome environmental and forest clearance procedures.” Most EIAs, especially those on mines, are dismissed by Rapid EIA reports — studies done and data collected in just three months — though the EIA manual stipulates that over a year should be the norm for studies. Efforts to meet both the MoEF secretary, Vijai Sharma, and the Minister of State for Environment, Namo Narayan Meena, were resisted. This reporter attempted to meet the minister, but was refused entry by his private secretary, Rajeev Kumar, who dismissed the subject: “The minister cannot answer such conceptual questions. It’s nothing to do with him. He has nothing to do with policy. He merely passes on the papers to the PMO — the PM also holds the portfolio of the Union Minister of Environment and Forests.”

The watchdog for India’s environment has become a pet of the industrial and mining lobby.

SUSPICIOUS CHINESE WHISPERS IN THE BORDERLAND

By Kajol Singh / Delhi

Used in the political sense, the term ‘Buddhist problem’ conjures up images of Sri Lanka. But India could well be sitting on an evolving problem on the other end of the map. A spurt in activities in Buddhist monasteries and caves strung along India’s border with Nepal and Bhutan has of late aroused suspicion and unease.

Special Report: Why Blame Mufti On 'Masarat Alam', When BJP Wooed 'Separatists'?

The saffron party allegedly reached out to NDFB insurgents in Assam during the Lok Sabha elections.

It is very easy to adopt a hardline national interest view and hurl fire and brimstone at Mufti Mohammad Sayeed for ordering the release of Masarat Alam, supposedly the architect of the 2010 protests.

The BJP, being part of the ruling coalition in Jammu and Kashmir, is party to the government's decision to release Alam.

India's Water Woes: 'Hydropolitics' Is 'Reason For Crisis'

With looming water wars in South Asia, India cannot afford to be casual about harnessing and utilising its water resource, particularly when China is behaving like a hydraulic empire.

Water has the same popular appeal as justice, freedom, equality, representation and power. There is also something elemental or inherently wicked about water because searching for solutions to manage and cope with water issues creates a set of different problems that are political, emotive and divisive.

India Is Asia’s Dharamshala – Why Not Learn To Love It?

The benevolence of politicians and bureaucrats is sometimes no benevolence at all. For some time now, there has been a trickle of Hindus from Pakistan coming to India on short-term visas, but their real purpose has never been in doubt: to flee discrimination and violence against Hindus in Pakistan.

Earlier this week, the home ministry granted a one-month visa extension to 480 Pakistani Hindus who have been seeking permanent resident status here.  An Indian Express report quoted a ministry official thus: “They will not be deported. Since it takes time to take any decision on their appeals, we have extended their visas for a month.”

Sorry, sir, this is no longer about 480 people. For the last 65 years, India has been facing an influx of people fleeing either religious persecution or ethnic strife or economic conditions in all our neighbouring countries. But we have simply refused to evolve a policy to address all these issues. We want to do everything on a case-by-case basis, or, better still, ignore the problem till it gets resolved illegally: by people acquiring Indian residency by stealth.

Given the numbers of illegal migrants – perhaps running into millions now – we have probably become the world’s biggest dharamshala, but that is something to be proud of. It validates the idea of inclusive India. What we cannot be proud of is that we have allowed this to happen by accident and exception, rather than by a clear-sighted policy.

Our inward immigration policy is a mess. We have separate policies (or default approaches) for Tibetans, for Nepalese, for Sri Lankan Tamils, for Bangladeshis, for Pakistani Hindus and for the rest. Then there are Muslim Rohingyas from Myanmar and Afghans (a motley group comprising Sikhs, Hindus and even Muslims) and what not – and we don’t have a clue what to do with them.

For a country that was artificially partitioned in 1947, it should have been obvious that people will migrate here and there. As a secular alternative to all our less-than-secular neighbours, we have always known that immigration will be more inward and less outward. As a democratic oasis in a largely undemocratic or autocratic south Asian region, we should have had policies to accept refugees fleeing persecution.

As a rapidly globalising country, we have known since 1991 that Indian companies need to recruit foreign professionals to work here just as we expect foreign governments to allow Indians to work in their countries.

But what we have now is a patchwork and illogical system that has been adapted to exigencies of specific situations at specific times.

The Tibetans were allowed in in Nehru’s time. But do we have a policy in case it finally becomes clear that they will never get an autonomous state inside China and can’t return? What if they have to stay here permanently? Will they be given full Indian citizenship?

The Nepalese, under the 1950 India-Nepal Friendship Treaty, are allowed almost free access inside India – almost like Indian citizens. This is the most liberal policy we have with our neighbours, and has remained on the statute book even though our political relationship with Nepal has gone from good to uncertain after the Communists entered government and ended the Hindu monarchy.

When it comes to Bangladesh, we have three policies – or non-policies: one for Assam, another for some north-eastern states, and yet another for the rest.

Under the Assam Accord of 1985, anyone who came to Assam before 1 January 1966 will be allowed to stay and become Indian citizens. Those who came between this date and 24 March 1971 were to be detected but not deported. They would be deleted from electoral rolls, but could get back after 10 years. The rest were to be detected and deported.

The accord has more or less been a dead letter, since politicians in need of immigrant votes refused to implement it. As for the remaining north-eastern states, migration is either fully illegal and politically accepted, or we have restrictions that apply even to Indian citizens.

In Nagaland, Mizoram and Arunachal Pradesh, Indians need inner line permits to visit those states even as tourists. The Bangladeshis who enter India traipse around tribal Meghalaya, but have found an easy perch in Tripura. Together with pre-1947 migration, they have relegated the locals to minority status. As for Kashmir, Indians can tour the state but can’t buy property or settle there. Even if they marry Kashmiris, they can’t acquire property there.

As for potential workers and immigrants from the rest of the world, we have the most restrictive policy on board, where the intention is to debar foreigners from working here – unless they earn more than $25,000 per annum. This rules out any kind of work visa for foreigners in India beyond highly qualified technical personnel or short-term consultants – so forget about allowing for easy migration.

As a liberal, democratic country, India has an obligation to run a truly liberal and open immigration policy that does not discriminate. This is a country that took in persecuted people from ancient times to the modern era (Zoroastrians, Jews, Tibetans). We have even accepted invaders as our own.

This should be the broad backdrop against which we should frame a unified immigration and work permit policy. The policy should include the following:

First, we must have a clear policy for taking in refugees from persecution. It does not matter which religion or ethnic group the person belongs to. It is ironic that political parties are willing to plead the case of Bangladeshi Muslims, who can only be chasing economic opportunities here, but not Hindu refugees from Pakistan. At a later stage, we should be willing to take in even Muslim refugees from Pakistan – for who knows what will happen if the Taliban takes over Pakistan? Obviously, this policy needs safeguards, but if there is a will, we can put one in place.

Second, we must have a system of regularising long-term migrants who are settled here. The Assam accord specifically provided for that, but we didn’t implement it. We neither put in place an impenetrable fence to keep future immigrants out nor a system of formally recognising the Bangladeshis’ need to find work here – through a system of work permits or guest workers with no citizenship rights.

Third, India needs to work out a free-movement agreement (especially for tourism and work) with all its neighbours barring Pakistan. Setting a high salary limit of $25,000 for work permits may be all right for westerners, but not for our neighbours in South Asia. The threshold needs to be much lower.

Fourth, residency permits and citizenship norms need to be easier. Currently, it takes 12 years for a foreigner to get citizenship by naturalisation, and seven years if they are married to an Indian citizen. One wonders why this waiting period needs to be so long. Seven years is too long a wait for a marriage to be seen as legitimate enough to warrant grant of citizenship to the foreign spouse.

Isn’t it high time we opened our front doors to the world instead of winking at their entry through the back door?